Even before reading the text, if not between its lines, the
more avid Wickremesinghe supporters would have made their first acerbic observations when
they tuned in to Rupavahini at 9.30 last Tuesday morning, expecting to see the proceedings
on television. After all, the policy statements of all previous governments in the past 20
years have been broadcast live. No such luck. Whether this was because of the media
ministry's ineptitude or Wickremesinghe's well-known modesty, one is hard put to say
(after all, the prime minister has already given directions that his portrait should not
be displayed in public buildings and government offices). Unfortunately for Media Minister
Imthias Bakeer Markar, it was the former conclusion to which many viewers jumped when
faced with a lack-lustre musical show put up by Rupavahini instead. Ironically,
Wickremesinghe rubbed salt into his wounds by stating in the course of his address that,
"Parliamentary proceedings will be broadcast live through the media." Given that
the policy statements of governments since the early 1980s have already been broadcast
live, this is barely something to throw into the 100-day plan: it could have been done
already, last Tuesday.
Since it was between the lines we must look for the true message in Wickremesinghe's
statement, it is gratifying to note that he used the worth 'truth' no less than four
times, and 'honest' a full nine times. That, after all, is very much in character for a
man who is loath to promise what he cannot deliver. The phrase 'knowledge-based society'
was uttered four times, reflecting the prime minister's ambition to bring information
technology within the grasp of ordinary people throughout Sri Lanka. Likewise, the 'youth'
received no less than eight mentions, all of them honourable, but it was 'international
opinion' with 13 occurrences, that led the field, and not by a short head either. By
contrast, no other sort of opinion received a mention, especially that of the domestic
variety.
The statement made no mention of political violence, an end to victimisation of
opposition supporters or measures to bring to justice thugs and hooligans of the ilk of
Anuruddha Ratwatte's three sons. Neither did it make any mention of the UNP's much
trumpeted promises while in opposition to dismiss parliament's Secretary General, Dhammika
Kitulegoda, and impeach Chief Justice Sarath Silva and President Chandrika Kumaratunga.
Wickremesinghe's reluctance to wave either a sword or an olive branch in the face of these
erstwhile repositories of UNP rancour left his supporters confused and his opponents in
the PA smug in the expectation that such complaisance would soon bring them back into
office.
Unlike heads of previous Sri Lankan governments, Wickremesinghe has not retained any
key ministries for himself. Even on Gamini Athukorale's death, the prime minister desisted
from taking over, if only temporarily, the portfolios his able lieutenant vacated.
Instead, he has focused single-mindedly on the peace process and chose to win or lose all
upon the roll of that die. His courage is admirable, and that alone has helped stave off
opposition criticism, although there is as yet precious little to criticise. However, the
peace process will not pay the rent, and people are looking to the government increasingly
for a plan of action, if not action itself. Sadly, the prime minister has yet not
succeeded in placing an agenda before the people. With the 100-day programmes of the
various ministries becoming public over the past fortnight, the intellectual vacuum in
which most ministers operate is fast coming to light. Rather than provide targets that
would be met, most ministers have presented only the most generalised plans, and even
these for the most part consist of no more than the proposed appointment of innumerable
committees and task forces to 'look into' a variety of problems. No likelihood of more
rice on anyone's plate next year. Of broad, visionary thinking, it seems the UNF is
utterly bankrupt.
There are, of course, the exceptions. A handful of ministers including Milinda
Moragoda, Rajitha Senaratne, Rukman Senanayake and Ravi Karunanayake have shown signs of
new thinking and a 'hands-on' style of management that will, no doubt, pay dividends. But
the vast majority of the fifty-something ministers have shown about as much imagination
and initiative as a chocolate blancmange. Being committed by virtue of the MOUs the UNP
signed with its junior partners in the run up to the election to provide them with the
choicest of portfolios, chairmanships and ambassadorial appointments, the tail that wags
the UNF dog is fast threatening to derail the government entirely. Many ministries are
soundly asleep, the ministers obsessed only with their petty perks.
The prime minister must now choose between presiding over a slumbering cabinet that
risks, through inactivity and inefficiency, fast arousing the people's ire; or dictating a
viable agenda for reform and development, and seeing it implemented through an efficient
monitoring mechanism. With the portfolios fractured into fifty-something ministries, the
latter course would involve establishing a Premadasa-style parallel administration through
the ministry secretaries, which would in turn almost certainly aggravate the more able
ministers. For the second time in his life, Ranil Wickremesinghe is learning that it is
not all roses being prime minister. Unless he is able to find a way to guide and motivate
his ministers right quickly, the UNF is unlikely to go the distance. And at the first hint
of political instability, one can be sure the LTTE will begin stalling on the peace talks:
the last thing the Tigers want is to beat out a truce with a government on the way out.
But then again, how very much in character it is for the Sri Lankan nation to shoot itself
in the foot just as a lasting peace is at last within its grasp.