Official or private? Tamil Nadu delegates visit IDPs

Politics makes for startlingly strange bed fellows! Despite the obvious signs and the hugely well-attended meetings held during the recent Southern Provincial Council election campaign, the UPFA were able to feel the stark reality of voter maturity at their own doorstep. In essence, the voters of Hambantota especially sent a sharp and potent message: the war victory alone would not turn them towards the UPFA in the numbers that the ruling party machinery had the gumption to presume.

In effect, the war victory fallout was worth a mere 3% of the vote base in the Southern Province. If one were to consider the wave of support that spread tsunami-like across the nation, and in the south particularly, then consider that the UNP lost just 3% of the vote base in comparison to 2004. The voting pattern of the southern voter indicates that the voter has attained a new maturity.
Mega development programmes in the south, like the Hambantota Port, Matthala Airport and an international standard cricket stadium, were in themselves insufficient for the voter to turn to the UPFA. As much as the personal popularity of Mahinda Rajapaksa is indisputable, that too was insufficient to sway the voter. If one were to be absolutely critical, it would be pertinent to note that President Chandrika Kumaratunga received more votes in this province without a war victory.
Independent monitors?
Karu Jayasuriya, the deputy UNP leader, confirmed that they have held discussions with the Elections Commissioner on a wide variety of issues as a result of the concluded Southern Province elections. Among other pressing matters was the need to have independent monitors, both local and foreign.
The UNP considered the vast abuse of state resources and inducements like the granting of loans and title deeds a travesty of democratic values. The Elections Commissioner was conducive to the suggestion of introducing electronic voting, but that must be passed in parliament. Electronic voting would do away with a number of contentious issues and bring Sri Lanka into the mainstream of countries, where free and fair elections are the norm rather than the exception.
Economic issues – the rising cost of living, and voter awareness of the fact that despite an end to the war, defence costs have shown very little reduction in real terms – have been brought to the fore. This has little to do with the opposition parties focusing on the costs and more to do with ground reality: the people are truly finding it difficult to make ends meet. It is as though the entire nation, from top businessmen to the lowliest employees, are all on one big juggling jamboree in an attempt to make ends meet.
It is surely a sign of the times when this columnist, on a visit to a rural school near the southern town of Dickwella, found grade one children at school with torn and threadbare shirts, barefoot or wearing shoes that had holes in the soles, and with little prospect that their ‘lot’ would indeed improve. This school had just received the gift of a computer, but had no means of connecting to the world wide web since they had no telephone line. A telephone line is more of a fundamental right in this day than a luxury. There is a real possibility of ‘spontaneous combustion’ when sections of the population that are ‘free’ realise that their counterparts in IDP camps who are ‘not free’ have no worry about the basic essentials of water and food.
The people are incensed
The UNP have not stirred the flames of communalism, nor have the JVP, but the people are incensed. They are as incensed  as their opposition counterparts that the government has consistently withheld permission for them to visit the IDP camps. The government, sensing that the opposition may well try to gain political mileage out of the misery of the largely Tamil displaced population, have been steadfast in their refusal to grant leave for any opposition members to visit. It is a line that in a narrow sense of understanding has its merit.
However, the population of the camps may well feel that their voice in parliament is not being heard, as they can only meet with UPFA members. A leading member of the Tamil community, MP Mano Ganesan, went so far as to say that it was an insult to local MPs  to be denied permission whilst MPs from India were being allowed a visit. He pointed out that one of the visiting Indian MPs had supported Prabhakaran, accepted him as his leader, and stood for the division of Sri Lanka. Unbelievably, even amidst the misery these hapless people are experiencing their fundamental rights in terms of movement and speech are being stifled – for no other fault than having been fatefully resident in a war zone.
Compounding this contentious issue of permission to visit the IDPs was the arrival in Sri Lanka of the parliamentary delegation from Tamil Nadu. The parliamentarians who made up the delegation were Ms. Kanimozhi, A. K. S. Vijayan, T. K. S. Elangovan, Helen Davidson (all DMK), Sudharasana Natchiappan, N. S. V. Chithan, J. M. Haroon, K. S. Azhagiri (all Congress) and Thol Thirumavalavan (VCK). All were responding to an invitation extended by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, M. Karunanidhi.
Tamil Nadu
delegation
There was confusion as to whether this was an official delegation or a visit by a collection of parliamentarians from Tamil Nadu. Be that as it may, sources close to the Indian High Commission in Colombo confirmed to this columnist that the visit was a direct response to the invitation extended by the President. For good measure, the Chief Minister’s daughter was part of the delegation. It was surprising to note the presence of former Ambassador to Sri Lanka Alok Prasad accompanying these MPs on what was deemed to be a private visit.
The Indians were very keen to visit the IDPs at Menik Farm; the government went out of its way to extend courtesies usually afforded to visiting parliamentarians. In fact, the original cars allotted to the team were run-of-the-mill cars until a senior VVIP decided to upgrade and provide the delegation with more ‘appropriate’ cars.
They visited the hill country and saw for themselves what their brethren have done for Sri Lanka’s best known export industry: tea. They also visited the capital of the Northern Province, Jaffna, and all the while kept asking to see Menik Farm, Sector 4. ‘Patience,’ they were told, ‘we will be taking you there!’ That did not please the delegation. Their appetite for the visit would, it seemed, only be satiated by actually arriving at Menik Farm.
Menik Farm visit
When they eventually reached Menik Farm they were greeted with crowds of smiling, happy faces to the accompaniment of a steel band. The delegation were quite taken aback, having heard the worst about the camps. Amongst the complaints the IDPs had to tell the visitors was that they would like to have a better variety of vegetables with their meals. On their return, the Indians were to report back to their leaders as well as the central government.
The delegation also met up with their host, President Rajapaksa, and key aides. The President was to tell them that it was patently unjust to permit these persons to return to their homes when it was commonly-held knowledge that their home areas were infested with mines placed by the fleeing LTTE terrorists.
It was his responsibility to take on board these important considerations for the ultimate care of his citizens. The President also assured the delegation that 58,000 persons would be released over the next fortnight and the others in a phased manner – taking into account the challenging task his government faced in terms of the de-mining work. The de-mining task is indeed a challenge – a fact already acknowledged by former US Ambassador Robert Blake.
The visit by the Indian delegation was of significance: Tamil Nadu is, after all, the representative body of the Tamil people, and even if the delegation was a foreign one, the opinion and policies adopted by the government in Tamil Nadu can be of significant consequence for Sri Lanka. The fact that the Indian government has given tacit support to Colombo in its quest to eradicate terrorism signifies the close rapport that successive governments have had with New Delhi. President Rajapaksa had little choice but to be ‘inclusive’ in accommodating the visiting Tamil Nadu parliamentarians.
Rajapaksa defends policy
Later in the week, President Rajapaksa made a stirring speech addressing the 8th Ministerial Meeting of Asian Cooperation Dialogue (ACD). Speaking in English, the President told his guests that we lived in challenging times. There could be no margin of error, he told his audience. The task of resettling the IDP population was, he said “engaging our utmost attention.” It was “more challenging than anyone would imagine.” He urged his fellow Asian countries to stand firm in the face of challenges to Asian sovereignty.  The President showcased his government’s success in promoting peaceful processes over terrorism. He pointed out that his inclusive approach has meant that some terrorists had chosen the ballot over the bullet. The underlying message the President sent was that “the problems of a country can only be resolved by those who know best its ground realities, namely, by its own people.”
Elsewhere, the erstwhile Foreign Minister and former Presidential confidant Mangala Samaraweera had a press conference on the Grand Alliance and the ‘common candidate.’ There was some alluding to the so-called ‘Sarath Factor.’ It seems that it is not only the former minister who is being drawn into this discussion.
Three-wheel drivers, kangaroo drivers, sophisticated bankers, parliamentarians and assorted hangers-on  have all been discussing the ‘Sarath Factor.’ Almost all have indicated their dismay that General Sarath Fonseka deserved more than an appointment as Sports Ministry Secretary. The attempt is seen by many as being a means of diminishing the popularity that the former Army Commander undoubtedly has amongst the maha janathawa.
The Sarath factor
While it may seem an astute strategy to have a different commander for peace-time work than war-time work, the fact is that there appears to be a focus on downplaying Fonseka’s popularity. It was only to be expected that Fonseka would carve for himself a place in the people’s hearts for his leadership of the war on terrorism and the defeat of the LTTE. For the President to deprive Fonseka of this smacks of short-termism. The President himself enjoys unparalleled popularity.
He has little to gain by being associated with downplaying Fonseka’s popularity – indeed, Fonseka’s popularity was made possible partly due to the policies adopted by the President and his key advisers on defence matters. The Rajapaksas are known to be disloyal to those who have been steadfast in their support of the first term of the President. Mangala Samaraweera, Sripathy Sooriyaarachchi and the JVP are standing examples of this.
The Sarath factor, in any event, has far-reaching implications for the opposition. With a sizable Tamil vote to contend with at any election, especially at a presidential poll, it is inconceivable that the opposition would seriously consider the former Army Commander as the common candidate. The Tamil voter base is highly unlikely to vote for him, or, for that matter, the incumbent President. It is acknowledged that this would be a tricky gamble. There is no disputing that for the moment Ranil Wickremesinghe will be the common candidate in any opposition alliance outside of the JVP.
However, by imputing and inferring that the Sarath Factor is supportive of the opposition cause the Alliance may well draw on some of Fonseka’s appeal amongst the undecided voter base.
What’s dangerous is this: that for a country whose independence is over 60 years old and where the politicisation of the armed forces has had almost no fertile ground, the attempts being made by both the opposition and the government to tap into the armed forces for political advantage spells long-term disaster for the very existence of democratic values in Sri Lanka.
Bad military governments
There is no need to travel far to see the effects of governance carried out by the armed forces. Pakistan is a key example. The people of Pakistan have endured government after government led by members of the armed forces. Democracy is still a dream for the people of Pakistan.
The champion of democracy in Pakistan, the affable Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, lost his life. Despite calls from the international community, Pakistan has  rolled from one disaster to another, descending into various political quagmires. The Burmese junta defies international condemnation of its methods and practises whilst its long-suffering people continue to dream of democracy. It is time that the politicians of this country stopped taking the people of this country down a very slippery precipice. However, one would have to concede that Fonseka has a huge amount of appeal within the majority community, and therein lies the rub.
As the country takes a well-earned respite from the election circus, they may well wish to enjoy the Deepawali Festival to its fullest; the presidential election is expected to be announced in little over four weeks. The result may appear to be a foregone conclusion, but the margin of victory is not. The pendulum that was swinging in favour of the government has stopped. With each passing day, momentum is gathering for the opposition.