POLITICS

LTTE’s potboiler for the south

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

The recent demand by the Liberation Tigers for the immediate setting up of an interim administrate in the north east “affording them legitimacy” seems to have raised a hornet’s nest, though in truth, it is rather an old demand accepted in principle by the two main political parties in the country.

But like the present weather conditions, the political climate too grew bleak when the LTTE decided to unilaterally suspend peace talks in April, piqued ostensibly by the US’ decision to exclude them from a vital preparatory donor conference in Washington. While withdrawing, the LTTE also blamed the government for its failure to implement decisions reached at the discussion table and delays in resettling refugees.

In this backdrop, Japan’s visiting special peace envoy Yasushi Akashi’s attempts to convince the Tigers that their presence was vital at the crucial Tokyo donor parley proved futile. Akashi sought to impress upon the guerillas that if they were keen to demonstrate their interest in playing a participatory role in rebuilding the north east, they should reach Tokyo where over 40 countries would gather to pledge assistance to rebuild Sri Lanka.

For a while, it appeared that the Tigers would eventually return to the table, pressurised as they were by the international community and their own cash strapped situation. But, three weeks before the donor parley, the guerillas are linking their possible presence in Tokyo to a previous demand for an interim administration.

Formal request

LTTE Leader Velupillai Pirapaharan last week formally requested visiting Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Petersen to initiate the establishment of a “new and innovative structure for the northeast with adequate authority and legal status for rapid implementation of humanitarian and development activities.” On Thursday, Tiger Political Wing Leader S.P. Tamilselvan declared that their presence in Tokyo would essentially depend on “the government’s response to their suggestions that should be concrete, trustworthy, honest and not based on verbal pledges with regard to the setting up of an interim administration for the north east.”

Openly critical, he told the media in Kilinochchi that the government should go beyond the parameters of the constitution and not be held prisoner by it. “It would give our organisation legitimacy and authority over the north east,” he added.

Whether it would establish the LTTE’s authority or not, it appears that the Tigers are demanding the space for ‘transition.’ The call for an interim administration, however, seems to cause much heartburn to the majority of the people who feel that the LTTE cannot be trusted as yet and need to prove their credentials before they are allowed to exercise administrative powers over two provinces. And such powers they feel would effectively wipe out all other political expressions from the north east landscape.

Practising its own brand of diplomacy, the Tigers last week sought the Tamil National Alliance’s (TNA) assistance to pursue the demand. A TNA group met American Ambassador Ashley Wills on Thursday to explain that such an interim administration was mandatory to effectively rebuild the war ravaged areas and rehabilitate the displaced families.

The group also briefed Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on the outcome of the talks they had with the LTTE leadership following it up by meetings with envoys of Norway and Japan.

Origins of the demand

According to senior Tamil politicians, the call for an interim administration is nothing new. “It was understood that we would have to look at such a structure when the militant parties require a period for transition,” says V. Anandasangaree.

“People should understand that a militant group that has not engaged in politics would definitely require some time to transform itself from a military movement into a political one,” asserts Lands Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne.

This concept, according to Anandasangaree has been touted for at least 15 long years.  Following talks between Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President J.R. Jayewardene prior to the brokering of the Indo Lanka pact,  it was agreed that an interim administration could be set up, which would be headed by the LTTE.

“The LTTE was supposed to nominate three persons as possible leaders and due to some misunderstanding, it did not materialise,” asserts the TULF President.

The need for such a structure was first recognised in the Indo Lanka Peace Accord of 1987, under which the north east was temporarily merged. 

Buried in the sands of time, focus next fell on the issue of an interim set up when President Chandrika Kumaratunga who came into office by pledging extensive power sharing with the LTTE, offered the Tiger Leader 10 years of self-rule in 1998.

According to the Time Magazine of February 9, 1998, “she promised Prabhakaran an autonomy package and also said if he stopped fighting he could run the Northern Province, using his guerillas as a police force, without having to face elections for up to 10 years.  She says the Tiger Chief did not respond.”

Kumaratunga was bitterly attacked by the opposition UNP “for offering the north east to terrorists on a platter then” and two years later, when Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe offered an interim administration to the LTTE for two years, the UNP was at the receiving end of a vituperative government attack for “compromising sovereignty.”

However, it is interesting to note that Kumaratunga who called upon the Tigers to “stop fighting,” when making the offer, did not urge them to give up arms.

Threshing ground

Prime Minister Ranil Wickreme-singhe who offered an interim administration in the UNF manifesto of 2001, reiterated that such a set up would be a perfect threshing ground for the Tigers.  “We are willing to discuss extensive internal power sharing without dividing the country. There is no compromise on the sovereignty of our state.  Presidents Premadasa and Kumara-tunga both attempted to discuss core issues at the discussion table. We have to take the discussion forward and in the near future, we should be able to discuss the modalities on how to share power,” he noted.

Addressing a public rally following the Jana Bala Meheyuma (people power campaign) in September 2002, he noted that President Kumaratunga had offered a much longer administration to the guerillas.

Despite the official positions of both the main political parties here, the issue of sharing power has often posed a dilemma to the south who fail to see it as a measure falling short of dividing the nation.

However, the Tamil political parties feel that the two main political parties should reach a compromise on the matter soon. “There is no way that they could back off now. It is what the PA leadership promised the Tamil population earlier and now that the party is in opposition, they should not attempt to go back on their word,” says General Secretary, TULF, R. Sampanthan.

UNP Chairman and Power and Energy Minister, Karu Jayasuriya told The Sunday Leader that the LTTE should not link their participation at  the donor parley to the issue of an interim administration, though the government definitely understood and accepted that the talks would eventually lead to the establishment of such a set up.

Opposition gathering momentum

PA Spokesman Dr. Sarath Amunugama who has been campaigning for extensive power devolution as a means to end ethnic strife told The Sunday Leader that the PA saw no reason to give into the demands of the LTTE at this juncture.

“We cannot accept a settlement outside the present constitution. According to the 13th Amendment, such a decision has to be taken by the President. Therefore, the Prime Minister cannot take a decision single-handedly even if he wished to,” he said.

Amunugama defended the PA’s original offer of 10 years of self-rule, stating that Kumaratunga merely “suggested” the creation of an interim administration and any salient proposal she created would have fallen well within the ambit of the constitution.

 Lands Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne sees this as a political move aimed at whipping up communalism for political mileage. “There is no way for either party to renounce its stance. We are committed to a position. But there is no need to get excited as it is only a suggestion with modalities yet to be worked out.”

Dr. Senaratne said that there were two schools of thought. Some feel that presidential sanction is necessary to move the necessary legislation while some believe cabinet sanction is adequate. “Many things need to be worked out. But the Tigers should not link this to the Tokyo aid conference,” he said.

Questions

Why not, seems to be the question raised by most Tamil politicians. “We have pursued our cause with commitment. What is the purpose of attending donor conferences to seek money to rebuild the north east, if we have no measure of control over how the money is utilised in our areas?” questioned  Sampanthan.

President, Sihala Urumaya, Tilak Karunaratne finds nothing original in the demand. “Kumaratunga made her first pledge on those lines prior to the 1994 presidential elections and had this gazetted in August 1999.”

The election manifesto of the UNP in 1999 had Ranil Wickremesinghe pledging a similar administration. After all these offers, the Tigers are now demanding their pound of flesh, he noted.

Karunaratne rejects the entire concept as one that seeks to permanently divide the country and a total sell out. The position of the Sihala Urumaya and the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna are similar. They feel that the Tigers have received much more from the peace process than what they have fought and captured during 20 years of warfare.

Noncommittal

 However, other Tamil political parties like the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) remain noncommittal. “It is only at a demand stage. No discussions have been held and decisions are not even thought of,” says Party Leader, Minister Arumugam Thondaman.

ACTC member, Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam encapsulated the need for the south to come together if the problem is to reach a final solution.  “We believe that the request is not unfair.  There is a great need for the formalisation of such a set up if we are to pursue rehabilitation and resettlement goals. After all, nobody feels the pain as much as we do,” the parliamentarian said.

Ponnambalam believes that such an administration could help streamline the present structure such as the pradeshiya sabhas that exist in the northeast. “Why should there be unnecessary fear? It is part of a process of transition for the Tigers,” he asserted.

As such, the Tamil politicians feel that there is a silver lining in the seemingly hardcore stance adopted by the LTTE.  “The LTTE no longer believes in a military solution. As reiterated by Tamilselvan at a recent media briefing, the Tigers no longer feel that a military solution is feasible.”

“They are slowly passing that phase of militancy. The modalities should be worked out for a set up that is acceptable both to the north and the south, but this opportunity to transform themselves into politicians, a chance we allowed the southern militants of the JVP, should be offered to the Tigers as well,” said Minister Rajitha Senaratne.