Anura Yapa goose steps to a new Gazette

Media barbwired

By Vimukthi Yapa

Last year Sri Lanka was named the third most dangerous place for journalists after Iraq and Afghanistan by media watch-dog -  The Press Emblem Campaign (PEC). Not 12 months later in 2008 amidst a growing culture of impunity and an alarming disregard for human rights unashamedly displayed by a democratically elected government, the country is today regarded as infusoria at the bottom of the rights well.

And even as Sri Lanka was dismally ranked 165 of 173 countries in a Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF) initiated World Press Freedom Index just last month on October 22, the Mahinda Rajapakse government on October 10 was to Gazette new regulations on Private Television Stations that would barbwire broadcasters in an anaconda like grip.

Draconian Gazette

The draconian Gazette regulations come in the teeth of several Supreme Court judgments that have thrown out of court earlier attempts to muzzle the freedom of speech provisions entrenched in the Constitution by the likes of former President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

The Supreme Court delivered judgment in May 1997 on the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Authority Bill which envisaged the granting of licences and the exercising of supervision and control which included terms and conditions such as offending public morality, inciting crime, racial or religious disharmony or jeopardising the sovereignty or national security of the country. The court in fact in holding with the several petitioners said the Bill could only be passed with a two thirds majority in parliament and a referendum under Article 83 of the Constitution. 

Article 19

In the judgment by former Chief Justice G.P.S.de Silva and Justices Amerasinghe and Ramanathan, the apex court called into question as to why the law should as argued by the state be benign in operation to the SLBC and to the SLRC while looking upon others with 'an evil eye' with regard to required standards governing the content of programmes.

The court also referred to ARTICLE 19 - the international centre against censorship - that took its name and purpose from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which provides that "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers."

Making no distinction between private and state media Article 19 emphasises the importance of uniform standards for private and public broadcasting and the importance of a single body independent of government.

The 1997 Judgment also refers to a US Supreme Court case which states, "The evils to be prevented were not the censorship of the press merely, but any action of government by means of which it might prevent such free and general discussion of public matters as seems absolutely essential to prepare the people for an intelligent exercise of their rights as citizens."

Controlling the media

And it is in the teeth of this and other similar judgments where the judiciary has taken a dim view of press censorship that the latest regulations are sought to be implemented by the Rajapakse regime. 

The latest regulations are aimed at controlling the independent electronic media with the threat of withdrawing their licences on a number of grounds viz: (i) detrimental to the interest of national security, (ii) inciting breakdown of public order, (iii) inciting ethnic, religious or cultural hatred, (iv) in violation of any laws of the country, (v) morally offensive or indecent, (vi) detrimental to the rights and privileges of children and (vii) in violation of the code of ethics, standards and practices of television broadcasting.

Ironically if there is anyone who is inciting hatred of all kinds it is none other than the attack dogs of the government such as NFF's Wimal Weerawansa and JHU's Champika Ranawaka not to mention the politically active Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka.

Withdrawn

The regulations also state that the licences of a broadcaster can be withdrawn for broadcasting programmes which are "in violation of any laws of the country."

However the Gazette extraordinary dated October 10 and issued under the hand of Media Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa nowhere specifies the parameters of the regulations thus rendering the electronic media open season for governmental bloodhounds.

Under general conditions applicable to licences, the Gazette states in Section 13 that a licence issued to a television broadcasting station can be withdrawn for broadcasting programmes.

The regulations also state that the Minister will have the right to suspend permission granted to operate any channel for a specified period in the interests of the public or in the interest of national security, in order to prevent the misuse of such channel.

And mind you the licensee shall immediately comply with the directive issued by the minister. This is mandatory language and leaves no room for review or appeal nor are their any indications as to the criteria for such a withdrawal save and except the whims and fancies of the media minister. 

Blow to business

Also inhibiting and interfering in the administration and business aspect of a licensee, the regulations state they must inform the minister regarding any change to the directorship, key executives or foreign direct investments in the company within 15 days of such a change taking place and shall obtain security clearance for the changes.

Again notice the mandatory language 'shall' and the grip on the media leaving no room for breathing space leave alone review. While the government by these regulations has already locked the licensee in its mandibles there is more to come.

Mandatory language

The Minister obviously serving up for himself slice upon slice of controlling power now makes it imperative that a licensee shall obtain prior approval of the Ministry before undertaking any upgrading expansion or any other changes in the down linking and distribution system or network configuration.

The regulations while granting wide ranging and arbitrary powers to the minister also  states that a recognised political party will not be entitled to a licence.

It is further stated that if any person to whom a licence is issued becomes a member of a recognised political party during the period of validity of the licence, he shall be required to surrender the licence.

Different strokes for different folks

The government has issued licences to several political parties and members loyal to the government under names of various individuals, including the JHU and the JVP. Will these licences stand revoked? From past experience it is more likely that the law will only apply to those organisations that need muzzling.

The absurdity of the interference is evident in that the regulations also apply to satellite and cable television operators who have been called upon to provide information regarding particulars of every subscriber, technical and other details of terminal equipment including decoders supplied to the respective subscriber.

The government therefore not only has a hold on the licensee but also all information on the subscriber. It is obvious big brother wants to watch you in the loo.  

Barging in at any time 

And making the business of broadcasting almost untenable the regulations say for good measure that it should be ready to furnish such information related to the business being carried on under the licence as may be required by the minister from time to time and if that weren't intrusive enough the company must facilitate entry into the premises of operations by any persons authorised by the Secretary to the ministry or the minister, in order to inspect an aspect of the operations of the business being carried on under licence.

It is not immediately clear whether these regulations envisage the likes of Mervyn Silva, Kudu Lal and his goons being a part of this procedure. However the public will recall that Mervyn Silva was also to barge in and question a news director of the state run Rupavahini Corporation as to why a certain news item had not been carried. He did much more as he grabbed the man by his collar and threatened him. Perhaps now his actions will finally get the stamp of authority it deserves under the Rajapakse regime.

But in Paradise it's never over. Not only does a broadcaster both cable and satellite have to pay good money for their licence they must facilitate the rebroadcast of at least two of the channels broadcast by the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC), upon its request.

Such broadcasting of SLRC channels have to be done without any deletion or alteration of any programme transmitted on any channel.

It is further stated, "in the event any licensee is found to have used a channel transmitting any objectionable unauthorised content, messages, or communication inconsistent with public security or national security or failing to comply with the provisions of Regulation 19, the Minister shall refer such matter to the Consultative Committee on Television Broadcasting for purpose of holding an inquiry pertaining to the same. The Committee after holding an inquiry may recommend to the Minister the revocation of the licence and may further recommend that such licensee be disqualified from being issued a licence for a period of five years thereafter."

The government it is learnt may issue regulations of a similar nature to cover radio broadcasters. Meanwhile civil society groups and several media organisations are to challenge the legality of the Gazette in the Supreme Court this week.

War against journalism

And it is in this backdrop that International Federation of Journalists Asia Pacific Director Jacqueline Parks in Colombo last week, said it best when she observed in a speech at the Galle Face Hotel, "This is a different kind of war, a war against journalism." 

And the state hand did not go unnoticed in the latest RSF report which said, "Asia still has the biggest representation in the 10 countries at the bottom of the ranking. Most of them are dictatorships, but they also for the first time include Sri Lanka (165th), which has an elected government and where the press faces violence that is only too often organised by the state."

While Sri Lanka sits unashamedly at the bottom of the class she is followed only by gigantic human rights violators such as China, Iran, Cuba, Turkmenistan, North Korea and Eritrea(173).

Even Iraq (158th), Pakistan (152nd), Afghanistan (156th) the Palestinian Territories (163rd), and Somalia (153rd), though highly dangerous and considered "black zones" for the press have done better than Sri Lanka. 

Waging war on its own people

The United States is ranked 36th domestically and 119th outside its own territory while Israel is ranked 46th domestically and 149th outside its own territory. Wars have  much to do with ranking and with Sri Lanka waging a war against its own people little wonder she slides down the scale.

Surely then the most important role of media in war time is giving voice to the voiceless. But there exists a media culture today that has alas either bought into the ideology of a repressive government, immersed itself in majoritarianism or succumbed to fear and pressure by self censorship.

Only in media business

It is a matter Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was to take up vigorously when he met an International Press Freedom Fact Finding Mission comprising several international media groups last Monday (24). Hosting the Mission along with several local media groups and senior journalists to dinner at the Tambapani Restaurant on Duplication Road, Wickremesinghe lashed out at local media accusing them of having divested themselves of social responsibility as it reported less on human rights issues and seemingly supported the war.

The Mission included representatives from International Media Support (IMS), International Press Institute (IPI)The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

Feeling cocky

Meanwhile President Mahinda Rajapakse is entitled to feel a little cocky. Having completely stifled diplomatic, humanitarian and media access to the war zone, and even directed humanitarian agencies under the United Nations umbrella mind you to evacuate Kilinochchi or in effect face aerial bombardment themselves, Rajapakse feels he has his propaganda machine well oiled and at the ready.  

Having effectively silenced criticism or muted media response to government atrocities through various means Percival Rajapakse has a reason to smile.

Lashing out

Not so Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe. At the dinner last Monday Wickremesinghe was to complain that his view point was not always given space or time in the media and this was due to owners and publishers having business interests with the government  other than just the business of media thus making them vulnerable to government pressure and the exigencies of politics. 

And the next morning on Tuesday these words were not lost on President Rajapakse as he met one member of the fact finding mission -  the RSF Coordinator for Asia.        

On Monday (27) certain members of the Mission succeeded in securing an interview with the President- or so they thought. The Mission had however cleared some six names through Presidential Security including Thomas Hughes of International Media Support (IMS) Vincent Brossel Head of Asia-Pacific desk (RSF) Dnyanesh Jathar of IPI and Sukumar Muralitharan of the International Federation of Journalists. 

Only one man in

On arrival at about 9.15 a.m Tuesday morning and being checked through the second security check point the team presented itself for the audience.  It was not to be.  A 90 minute wait, a lot of angst and argument later, it was only one person from the Mission who was allowed in.

President Rajapakse speaking with the Mission member had rejected the existence of a humanitarian crisis or a lack of media freedom. On the Mission member bringing up the matter of the burning of the Sunday Leader/Morning Leader Presses in a high security zone, Rajapakse denied that security forces or the government would ever be involved in such activities.

Dismissive

Dismissive of International Missions though President Percy chooses to be, burdened by an economic slump, confused by an Indian rope trick and bedeviled by an unwinnable war, he well knows he cannot stay internationally isolated much longer.

Nevertheless Rajapakse did not have to wait long for the statement of the International Press Freedom Mission from October 25 -29 to be released last Thursday. 

It said it had found a deterioration in the press freedom situation since its last visit in June 2007, marked by a continuation in murders, attacks, abductions, intimidation and harassment of the media and noted that Sri Lanka had fallen to the lowest press freedom rating of any democratic country worldwide.

Mission report

In its extensive report it expressed shock with regard to the offending Gazette  stating, "Media rules gazetted on October 10 by the Sri Lankan Government provide for a number of contingencies under which broadcasting licences can be cancelled, including seven different grounds related to broadcast content. Moreover, a popular broadcast channel has been put on notice that it is to submit transcripts of news broadcasts "to be carried" every week as of October 28. The International Mission deplores any effort to impose prior restraint or direct censorship on the media."

The Mission therefore urged the government to invite the UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression in line with its commitments to the Human Rights Council in 2006.

A culture of suppression

The danger is this. Since November 2005 the country has seen an increased deterioration in the relationship between state and civil society including the media. The intensification of the war and the unilateral withdrawal by the government from the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002 in January 2008, the erosion of democratic values and practices has created an environment that thrives on violence, abuse of human rights, impunity and corruption.

Official reports have acknowledged that "verbal and physical attacks, harassment, restrictions on access and vilification of media persons have became a common factor in the lives of journalists, photographers and all those engaged in the gathering, publication and dissemination of information in Sri Lanka."

Police, AG no help

The police and the Attorney General's Department act under the dictates of the regime and complaints by the media of attacks and harassment are ignored contributing to a culture of impunity. No progress has been made in any of the investigations into killings of journalists. Police summon provincial journalists often to interrogate them on filed stories which amounts to intimidation and interference in the course of their work .

Emergency Regulations restrict access to conflict areas and civil society, NGO workers, and the media are prevented access.

The Media Centre for National Security (MCNS) controls the dissemination of information on conflict preventing a truthful picture of the war areas or casualties while government websites, and electronic and print media mutate the figures in order to support the government line.

Attacks on the media has been coupled with constant attacks on non-governmental organisations and members of civil society organisations especially those fighting for media freedom issues.

Criminal laws 

The government including the President's brother Gotabaya Rajapakse has been pushing to bring back criminal laws that had been withdrawn in 2002.

Strict controls on the media have been imposed through Emergency regulations in December 2007, which extended the scope of criminal liability to executive officers of corporate bodies who have been guilty of compromising National Security and is framed in the broadest of terms to include any dissenting voice.  

On August 22, 2007, the Sri Lankan Ministry of Mass Media and Information released a Proposed National Media Policy which contained standards for the media thus attempting to suppress the media by its own agenda and framework rather than discuss policy direction.

The government also uses monetary methods to suppress the media. Both the print and electronic media are under constant scrutiny with the President often personally making contact and holding them to ransom by threat of closure or business ruin.

And it is in this backdrop that the Gazette of October 10 too should be viewed.  

Sufficient buffer stocks in the Wanni - Govt.

By Amantha Perera and Arthur Wamanan

The limelight shifted from shuttle diplomacy across the Palk Straits at the beginning of last week to the persisting threat of Tiger air capacity by mid-week.

And the reporting on the displaced in the Wanni dropped off the radar. In reality the latest humanitarian reports by the UN said that the IDP count may be over 300,000. The Inter Agency Standing Committee (IASC) said that there were 162,000 IDPs (including 7,000 displaced from Vadamarachchi east) in Mulaithivu and an additional 148,000 in Kilinochchi by October third week.

Last week the scheduled supply convoy to Wanni did not travel. The UN did not elaborate the reasons behind the delay. Commissioner General of Essential Services S.B. Divaratne told The Sunday Leader that the convoy was likely to travel this week, as early as tomorrow. He said 30 trucks were to travel with supplies.

UN spokesperson Gordon Weiss also confirmed that the food convoy to the Wanni will be leaving tomorrow (3).

No shortage

"The government agents in the Wanni have informed us that they have buffer stocks of food in the Wanni, and there is no shortage at the moment," Divaratne said. The GA's held meetings in Colombo last week about the current situation in the Wanni.

With reports of shelter needs becoming acute in the Wanni, Divaratne said that shelters were likely to be sent in a convoy planned later this week. He said that the government had only received the shelter needs from the relevant government agents last week and was in the process of assessing the supplies. Shelter supplies are also likely to be obtained from humanitarian agencies.

Government officials said that food transportation into the Wanni was continuing. The latest UN convoy that was to leave last week is likely to depart for the Wanni this week.

The UN said that it would be sending shelter materials to the Wanni in future convoys. The UN had also raised concerns over hygiene and sanitary conditions in the IDP locations. However so far there have been no large floods reported. In mid-October about two dozen families were relocated due to floods but there were no large scale displacements as feared by some agencies.

Government officials said that a separate convoy of non-food essential items is in the process of being prepared. The whole process is to be coordinated by the Vavuniya GA.

Immediate need

Government officials said that around 20,000 shelters were needed in both districts immediately.

Around 6,000 shelters are needed for the IDPs in Kilinochchi while 14,000 are needed for those in Mulaithivu.

Government officials said that  civilians are not facing other issues except for problems due to the lack of shelter. They also added that there was no threat of floods.

Interestingly, the latest IASC situation report (No.149) did not include details from Mulaithivu and Kilinochchi districts. The Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights had criticised the report released on October 13 and thereafter the UN had agreed to keep the government pre-informed of the contents of IASC reports. Two IASC reports came out last week and the one for the week between October 9 to 16 did have details of the Wanni.

Displaced students

The report said that UN staff that accompanied a supply convoy on October 17 had assessed the need of the displaced and the general population in the Wanni. "In addition to the regular supply of food aid, there are urgent requirements in shelter and sanitation, particularly as the monsoon rains intensify. Additional information is needed on the impact of abandoned agricultural lands on long- term food security. The education system is functioning but temporary learning spaces and associated water and sanitation facilities are required to accommodate the large additional caseload of displaced students.

"Peoples' coping mechanisms appear to remain intact presently, and government and community structures seem to be functioning well though with constraints in terms of capacity and material. However, people are increasingly vulnerable because of their reduced purchasing power and health risks associated with heavy rains, poor sanitation and decrease in the capacity of health services."

The report said that up to October the government had supplied the Wanni a total of 714MT of food including flour, dhal, sugar and oil with another 168,399 litres of kerosene. Three UN convoys have also supplied food.

New Maldivian President Mohamed Nasheed speaks exclusively to The Sunday Leader

The road to victory started in Sri Lanka

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

A man jailed 13 times for defying the outgoing President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom through his rousing speeches and fiery writing, Mohamed Nasheed, lovingly referred by the Maldivian people as Anni has finally managed to usher in the "Other Maldives" he promised during his presidential election campaign.

As Asia's longest serving President was made to concede defeat after three decades in power, his replacement is a one-time Amnesty International declared Prisoner of Conscience.

As the new president-elect prepares to take the reins of a country that is ready to turn a new leaf, Maldives itself celebrates the dawn of a new era, a multi-party democracy and the opportunity to enhance the fundamental freedoms.

As the 41-year-old president-elect Mohamed Nasheed busily plans his 12 member cabinet and all else that comes with the trappings of presidency, he engaged in a brief telephone conversation to share his vision for the Maldives with The Sunday Leader in which he said he was delighted to share the change and success with Sri Lanka where his political party was initially founded and registered.

Alternate political voice

A former parliamentarian for Male and a founder and the former chairman of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), the former journalist joined Mohamed Latheef to launch an alternate political voice in a bid to pave the way for change in the island nation.

"Colombo is where it all began. So we are emotional about it. If you ask me, I consider it my electorate," Nasheed said in the afterglow of electoral victory.

An outspoken critic of Gayoom, he said that MDP was denied registration in the Maldives by an insecure president that led to the  party being launched in 2003. It was around that time that the Maldives began experiencing riots calling for political change.

As Gayoom was brought under pressure to alter his course and reluctantly though, put through reforms, the tide began to change in a country that was eager to have Gayoom's despotic rule end.

Though arrested and sentenced several times and declared by Amnesty International as a Prisoner of Conscience in 1991 for contributing articles to a popular political magazine named  Sangu, Nasheed believes that it was his journalism that eventually led to his political activism.

"You realise it is necessary to first bring about ideological change. At some point, you want to take the struggle to the next level. That is when you enter politics proper," says the new president-elect.

Sentenced

Looking back, I find it childish that I should have been sentenced  for three years simply  for "withholding information." Then I was released in 1993 and re-arrested in 1994 and 1995. In 1996, Nasheed was sentenced to two years imprisonment - once again for an article he wrote.

Next, he was detained for terrorism and treason after he participated in a peaceful demonstration in August 2005.

"This is why I always say that when you are in Maldivian politics, you are either in government or in jail. As opposition politicians, we were eternal jailbirds," he notes.

Fortunately for Gayoom, Nasheed does not appear too eager to turn the tables on him.

" We are being watched. History will also judge us for the way we treat the outgoing president. He has ruled long," he noted.

As the new president, he has many hopes and plans. British-educated Nasheed who holds a BA in Maritime Studies from the John Moore University in Liverpool wants his nation to be an educated, democratic and stable one.

"We have an alarmingly big youth population that is drug-dependent. Our economy is not doing too well. It cannot, as the European economy is also crashing and it impacts on our islands that are tourism-dependent. We require a new economic order," adds Nasheed.

Key promises

Among the key promises of a new president are an extra serving of fundamental freedoms to the Maldivian people - "they need and deserve it." And of course, better ecological management, enhanced tourism, roads and sea transport are among his key pledges.

As for Sri Lankans languishing in Maldivian jails,  Nasheed promises fair and quick trials or pardon after judicial assessment.

"Some say this is a sympathy vote, it is certainly not. This is a vote for democracy. Maldivians lived under a despotic rule for 30 years. That system  and the leadership had exhausted the country. People clamoured for change. We are that change," adds Nasheed.

He is quick to add that a test for MDP's democracy will be how we treat Maumoon.

Having secured 54% of the total vote and defeating Gayoom who had won six previous elections as the only name on the ballot paper, Nasheed says he would be benevolent to his predecessor.

As for the victory, he believes it was due to the strong democratic processes that the party fought for and put in place. MDP was in the forefront clamouring for a separation of power and even having criminal defamation repealed. The public institutions too were made to undergo a  change as President Gayoom was both locally and internationally pressurised to implement his Roadmap to Democracy, a blueprint MDP claims to be its own.

Reform process

"People have not forgotten that this change did not come about on its own free accord. We fought for it, on the roads, through the media, and locally as well as internationally. After violence broke out in 2003, there was no choice for the outgoing government but to concede to a reform process. And its culmination is the end of a regime."

While the 71-year-old Abdul Gayoom has gallantly conceded defeat claiming that he accepted the will of the people, Nasheed says that his government, instead of stifling criticism would call upon the Maldivian public to be severely critical of his regime from day one.

"Governments stay strong, committed and democratic when people put them under pressure. We did not have a multi-party system, we had a president who ruled for 30 years. That is why we want the people to have an extra helping of democracy. Let them enjoy it. This government is theirs," he said.

As the newly elected coalition government which is likely to include a 12-member cabinet, Nasheed has already gone on record having said that the rest of the political appointees will be decided by a committee of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) Jumhooree Alliance.

And Nasheed wants not just public scrutiny on his system but also from the media. " I have always upheld the media to be the fourth pillar of democracy. This we will ensure."

On October 28, Nasheed had secured 54% of the votes in a run-off election ousting powerful rival Gayoom who secured 46% of the vote.

And Nasheed does understand and concede that it will not be easy to govern his nation, finally firmly in his hands.

The nearly 400,000 population are currently dealing with rising inflation. There is the drug menace to boot and bad infrastructure in some of their uninhabited islands. Poverty too is on the rise with the divide between the rich and the poor widening. Besides, the island nations' are severely threatened by rising sea levels that puts the climate change agenda on top of Nasheed's national programme.

The new President does not want to call it a crown of thorns. For years, it has been his cherished dream to put the Maldives through a new process and work on a new national agenda. 

Nasheed has already promised to hold a fresh election in the middle of his five-year term and this requires urgent resuscitation of the Maldivian economy and delivering on some of his election pledges.

Big challenges

But for the moment, Mohamed Nasheed is a deeply contented man. The first step was to end the era, he says. Next comes the big challenges that come with changing a regime that had overstayed its welcome.

" I am going to need all the help that I can muster. And in this journey, I will make good governance, democracy, freedom and human rights my main platforms. People have spoken, and they have chosen idealism and a radical path as opposed to the old oppressive order. I am now willing to work as hard as I campaigned for this transition. And I am dedicated to completing that transition for our people," adds he.

Why the nation and the world need Barack Obama

By Richard Holbrooke

The winner of the presidential election will inherit a perfect storm of problems, both economic and international.  He will face the most difficult opening day agenda of any president since - and I say this quite seriously - the man who saved the Union, Abraham Lincoln.  But a more instructive precedent is 1933, when Franklin Roosevelt offered inspiring rhetoric and "bold experimentation" to a nation facing economic meltdown and a breakdown in public confidence.

Differences in positions

For me, the choice is quite simple - and not simply because I am, by temperament and history, a Democrat. The long and intense political campaign has revealed huge differences in positions, style, and personal qualities of the two candidates.  And the conclusion seems clear.

JUDGMENT:  John McCain has shown throughout his career a penchant for risk-taking; in his memoirs, he proudly calls himself a gambler. His selection of Sarah Palin, a charismatic but spectacularly unqualified candidate, as his running mate, is just the most glaring of many examples of the real McCain.  His bravery in combat attests to his patriotism, courage and toughness, but his judgment has been found sorely lacking time and time again over his career.

Barack Obama is tough too, but in a different way. No one should underestimate how difficult it was to travel his road, against incredible odds, to the edge of the presidency.  But where McCain is impulsive and emotional, Obama is low-key and unemotional. He makes his judgments in a calm and methodical manner; McCain's impulsiveness is anathema to Obama, and rightly so; one cannot play craps with history.  Having seen so many political leaders falter under pressure, I prize this ability above most others. And Barack Obama has it.

 THE FINANCIAL CRISIS: The first priority will be the economy and the financial crisis. Since the crisis hit, Obama has been calm and, indeed, presidential - he consulted the best advisory team in the nation, weighed each course of action carefully, and then issued a series of precise, calm statements. Meanwhile, McCain veered bizarrely, issuing contradictory statements throughout the crisis, "suspending" his campaign (while continuing to campaign), and urging that the first debate be cancelled (when it was all the more needed). Advantage to Obama.

FOREIGN POLICY: The most explicit differences are over Iraq, Iran, and Russia. But there are deeper differences. McCain's positions, with the notable exception of climate change, suggest that he would simply try to carry out Bush policies more effectively.  Obama offers a different approach to foreign policy. By starting the drawdown of combat troops from Iraq, he would change the image and policies of America immediately. By engaging Iran in talks that would cover not only the nuclear issue but other aspects of Iran's destabilising role in the region, he would either reach agreements that lowered the dangers from Iran, or he would mobilise a stronger international coalition to isolate Iran.  Either way, engaging Iran is the right policy, and it is hard to understand why Bush and McCain have continued to hold out against such an obvious policy change, which, if carried out with firmness, will not compromise America or Israel's national security.

Issues of common interest

On Russia since its invasion of Georgia, Obama and his running mate, Joe Biden (who was the first member of Congress to visit Georgia after the invasion), stress helping Georgia rebuild its economy and maintain its independence in the face of a continuing Russian campaign against it. McCain, on the other hand, wants to punish Russia by such actions as expelling them from the Group of 8. Such measures may be ultimately be necessary, but they do not help Georgia survive as an independent democracy. And even after the outrage in Georgia, there are issues of common interest on which the West and Moscow must work, such as energy and climate change.  This was true even during the Cold War, and remains true today, yet McCain seems not to recognise it.

LEADERSHIP: In the end, presidential elections come down to the intangibles of leadership. The vote for president is a sort of private contract directly between each voter and his or her preferred choice. Who do you want to see on your television screen for the next four years?  Who do you wish to entrust the nation's fate to? 

And here again, the contrasting styles of the two men offer a clear choice between a calm and confident man and a highly emotional one, between a major change in the nation's direction and a minor one, between a combative style and a more conciliatory one. Finally, in a year when the Democrats are certain to increase their majority in both Houses, an Obama victory would offer the Democrats control of both the legislative and executive branches for the first time since 1994, and with it the possibility of legislative achievement after years of stalemate. After so many years of polari- sation at home and unilateralism abroad, the choice for president seems clear.

(Richard Holbrooke is a former US ambassador to the United Nations and the chief architect of the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement that ended the war in Bosnia.)