Only the guns are silent

LTTE cadres engage in  military drills in Kilinochchi LTTE female wing leader Tamilini raises the Tiger flag during a morning guard of honour in Kilinochchi last week

By Amantha Perera in Kilinochchi 

The most striking feature at Omanthai, the last line of control held by the army just north of Vavuniya from two years back is the lack of activity. When the A-9 highway was re-opened for civilian traffic in April 2002, Omanthai was a hive of activity. The line of vehicles waiting to enter the LTTE controlled areas stretched for a mile or two. Travellers reached the check point in the wee hours of the morning so as to be in the front when the road was opened in the morning. Lorries full of goods created another parallel line waiting for the goods to be checked and allowed through.

Last week, Omanthai was deserted, there were several lorries as usual transporting goods, but the line stopped within eyesight. Only a couple of civilian vehicles were waiting in the queue for clearance. It was as if the milling crowds of two years back had suddenly vanished into another reality, leaving Omanthai in the eerie grasp of calm in the war front.

Entering another country

Soldiers and officers of the army manning the check point said that the lack of traffic is normal these days. The lack of congestion could be due to the fact the road is now kept open for a longer duration, the novelty value of the Jaffna expedition has also lost its lustre. But, there was something more than these absolutely ordinary reasons that was keeping the traveller away from the now well-paved A-9. Two years ago rows of buses full of curious travellers from the south were moving up and down like giant square yo-yos navigating the pothole ridden A-9. Last week, the highway was a speed demons dream.

Crossing over to the LTTE-controlled areas, the feeling of entering into a different country was palpably clear. For starters, large signs now announce the different counters various visitors should report to. There are different entry procedures for ordinary travellers, foreigners, NGO and aid workers and of course journalists. Forms that include personal details of the travellers have to be filled and copies kept at the LTTE office. There are different forms for travellers heading all the way to Jaffna from the ones filled by others stopping in LTTE held areas. It is like passing through immigration at an airport. The only difference being, it is dusty and sweaty.

The LTTE's much maligned tax structure is now out in the open. Whereas two years back, the Tigers were not as transparent with the levies, now they announce that registered travellers should clear the tax officers.

"Kindly cooperate with us, in order to avoid duty deception," one sign said. It could just as well have been posted at the arrival terminal of the Katunayake International Airport.

There are liaison officers stationed to help out confused travellers, courteous yet strict they inform Tamil expatriates visiting the region that each van should make a donation of Rs. 4,000. Most travellers aren't put off by the request and pay up immediately. The vehicle registration book is verified and kept at the LTTE office. A receipt is given to the driver who can reclaim the book upon leaving the area for Vavuniya. The reason for this manoeuvre is to prevent stolen vehicles from reaching LTTE controlled areas.

The A9

Despite the lack of traffic, the A-9 nowadays is in far better condition than some roads in the south. It is well paved and maintained and is better than the highway that links Vavuniya and Trincomalee through Dutuweva. If the A-9 is the proud access road, then Kilinochchi is the jewel in the crown that is the economic cum political administrative structure of the LTTE. There is an abundance of newly built buildings on both sides of the highway in Kilinochchi. The LTTE court complex with its court of appeal, the office of the Tamileelam administrative service, the headquarters of the Tamileelam police force and various offices dealing with vocational training and education. It is quite clear that the LTTE has been able to widen its administrative structure from the mere political offices and police stations that caused such a stir when they first started popping up soon after the ceasefire agreement. The LTTE even has its own law college.

Early morning LTTE traffic police officers troop out of their stations for traffic duties. They man busy intersections, attired in their blue uniforms and white helmets. The speed limit can get as low 40km per hour at certain sections of the A-9 and spot fines are levied against those caught speeding.

LTTE has also taken control of private entrepreneurship. There is the LTTE run restaurant  - Pandiyan, its walls decorated with quotes from Velupillai Pirapaharan. "No country in the world has gained its freedom without shedding blood or sacrifice," read one.

There are LTTE controlled guest houses like the 1-9 Lodge in Kilinochchi where an A/C room goes at Rs. 1,200 per day. Pretty reasonable given that there is no power grid other than generators run by the LTTE. The bar that is in the same compound does brisk business.

Not only ordinary Wanni citizens out for a beer or arrack, but officials from the NGOs and humanitarian organisations and the SLMM frequent it. It was kind of ironic though to read a sign that said "is there a lion in you," just above the bar window. Then there is the luxury hotel named Tank View, just out of Kilinochchi, set aside for visiting dignitaries.

Anyone who wants to do business in LTTE held areas has to go through them and pay up the entry fees. The newest addition to bustling Kilinochchi is a Caltex service station. The LTTE also runs orphanages and other humanitarian services. It supports the White Pigeon organisation that provides free artificial limbs.

International recognition

While developing the civilian infrastructure at least by establishing the offices, the Tigers were also busy cultivating foreign governments and donors. Last week Political Wing Leader S. P. Tamilselvan held a meeting with NGO representatives. When President Chandrika Kumaratunga dissolved parliament and called elections in February, he was in the middle of a European tour.

In the US, LTTE supporters successfully challenged sections of the US Patriot Act that had prevented them from providing humanitarian aid and expert advice to the Tigers. It has been a concerted effort to gain international recognition and political power domestically.

It is in this backdrop that President Kumaratunga and her fledging minority government are trying to woo back the Tigers to the negotiating table. Speeches by the President and her coalition allies are indicative that they do not fully grasp how far and wide the LTTE control extends. There is even a difference in time between Vavuniya and the LTTE held areas. The Tigers have not recognised the changes to the clock that were made first during the 1996 power crisis and on another occasion. Clocks still run half an hour behind Colombo.

Double speak

The gulf between the new government and the LTTE is deeper and wider than between the Tigers and the last UNF administration. "The previous UNF government had a much better relationship with the LTTE because it accepted the demands of the LTTE quite readily," said Colombo based economist Muttukrishna Sarvananthan who has carried out extensive research on areas under LTTE control.

Kumaratunga has been in power long enough for the Tigers to realise the political double-speak coming from Colombo. "We cannot rely on what the President says today, because it can change tomorrow," Tamilselvan said the day after Kumaratunga met with the TNA parliamentarians in Colombo. At the meeting the President told the Tamil MPs that she was willing to consider the ISGA proposals and recognise the LTTE claim that it was the sole representative of the Tamils. The LTTE political wing leader did not give the pronouncements from the executive much weight. Nor did he feel that the President had made any concessions in recognising the ISGA and the sole representative claim, it was in his opinion an acceptance of the reality.

He was however right on the button on the extremely varying ideologies and politics within the UPFA coalition. "Lack of cohesion in leadership is the most important thing," he said commenting on what was preventing the stalled talks from recommencing, referring to the inability on the part of Kumaratunga to rein in the JVP into a more moderate stance.

According to Tamilini, the highest ranking LTTE female cadre, who heads the women's political wing, the real war currently is inside the parliament where a minority government's efforts to wrest control has gone as far as manhandling MP monks.

For observers like Sarvananthan, the present impasse is the worst encountered since the bilateral ceasefire came into effect in February 2002. "The prospect for recommencement of peace talks is quite bleak. LTTE will agree to recommence talks with the new UPFA government only if it would accept their demand for an ISGA. The President will find it hard to accept this demand, especially because of the opposition from her coalition partner, JVP."

The future

The Norwegians have been continuing with their shuttle diplomacy, but the Tigers do not appear to have relented, on the contrary they seem to have hardened their stance. When the ISGA proposals were first made, the LTTE indicated that they should be the basis for the recommencement of talks, now they are insisting on the implementation of the proposals.

The Karuna episode and the continuing killings and violence in the east have worsened the chances for rapprochement. Tamilselvan claimed that there was no doubt that the army was actively helping if not habouring Karuna and his supporters. "The Sri Lankan Army is using these elements to create a state of confusion (in the east)," he said.

The fear of war is now very real. Civilians in the LTTE controlled areas were more apprehensive about the future. The LTTE for its part has strengthened its security and inspections at check points. They have also imposed travel restrictions for outsiders, especially in Mullaitivu where most of the Tiger military hardware is located.

Tiger high rankers acknowledge that the army is replenishing its stocks and recruiting, in fact they would be surprised if it was not the case. "The army is buying weapons and recruiting, we accept that," Tamilini said.

She readily said that the LTTE had to keep its fighting units up to top form, despite the ceasefire. Since the present ceasefire, and even before that, the Tigers and even their detractors have admitted that it was the military powers of the LTTE that had gained it the bargaining power and the respect from the southern polity. A fact that seems to elude the southern decision making process, if otherwise, it is unacknowledged due to political expediency.

"The peace of this country depends on the strength of our army," Tamilini said, adding "we are strengthening our army, it is our necessity." It is obvious that the Tigers are far from giving up the dream for a separate state, cadres as well as high rankers continue talk of two countries. One female cadre walked up to me and showed a map of Sri Lanka on which the LTTE's claim for a separate state was clearly illustrated and pointed at it saying, Tamil Eelam and Sri Lanka our neighbour. Consecutive rounds of talks between her leaders and the Sri Lankan government have not diminished her desire for Eelam, nor of her senior commander Tamilini.

Emotions run high

"Our land has to be built, it has to be regained," she said and you could feel the emotions running through the mind of this 30-something woman who had given her entire life to the organisation. LTTE cadres formally with military units have now been inducted into civilian work. Most also undergo various study sessions that include IT, history and military history. Tamilini who said that she misses the time she spent among other cadres on the battlefield is taking political science and English lessons. Once again the impression that comes across is of an organisation that is attempting to effect an metamorphosis  from a guerilla outfit to a military cum political power house. Tamilini admits that she does not like outsiders looking at the LTTE as warmongers arguing that the Tigers never killed unarmed civilians and that all were battles of necessity and not of choice.

Female cadres currently serving in the political wing appeared rusty during a drill session, looking out of touch with the moves. But young women in their early 20s had not been removed long enough from the automatic rifles to feel alien. During military drills the guns became an extension of the arm. "This is my god," as one cadre put it, pointing at her gun.

Remnants of war

The weapons looked well maintained and oiled and despite the time doing political work, the LTTE cadres still treated them with reverence. The rifle is never left on the ground by an LTTEer, it has to be kept on a rack or on an elevated stand, but never on the ground.

This is not to say that peace has not changed their lives. The change is there to be seen and felt. People in the LTTE-controlled areas enjoy freedom of movement and access to goods and services in a manner unimaginable two years ago. Some cadres have gone back to civilian life with the ceasefire. Take for instance the story of Jeenithavathi Sithambaranathan, a 25 year old former female Tiger cadre who lost a leg in 2001 in a shell explosion during the battle for the Elephant Pass Army camp. Today she is the mother of one young boy and is expecting her second child. "I am moving towards a normal life," she said. The most valuable gift that peace has brought her is freedom, freedom of movement despite using an artificial limb.

She joined the LTTE when she was 13 and spent 10 years rising to the rank of major leading 150 female cadres. Today she tends her baby boy and cooks meals for her husband. "I hated that life because of the war," she said. Now she says that she has the chance to look to the future.

Looking at her while she is with her son it is difficult to fathom that less than five years ago she was clashing with the army. But, peace has not been in the lives of former cadres, present fighters and even personnel of the armed forces long enough that they would entertain second thoughts of going back to war.

Remnants of war are everywhere. When she draws water Jeenithavathi walks across used ammunition cases to get to the well. The fence around her house is made of barbed wire and there is an extra role behind her back wall. Even if she did not want all this, the artificial leg would suffice to remind her of the loss and sacrifice.

War still exists

It is the losses and sacrifices that combatants from both sides have made that is preventing them from reaching out. They still talk of friends lost or maimed in battle. During the ceasefire, there was no effort to bridge the divisions between the combatants nor between the two communities who have been swept farther away from each other during a quarter century of bloody strife.

If anything, the divisions widened during the peace talks as the results of the April general election would attest to.

"I will go back to war. If I have to fight so that my child will grow, I will fight," said Nilanee Sripathmanathan, another former cadre now working at the Vocational Training Institute for Women. She has not lost a limb nor has she been seriously injured in an attack. The mother of one spent 10 years in the battlefields from 1992. And vows that she would still honour the call to arms, because in her eyes, the divisions that separated the two communities and led them to war still exist.

Tamilini's words are echoing not only through the war ravaged north and east, but through the whole country, "only the guns are silent."

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