27th January 2002, Volume 8, Issue 28

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EDITORIAL

Kick-start or kick out?

When the president of the United States makes his annual state of the nation speech to the joint houses of congress of his country, it is an occasion for the American media to use their analytical skills to read between the lines to find out what it was that their leader actually said. Anxious to please all and offend none, heads of government rarely say what they mean, let alone what they think. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's policy statement in parliament last Tuesday was no exception. It merely catalogued the problems the country faces today (which everyone knows already, for that is how Wickremesinghe was elected in the first place) and offered vague and noble ideals to which his government would aspire. So innocuous was it that not even the most ardent supporter of the People's Alliance could take cudgels with him. The prime minister left it to the shrinks and analysts then, to make what they could of his rather run-of-the-mill address.

Even before reading the text, if not between its lines, the more avid Wickremesinghe supporters would have made their first acerbic observations when they tuned in to Rupavahini at 9.30 last Tuesday morning, expecting to see the proceedings on television. After all, the policy statements of all previous governments in the past 20 years have been broadcast live. No such luck. Whether this was because of the media ministry's ineptitude or Wickremesinghe's well-known modesty, one is hard put to say (after all, the prime minister has already given directions that his portrait should not be displayed in public buildings and government offices). Unfortunately for Media Minister Imthias Bakeer Markar, it was the former conclusion to which many viewers jumped when faced with a lack-lustre musical show put up by Rupavahini instead. Ironically, Wickremesinghe rubbed salt into his wounds by stating in the course of his address that, "Parliamentary proceedings will be broadcast live through the media." Given that the policy statements of governments since the early 1980s have already been broadcast live, this is barely something to throw into the 100-day plan: it could have been done already, last Tuesday.

Since it was between the lines we must look for the true message in Wickremesinghe's statement, it is gratifying to note that he used the worth 'truth' no less than four times, and 'honest' a full nine times. That, after all, is very much in character for a man who is loath to promise what he cannot deliver. The phrase 'knowledge-based society' was uttered four times, reflecting the prime minister's ambition to bring information technology within the grasp of ordinary people throughout Sri Lanka. Likewise, the 'youth' received no less than eight mentions, all of them honourable, but it was 'international opinion' with 13 occurrences, that led the field, and not by a short head either. By contrast, no other sort of opinion received a mention, especially that of the domestic variety.

The statement made no mention of political violence, an end to victimisation of opposition supporters or measures to bring to justice thugs and hooligans of the ilk of Anuruddha Ratwatte's three sons. Neither did it make any mention of the UNP's much trumpeted promises while in opposition to dismiss parliament's Secretary General, Dhammika Kitulegoda, and impeach Chief Justice Sarath Silva and President Chandrika Kumaratunga. Wickremesinghe's reluctance to wave either a sword or an olive branch in the face of these erstwhile repositories of UNP rancour left his supporters confused and his opponents in the PA smug in the expectation that such complaisance would soon bring them back into office.

Unlike heads of previous Sri Lankan governments, Wickremesinghe has not retained any key ministries for himself. Even on Gamini Athukorale's death, the prime minister desisted from taking over, if only temporarily, the portfolios his able lieutenant vacated. Instead, he has focused single-mindedly on the peace process and chose to win or lose all upon the roll of that die. His courage is admirable, and that alone has helped stave off opposition criticism, although there is as yet precious little to criticise. However, the peace process will not pay the rent, and people are looking to the government increasingly for a plan of action, if not action itself. Sadly, the prime minister has yet not succeeded in placing an agenda before the people. With the 100-day programmes of the various ministries becoming public over the past fortnight, the intellectual vacuum in which most ministers operate is fast coming to light. Rather than provide targets that would be met, most ministers have presented only the most generalised plans, and even these for the most part consist of no more than the proposed appointment of innumerable committees and task forces to 'look into' a variety of problems. No likelihood of more rice on anyone's plate next year. Of broad, visionary thinking, it seems the UNF is utterly bankrupt.

There are, of course, the exceptions. A handful of ministers including Milinda Moragoda, Rajitha Senaratne, Rukman Senanayake and Ravi Karunanayake have shown signs of new thinking and a 'hands-on' style of management that will, no doubt, pay dividends. But the vast majority of the fifty-something ministers have shown about as much imagination and initiative as a chocolate blancmange. Being committed by virtue of the MOUs the UNP signed with its junior partners in the run up to the election to provide them with the choicest of portfolios, chairmanships and ambassadorial appointments, the tail that wags the UNF dog is fast threatening to derail the government entirely. Many ministries are soundly asleep, the ministers obsessed only with their petty perks.

The prime minister must now choose between presiding over a slumbering cabinet that risks, through inactivity and inefficiency, fast arousing the people's ire; or dictating a viable agenda for reform and development, and seeing it implemented through an efficient monitoring mechanism. With the portfolios fractured into fifty-something ministries, the latter course would involve establishing a Premadasa-style parallel administration through the ministry secretaries, which would in turn almost certainly aggravate the more able ministers. For the second time in his life, Ranil Wickremesinghe is learning that it is not all roses being prime minister. Unless he is able to find a way to guide and motivate his ministers right quickly, the UNF is unlikely to go the distance. And at the first hint of political instability, one can be sure the LTTE will begin stalling on the peace talks: the last thing the Tigers want is to beat out a truce with a government on the way out. But then again, how very much in character it is for the Sri Lankan nation to shoot itself in the foot just as a lasting peace is at last within its grasp.

 

 

 

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