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Almost
two years after the liberation of the east,
Trincomaleeis far from normal
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Check points add at least an hour and half to the
journey to Trinco (inset) The military presence is
pervasive |
Victory is normality
By R. Wijewardene
"Again? Not again. Can't they let us go 100 metres in
peace." For the eighth time the Trincomalee bound bus
stops at a checkpoint on the Kantalai road and disgorges
its dishevelledpassengers.
"It's
easier to get from
Colombo
to Oman than it is to go from Trincomalee to Colombo,"
whispers a smartly dressed young man, on his way home
after a stint in the Middle East.
The
soldiers are generally courteous and the checks are
rarely thorough - usually just a casual glance at ID
documentsand at most a vague fumble with the contents of
your luggage,but the stops are time consuming adding as
much as an hour and half to each journey.
It
takes seven and a half hours to reach Trinco at present;
during the height of the short-lived ceasefire it was
possible to do the trip in five hours. Once you reach
the vicinity of the town the level of security, the
sheer number of checkpoints and barriers increases still
further; the presence of the security forces is
pervasive.
Rhetoric Vs. Reality
More
than a year after the liberation of the east - the
reality fails to match the rhetoric.
While
development,stability and freedom were promised in the
wake of the army's successful clearing operations in the
east, the town at present feels, if anything, more tense
and less normal than at any other point in the last
seven years.
With
soldiers lining the streets, check points at every
junction and a general air of neglected isolation it's
difficult at present to distinguish Trincomalee from
Batticaloa. This is extraordinary as Trincomalee - with
its large Sinhala population, vital harbour and
reasonable roadand rail links has always been a
government stronghold, unlike the far less stable
Batticaloa.
Just
under two years ago, shortly after the commencement of
the government's present offensive, Trincomalee still
retained the air ofa normal provincial town.It seemed to
have more in common with Polonnaruwa than the frontline
of a war zone - but todaythe town feels like a frontier.
There
is little movement after dark andthe hotel bars
andrestaurantsharbour only aid workers, who while away
the evenings swapping horror stories about the condition
of civilians in the Wanni.
Somehow liberation appears to have left the town more
isolated than before - journey times have increased and
far from evidence of a newly united, undivided Sri Lanka
Trincomalee today seems to have drifted further away.
Many
believed liberation would herald a new dawn for the east
but on the ground at present there is a real feeling of
occupation.
"Why
aren'ttourists coming," laments the manager of a major
resort. His enthusiasm is genuine and the beach frontage
his property commands is genuinely spectacular, but with
half the beachinaccessible on account of a neighbouring
navy base and thejourney from hotel to townnow
involvingstopsat as many as six checkpoints,the reality
is that onlyhardened travellers would seek their sun,
sea and sand on the east coast at present.
What's everyone afraid of?
The
eastwas liberated in July 2007. The military's current
operations involve clearing only a final pocket of LTTE
resistance a hundred kilometres to the north of
Trincomalee, so what is behind the continuing tension
and security presence in the town?
What
can the government and armed forces possibly be afraid
of?
"We
don't know" was the ubiquitous, universal reply; "there
are no LTTE here," insistedeveryone from bus conductors
and trishaw drivers to businessmen and hotel owners.
On
that point everyone was unanimous - the government has
driven the LTTE completely andperhaps permanently from
Trincomalee and its vicinity.
But
that does not explain the tension in the city. Two years
ago when Sampur, within shelling distance of Trinco
remained a bristling LTTE bastion, the town felt more at
ease than it does today when all the areas within a 100
km radius have been liberated.
"We
were assured the situation would improve but the
checkpoints and the restrictions remain in place, if
anything they've got worse, its been 20 years we can't
go on like this," was the summary of a disheartened
guest house owner, who after years of perseverance is
considering selling his prime property.
Caution?
The
most optimistic explanation for the heightened security
in town at present is caution.
Perhaps the security measures are a precaution to
prevent guerrillas from re-infiltrating the town and
penetrating the newly liberated areas to the north and
south. That explanationhowever reveals a flaw in the
government's current military strategy.
It has
been argued by those opposed to a military solution that
victory alone without broader political initiatives will
lead only to a prolonged occupation rather than genuine
normalisation. To an extent, that seems to be the
situation in Trincomalee.
This
is troubling as Trincomalee is a government stronghold.
If such an enormous military presence is still
requiredin Trincomalee what sort of presence would be
required to stabilise Killinochchi or Mullaithivu? And
for how long?
Factional fighting?
Another possible reason for the tension in the town
isthe possibility of infighting within the TMVP, whose
power in the region has grown exponentially. However
this seems somewhat unlikely. Trincomalee is firmly
under government control and while Pillayan is said to
draw support from the area, in Trinco town there has
never beena large TMVP presence on the ground in terms
of bases and cadres.
Karuna's support in the area is reported to be limited
and clashes between the two competing wings of the TMVP
with such a heavy military presence in the town don't
appear to be an imminent possibility.
Control?
The
final explanation for Trincomalee's fortified state is
perhaps the most troubling.
It is
possible that the security, the abnormality and
'apartness' in the town is a deliberate measure, part of
a concerted attempt to keep the area isolated from the
general public, international community and the media.
Only a
deliberate desire to keep Trincomalee isolated would
explain why, the town far from feeling assimilated,
still feels like a garrison run entirely by the military
almost two years after the LTTE was driven from the
vicinity.
By
keeping away the public - the media, tourists, NGOs and
general busybodies the government can carry out what
ever plans it has for the east - refugee resettlement,
industrial projects without being subject to scrutiny,
etc. The region's assets - its invaluable harbour, its
factories and mineral deposits can be dealt with as the
government pleases - sold to its cronies or to India.
The
town's outstanding natural beauty can be converted into
industrial zones without the outcry that accompanies the
establishment of such zones elsewhere in the country.
By de-normalising
the situation the government and the armed forces can
continue to rule the region as a private fief free of
even the limited checks and balances that operate
elsewhere in the country. Where governments are
concerned freedom and normality can be an inconvenience,
perhaps an inconvenience this government sees no need to
suffer in a region where the military already controls
every
piece of prime real estate and scrutinises every
movement.
Normalcy
At the
moment however it is too early to come to any definitive
conclusions regarding the state of the town. Fighting
continues in the north anduntil the final battles are
concluded it is impossible to expect complete normality
anywhere in the north and east. What is crucial however
is intention and how the government and military intend
to act in the long term, and at present there is no sign
of any serious intention on the part of the authorities
to return Trincomalee to its rightful place as the
thriving capital of the Eastern Province - a tourist
centre and bustling multi-ethnic market town.
Ultimately for all the talk of victory there can be no
progress in the ethnic conflict without the
normalisation of the lives and living conditions of a
people who have for decades been isolated from the rest
of the country. While progress in the war effort has
been rapid, in Trincomalee at least progress towards
normality and genuine unity appears to be lagging
behind.
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