How CBK is
out-foxing
the UNFBy
suranimala
While President Chandrika Kumaratunga signalled her intentions of taking
on the United National Front government head-on last week, the non-confrontational
approach of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was threatening the long term stability of
the new administration.
|
|
No doubt the country can ill afford
confrontational politics at this juncture with an economy in the doldrums and a peace
process underway, but it is the slow pace in which the new government has moved in every
sphere, barring the peace process, that is causing concern among its own ranks.
This slow pace is not just on getting the
state machinery moving, but also acting speedily on the numerous complaints and issues
raised by the United National Party in opposition, that has led to questions of
credibility and a perception that the high and mighty are negotiating backroom political
deals.
Such is the snails speed in which the prime minister's office is moving
that several chairmen of corporations and other institutions who were last week informed
of their appointments, even a week later are still to receive their appointment letters
while in still others though chairmen are appointed, the board of directors have not,
making the functioning of these institutions difficult and the government mind you, has
run for almost two months.
Crisis of confidence
Primarily, the crisis of confidence has arisen due to Prime Minister
Wickremesinghe's decision to retain some of President Kumaratunga's appointees to key
positions against whom the UNF made serious allegations, as in the case of Bank of Ceylon
Chairman Ken Balendra and the failure to initiate investigations and in several cases
arrest high ranking members of the previous administration against whom serious charges
were made. It is the frustration over this state of affairs among the members that has led
to grumbling over every issue including the delayed appointments and slow pace of
government.
In this context, while lower rungs of the PA such as Puttlam district MP,
D.M. Dassanayake, were arrested for various offences committed during the PA rule, the
wheels of justice have moved ever so slowly in the cases of former Deputy Defence Minister
Anuruddha Ratwatte, Chief Justice Sarath Silva, IGP Lucky Kodituwakku, Army Commander
Lionel Balagalle and President Kumaratunga herself, leading to the impression there is a
class distinction in the approach of the government.
True enough, it is important there is not so much as a perception of a
witch-hunt with the change of administration but at the same time, the people too would
expect justice to prevail irrespective of the background of the personalities involved and
it is in this context, the new administration is seen in poor light giving credence to the
JVP slogan "Unuth Ekai, Munuth Ekai."
And being the political animal she is, President Kumaratunga has sensed
the prime minister's conciliatory approach due to the ongoing peace process and moved
swiftly to pour oil on troubled waters, fully realising sooner than later, Ranil
Wickremesinghe will face a rebellion within his ranks if this trend continues.
In a clever strategic ploy, the president has particularly focused on the
PA rebels within the UNF government realising, that is a sore point among UNPers too and
has taken the battle to them, with little defence coming from the UNP.
Furthermore, capitalising on the prime minister's show of goodwill, the
president has also manoeuvred the use of the state media itself to take the battle to
selected targets of the new administration, thereby sowing the seeds of dissent within the
government.
To the credit of President Kumaratunga, she is a political fighter and is
giving leadership to the People's Alliance by example, taking on the entire UNF cabinet,
driving a wedge between the long term UNPers and the PA dissidents, humbling them in the
process.
In fact, Kumaratunga has consistently taken the UNF members to task with
acerbic comments in cabinet and either out of sheer politeness or fear of confrontation,
they have let it pass, thus giving the president the upper-hand and last week was no
different.
Mind you, while taking the moral high ground on numerous issues, the
president has shown scant regard for the rule of law and still the UNF is unable to deal
with Kumaratunga effectively, giving rise to the viewpoint she is the only man in cabinet.
The absence of UNF firebrands Rajitha Senaratne, Ravi Karunanayake,
Lakshman Seneviratne and the like in cabinet has also allowed the president a free run.
Cabinet paper battles
Interestingly, last week in cabinet the president took the battle right to
Agriculture Minister S.B. Dissanayake's doorstep and emerged victorious, with the prime
minister no less agreeing with Kumaratunga's allegations of impropriety relating to a
cabinet paper submitted by Dissanayake. Unfortunately, Dissanayake himself was not present
in cabinet to defend himself, leaving that job to Minister Mahinda Wijesekera while the
UNPers remained tight lipped at Kumaratunga's onslaught.
The cabinet paper forwarded by Minister Dissanayake was in relation to a
fertilizer tender, where the president charged the award was made to a non-tenderer. The
non-tenderer who was recommended for the award according to the president is a relation of
Ari Kannagara, a confidante of Minister Dissanayake. Kannagara was recently appointed
chairman of National Aqua Culture Development Authority by Minister Mahinda Wijesekera. It
was Finance Minister K. N. Choksy who first raised a query on the cabinet paper which in
the absence of Minister Dissanayake was presented by Minister Wijesekera. Having not seen
the cabinet paper earlier, Choksy said as much and the president seized on it.
Thus, when the tender award came up for discussion, President Kumaratunga
raised objection citing impropriety, with only Minister Wijesekera attempting to justify
the award. Industrial Development Minister G. L. Peiris too was not in cabinet to defend
his colleague.
In his attempt to justify Dissanayake's cabinet paper, Minister Wijesekera
said it was urgent, prompting Kumaratunga to respond sharply. With a smirk on her face,
the president said in the past too, cabinet papers were forwarded as urgent and such
urgency occurred where commissions had to be made.
Subsequently, the prime minister agreeing with the president the cabinet
paper was not in order, agreed to withdraw it and appoint a committee to study it, rubbing
salt into Minister S.B. Dissanayake's already festering wound over the Samurdhi Ministry
issue.
This development itself highlighted the unprofessional manner in which
government business was conducted, thereby giving Kumaratunga the upper-hand.
For, cabinet papers are circulated to ministers in advance and it is their
duty to study such papers before cabinet meets and in this instance if Minister
Dissanayake's cabinet paper was not in order, it was the responsibility of the UNF members
in general and the prime minister in particular to have withdrawn it before discussion in
cabinet, especially with a hostile president at hand. Worse still, if as Minister Choksy
pointed out, the cabinet paper was not circulated in advance.
But that, as Choksy said, did not happen, leaving it to the president to
show Minister Dissanayake's cabinet paper in poor light and have it withdrawn thus, not
only making Dissanayake look bad in the eyes of the cabinet, but also sowing the seeds of
dissension in the process within the UNF cabinet for not defending the agriculture
minister as did his former PA colleague Wijesekera.
PSD chief's arrest warrant
Having secured that victory, the president met with the prime minister,
Minister Choksy and Power Minister Karu Jayasuriya for a separate discussion after
cabinet, where once again, the president took up cudgels over investigations into her
staff and post-election violence with special reference to the arrest warrant issued on
Presidential Security Division Chief, Nihal Karunaratne.
The president charged there was a concerted campaign to project her as a
murderer on the Kumar Ponnambalam case and put her life at risk and that the arrest
warrant on Karunaratne was part of that conspiracy. Pressing for the withdrawal of charges
against Karunaratne, the president said she wanted time over state television and radio to
make a statement relating to the issues raised, a request the prime minister acceded, once
again falling into a trap laid by Kumaratunga.
For, Kumaratunga can well make use of the opportunity to single out
persons within the UNF for attack through the state media itself, thereby raising doubts
in the minds of those attacked whether it had the blessings of the prime minister.
Furthermore, any response from the president to ongoing police
investigations through the state media could also have the impact of casting undue
pressure on the investigating officers leading to the derailment of the whole process and
in such an eventuality, with the prime minister and Minister Jayasuriya having agreed to
the broadcast, they too would be tainted with the allegation of helping undermine the
investigations.
The question is why the prime minister is bending the rules for the
president when everyone is equal before the law. For example, would the prime minister
allow Puttlam District MP, D.M. Dassanayake to come before state television and explain
his innocence and blame his arrest on a political conspiracy or for that matter would such
rights be afforded to any other common criminal?
The prime minister cannot be ignorant of the fact that President
Kumaratunga extolled her members in her Tissamaharama doctrine to kill anyone suspected of
killing a PA member, thereby committing a criminal offence in terms of the penal code. The
only reason Kumaratunga at this moment of time has escaped prosecution is because of the
immunity enjoyed as executive president.
Thus, to take high ground now by demanding and receiving air time from the
prime minister on state television to defend her confidantes and herself while casting
aspersions on police investigations and UNF members will seriously compromise the prime
minister in the eyes of his membership.
More so with those whom the president chooses to defame by virtue of her
immunity having no recourse to justice unless of course the government agrees to give all
such persons also equal time on television. But in any event, by such time the damage
would be done with the government itself having given the president a forum to launch her
attack.
On the other hand, no one would grudge the president the right to have her
voice heard but the proper forum would be a press conference where all media can use their
judgement and give coverage based on the answers Kumaratunga gives to the questions that
arise from the police investigations. This should especially be the case since the state
media in the first instance had not reported the allegations referred to by the president
to entitle her to a right of reply.
For, it is not to make a statement on a national issue the president asked
for time but to defend herself and her cronies on ongoing investigations.
But having set the precedent, would the prime minister also then give the
president airtime to issue statements on the peace process which can have the effect of
derailing the process, for example if she chooses to come out strong against the
deproscription of the LTTE or the interim administration for the north-east.
Ironically, even as the president was discussing this issue with the prime
minister and Ministers Jayasuriya and Choksy, PSD Chief Nihal Karunaratne on whom there is
an arrest warrant was freely walking the corridors of president's house telling all and
sundry the president will never allow him to be remanded.
The very fact that a man against whom an arrest warrant was issued by a
court could freely walk the corridors of president's house while evading arrest alone
speaks volumes for the respect the powers that be have for the rule of law.
Be that as it may, no sooner this meeting was over, the president spoke to
the PSD chief and said she had taken his case up with the prime minister and would inform
him of what steps are to be taken to overcome the crisis situation.
Backroom manoeuvering
The president followed up her action by contacting the Attorney General's
Department to have the charges against Karunaratne withdrawn but was politely told, since
there is a court order for his arrest, there was little the department could do at this
stage. It is pertinent to note here that the president did not take the same steps she
took on behalf of Karunaratne for the other PA members already in custody including D. M.
Dassanayake.
And given this backroom manoeuvering, a plan has now been hatched for the
Attorney General's Department not to call for Karunaratne's remand when he surrenders to
court.
That the president would go the extra mile to defend her security was also
evinced last week when she visited the Bogambara prison to inquire after the well being of
her security officials who are in custody over the Maturata attempt on Minister S.B.
Dissanayake's life.
It is significant to note here, Puttlam district MP, D.M. Dassanayake, had
a letter delivered to the president with a request that she visit him in Negombo prison,
but disregarding that letter she went only to Bogambara.
That apart, the president after her meeting with the prime minister went
in for a meeting with PA MPs Lakshman Kadirgamar, Mangala Samaraweera, Mahinda Rajapaske,
Nimal Siripala de Silva and K. Balapatabendi where it was indicated she had the government
on the run.
Having explained how she foxed the government on Minister S.B.
Dissanayake's cabinet paper, the president said the prime minister agreed to give her all
the air time she needed.
Thereafter it was decided that a statement in Sinhala should be prepared
and read out on television and radio by President's Secretary K. Balapatabendi, relating
to the harassment of PA members and the conspiracy against Kumaratunga.
In the meantime, the president is planning the launch of a Sinhala
newspaper for the PA's propaganda purposes but the initial attempt to relaunch the
communist party newspaper Aththa has failed due to a negative response from the CP. Fresh
avenues are now being explored.
At the same time, the president is also doing a balancing act over the
opposition leader stakes with an overwhelming number of members wanting Hambantota
district MP and senior vice president of the SLFP, Mahinda Rajapakse.
Former Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake has already resigned as
SLFP organiser for Horana and indicated he is ready to relinquish the opposition leader's
post, awaiting a presidential nod to do the needful, while district organisations are
preparing resolutions calling for Rajapakse's appointment.
The view emerging from the party is that it is only Rajapakse who can
together with the president put the party back on a winning course and the necessary
changes should be made to make it a reality.
Having antagonised the entire media, the membership have also said
Rajapakse had in the most trying times kept good relations with the media and will be the
only person who could still get the PA some coverage.
Internal party conspiracies
And with local elections just over a month away, the PA has to also find a
member to lead the party's campaign island-wide and given his fighting spirit, most
members believe, Rajapakse is the obvious choice for the job but the question remains
whether the president will agree.
It is significant to note in this context the president's recent statement
in Wennappuwa where she referred to internal party conspiracies, which most members
believed was aimed at Rajapakse and other stalwarts pushing his candidature.
However, the president is politically savvy enough to realise, open
confrontation with Rajapakse at this juncture would not only spell doom for the Alliance
but give the United National Front the required 2/3rd majority in parliament to see the
successful passage of an impeachment resolution against her.
Thus it is inevitable, Rajapakse will sooner than later ascend the
opposition leader's post and that is when the UNF will face a rejuvenated opposition other
than the lone ranger battle of Kumaratunga.
In the meantime, the UNF is battling to overcome its own internal
problems, especially in the sphere of appointments to key positions and the cabinet of
ministers.
To overcome this situation, the prime minister has now decided to swear in
Milinda Moragoda, Rajitha Senaratne, Ravi Karunanayake, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Karunasena
Kodituwakku, Imthiyas Bakeer Markar and P. Chandrasekaran as cabinet ministers within a
week after nominations for the local polls close on February 8.
However, this in turn is expected to lead to further problems if the likes
of Ministers Lakshman Seneviratne and Ravindra Samaraweera too are not elevated to cabinet
rank given their seniority, since the original yardstick of the prime minister in the
appointment of cabinet ministers was seniority and not necessarily competence and proven
ability.
Thus, the prime minister has his work cut out for him and sooner he takes
the political realities into consideration and acts decisively without living in the dream
world of President Kumaratunga being cooperative, he will prevail.
Otherwise, come December 5, 2002, the UNF will be history and the party
will waste no time in blaming Wickremesinghe for their plight.
UNF politico on rampage
By Amantha Perera
Sri Lankan elections have the tendency to create mini-battles within the
main combat. Take for instance the one between Sajith Premadasa and Mahinda Rajapakse, or
between Ranga Bandara and D. M. Dassanayake.
A similar battle raged between Olitha Premathiratne and Jeyaraj
Fernandopulle in Katana in particular and Negombo in general. Now, Premathiratne's rivals
are crying foul that the UNP member has taken the battle beyond the election frame and is
harassing opponents mercilessly.
One such incident is connected with the harassment and assault of a
restaurant owner who is a supporter of Fernandopulle. The troubles began for the owner on
December 20, 2001, when one of his restaurants was fire bombed and a sum of Rs. 18,000 was
robbed.
The owner, sensing who was behind it, contacted Premathiratne's maternal
uncle for redress. The latter promised him that he would speak to his nephew and put an
end to the problems. No such luck came the restaurateurs's way, though.
Several days later he received a message on what exactly was needed to
stay in business, a cool Rs. 500,000, and he would be safe. He was also intimated that he
had to close the restaurant till the monies were paid.
He got in touch with a friendly higher-up and told him about his plight.
The police officer arranged for a mobile patrol to be in the vicinity of the restaurant
and a road barrier was also set up. Soon after the police intervention, a person by the
name of Kamal, who had informed the restaurant owner of the ransom, told him to come to
Premathiratne's office. He went.
Inside, another Premathiratne associate, Alex, confronted him. He was
accused of trying to buy police power and was told that the only way out was the Rs.
500,000. When the restaurant owner protested, he was assaulted and was told that
Premathiratne had given instructions to assault the poor man.
He once again got in touch with one of Premathiratne's relatives, this
time his cousin Lalantha. Through Lalantha he was told that Premathiratne was not aware of
the treatment that was being meted out and that the parliamentarian wanted to meet with
the restaurant owner.
He was assured that he would not be assaulted. In the meantime, another
restaurant was fire bombed and a meeting was arranged through the intervention of Lalantha
who accompanied the businessman for protection.
When the duo went to meet Premathiratne, Alex too was present. The first
thing that transpired was that the businessman was assaulted this time by both
Premathiratne and Alex for seeking police protection. "We are the ones that appoint
them and transfer them," he was informed in the midst of the blows. He was told to
close the restaurant for 14 days as punishment. The main grouse was not that he had not
paid the half million but that he had informed the police about it.
He was then ordered to meet Premathiratne a week from the assault. He was
even barred from opening the restaurant even for a few hours on January 1. In the
meantime, he had got a message across to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the
situation had improved to a certain extent. Once again he was asked to come to
Premathiratne's office. When he protested, the parliamentarian said, "I am the one
who is asking you to come and no one will hit you." At the meeting he was told that
he can open his restaurant and thereafter has been left alone. But for how long no one
knows.
A similar incident involves a container full of factory leftovers from the
Katunayake free trade zone. According to information obtained by The Sunday Leader, the
container was taken over by Premathiratne's associates who demanded Rs. 800,000 for its
release. Thereafter, when the situation was becoming a bit too hot under the collar, they
handed over the container and its goods to the Katunayake police through the Katana
development fund, headed by Premathiratne.
The police in turn handed it over to customs for investigation to find out
whether the total duty had been paid. Officers informed The Sunday Leader that they did
not find any connection to Premathiratne or to the ransom issue during the investigation.
But others say that the owners of the goods had promised to pay Rs.
200,000 but still the same, the container found its way to the police since the heat was
being felt by Premathiratne.
These are but two incidents. There are others like the allegation that
Premathiratne visited the Negombo prison on January 1, and made an impromptu inspection.
For his part Premathiratne totally rejects the accusations and even
refuses to entertain questions on them. He says that they are rumours spread by his
detractors led by Fernandopulle who have been left to lick their wounds following the
election defeat.
"There is a police force and it can do an investigation regarding the
allegations. I have no problems with that," he told The Sunday Leader (see box). But
then again, the credentials of the law enforcement authority is not on a high in the area.
The OIC of the Negombo police station OIC Gamini Mathurata has been
transferred since the election for carrying out his duties. He was asked to raid the
illicit liquor dens in Walihena, but those deemed close to a PA politician. Mathurata
raided everyone and found himself under orders to move out.
The Katunayake police has remained tight-lipped about the allegations that
have not been denied outright by Premathiratne. He in fact admitted the involvement of the
development fund in the container incident.
However, off the record, officers admit that the UNF member is up to no
good. "Appo, Yaka natanawa," one officer exclaimed. They alleged that
Premathiratne's associates are involved in the ransom gangs. "If restaurant owners do
not comply, the next step is assault."
They further charged that Premathiratne's associates have set their sights
on the business opportunities surrounding the Katunayake free trade zone and the
international airport. The parliamentarian admitted that he was looking at allowing his
supporters to reap the benefits of the taxi trade.
Nevertheless, to be fair to Premathiratne, the electorate he inherited is
not the most peaceful one in the island. Fernandopulle ran affairs in Katana like it was
his little fiefdom. The taxi Mafia that sprung up around the Katunayake airport has been
linked to him. Prison officers in Welikada still relate how a prisoner close to the taxi
drivers got himself parole once he got in touch with them. Such was its might.
Election-related violence and intimidation too were a common occurrence in
Negombo. On election day, monitors from People's Action for a Free and Fair Election
(PAFFREL) informed The Sunday Leader a powerful PA minister in the area was visiting
polling booths and intimidating voters.
Premathiratne entered the fray when the going was really tough for the
then opposition UNP. It was during the 1999 provincial council election that he first
contested. Soon afterwards, the UNP faced the crisis of desertions, one of whom was
Wijepala Mendis, who had nurtured the Katana electorate since independence. Premathiratne
found himself leading the electorate.
Premathiratne gave back as good as he got. "We never shied away from
confrontation," he says. And gave Fernandopulle a run for his money. Once he and his
supporters were set upon by PA thugs in the Muthurajawela area and Premathiratne returned
later to give the attackers the same dose. This was when he was in opposition. The battle
was so intense that to outdo the finger wagging posters of Fernandopulle, Premathiratne
came up with one of himself with thumbs-up.
Now according to the allegations, he has just continued on the same vein
while Fernandopulle has been de-robed of state power.
His action, if true, would not have been out of place if not for the
pronouncements by UNP leaders like Wickremesinghe and Karu Jayasuriya (who heads the
Gampaha district) that party members should desist from vindictive actions.
But, the allegations are that Premathiratne is doing just that. Those who
have been victimised are PA supporters. They have close links to Fernandopulle. UNPers
told The Sunday Leader that soon after the election, Premathiratne had gone on a rampage.
He had switched off his mobile so that party seniors could not get in touch with him,
charges the young parliamentarian vehemently denies.
Premathiratne's actions have been reported to party big wigs including
Wickremesinghe and it was after that, that he has calmed down. But it is such allegations
that have opened a flank for the opposition PA to hammer the UNP. The party could not have
staged the walkout if not for such allegations.
However, UNP action has been limited to words and no action has been
initiated to tell the voters that Wickremesinghe means business and when he says there
should be no hanky panky, there should be none. Unfortunately there is a lot of it going
on. UNPers themselves in Negombo, tell stories of how party men are now trying to divide
underworld elements to face the upcoming local government election. Neither the police nor
the UNP can dispel the fears that it's the old wine in new bottles theory.
Action speaks far better than words.
Olitha: A
smooth talker
He is a smooth talker, that is the first impression that strikes those who
encounter 33 year old Olitha Premathiratne, the UNP parliamentarian from Katana.
He talks eloquently of the Ranil doctrine and how much of a practising
believer he is. He will take out files and talk for hours about his plans for his
electorate. The plans to export kasippu to Europe at 10 to 15 pounds a bottle: "I
have approached BOI investors for the project."
He waxes eloquently about attempts to export fireworks from Kimbulapitiya.
And of setting up day centers for the elderly. But then he balks, in midstream. When
questioned of his connections to ransom gangs operating in the area, then he does not want
to answer. "We have not been involved and we never will," he says and says that
even to answer such allegations is degrading for him.
But he admitted that his Katana development fund did play a role in the
police taking into custody a container load of factory leftovers from the free trade zone.
He says the container was released at 8 p.m. while the rule says that it had to be done by
5 p.m. Only Rs. 140,000 duty was paid on goods worth Rs. 1.6 million and the container was
not stopped at the FTZ gates. "Don't we have a right to inform police of such
fraud?" he questions.
But he does not want to go into details on how it was done. When asked
whether the fund took the container into its custody, the parliamentarian says that the
president of the fund has made a statement to the police and details should be obtained
from the police. The allegation is that Premathiratne's supporters took the container to
his home and kept it there for two hours demanding Rs. 800,000.
The story is that Premathiratne is now approaching business establishments
both formal and informal for money. He has spent Rs. 4.5 million at the last election on
top of Rs. 2.5 million in the one before and wants to cover the losses, so the victims
say. His supporters say that it is all bunkum and that the sums that he spent were far
higher.
Premathiratne says that soon after the election victory, he visited
Fernandopulle and offered the hand of friendship, as a true believer of the kiribath-kawum
doctrine of his leader. His opponents argue that he benefited from Fernandopulle's
support. "He was allowed to hold meetings wherever he wanted. He wanted help to out
manoeuver Wijepala Mendis," a source close to Fernandopulle said.
That the ransom trade is in full swing in the Negombo area, even
Premathiratne admits. Restaurant keepers and guest house operators along the Negombo beach
say that it is just another part of the wheel and soon after the new government came into
power, they had visitors demanding money for protection.
When one just looks at the cottage industries that thrive, the
laisser-faire attitude is of no surprise. Guest houses dot the beach front and the
environs, catering to couples as well as foreign pedophiles who haunt the dens. Illicit
liquor brewing comes down from generation to generation and the Welihena area is the
largest brewery to the country. Negombo is notorious for human smuggling and as an entry
point for narcotics and other contraband from South India.
The businesses thrived in the area during the PA reign as they did before
that. Police say evidence does not link Premathiratne to the ransom gangs. Only the
statements made by victims and associates drag his name in. Police say that he is in the
clear on record, off record the assessment changes.
The fact remains that Premathiratne met intimidation with fire. "We
have been courageous in our politics," he told The Sunday Leader. Others speak of how
he had to surround himself with supporters to thwart threats against his life.
Both Jeyaraj Fernandopulle and Olitha Premathiratne are actors in the
vicious game of local politics. They have become parts in it for the sake of survival.
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe came to power on the pledge that he
would take action to turn the tide of violent politics, easier said than done. The pledge
has given a whipping boy for the PA and they are at it with relish. It is now up to the
UNP to show the country that words mean business. |
Ministerial
excesses
The excess that has transpired in certain official quarters of the new
government has now extended to its alliance partners as well.
Deputy Minister of Highways A. L. M. Athaullah has begun to occupy the
minister's room in the highways ministry , despite a room available there for the project
minister. When Minister A. H. M. Fowzie held the portfolio, his deputies occupied the
deputy minister's room. Now both are open since the new Minister of Highways, Thilak
Marapona, does not occupy the room.
Athaullah has also reportedly assigned eight vehicles for his use,
according to ministry sources. However, his personal staff informed The Sunday Leader that
he had in fact used only two vehicles. Both these are under repairs at the moment, one due
to an accident, the other due to engine trouble. With both vehicles not available, the
deputy minister has now requested the ministry secretary for another vehicle.
There is another allegation that Athaullah has also taken a ministry
generator to Samanthurai. However, his personal staff denied this allegation as well.
However, the SLMC member has been allowed to appoint his personal staff while several
other ministries have been informed that officials have to wait for treasury approval
before new appointments are made. |
Ministry spent millions on glossy tabloid to promote posts
& telecom minister
Building images on public funds
By Wilson Gnandass
One of the reasons the Peoples' Alliance (PA) regime was routed at the
December 5 parliamentary elections was corruption associated with waste of public funds.
Though senior cabinet ministers and PA parliamentarians shed crocodile tears to show the
public they were sensitive to the rising cost of living, many openly flouted laws,
mismanaged the administration and in certain cases, played out public funds.
It is also no secret that politicians thrive on publicity.
In the recent past, political leaders have launched their own newspapers
spending out of their pockets. But it has now been revealed that some politicians have
utilised public funds to promote their own political images, through the publication of
such newspapers.
One such politician is Badulla district MP and former Minister Nimal
Siripala de Silva, who in the guise of putting out a ministry news bulletin attempted to
gain publicity for himself, well targeting the December 5, 2001, parliamentary elections.
Jana Sandeshaya, a tabloid published by the Posts and Telecommunication
ministry under the Peoples' Alliance (PA) regime may have given the impression that it
served the ministry and some functions associated with the ministry. But it is now
understood that Silva, who knew well that he would be routed at the general elections, had
tried in vain to promote himself at the expense of public funds. A glossy, colourful,
tabloid -- Jana Sandeshaya -- may have looked expensive, but certain questions are yet to
be answered by the former minister who earned the wrath of the officials and staff of the
health ministry, when he was the minister of health.
Firstly, it is uncertain as to whether there was a need for the
publication of such a newspaper. Secondly, it is not known who became the beneficiary of
this newspaper. Thirdly, it is understood that this newspaper has been run using money
from the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (TRC).
Nimal Siripala de Silva succeeded Mangala Samaraweera after President
Chandrika Kumaratunga reshuffled the cabinet in early 2001. While Samaraweera was the
minister of posts and telecommunications, the media ministry was also under him.
Therefore, additional publicity for Mangala was not necessary through any other channel.
Samaraweera made maximum use of this ministry to sling mud at rival politicians, carry out
government propaganda and also to promote his own political image. However, following the
cabinet re-shuffle, Nimal Siripala de Silva was made the posts and telecommunication
minister but the media ministry was detached from his ministry.
Silva, thereafter became desperate, especially with a few months ahead for
the parliamentary elections. Silva knew well that the only way to promote his image was to
launch a newspaper through the ministry he was holding. And plans were afoot to set up a
newspaper called Jana Sandeshaya.
Altogether eight issues were published. The eighth issue is worth
mentioning because this issue went through the proper channels and therefore the cost was
less than the cost incurred to publish the first seven issues. 40,000 copies of each issue
were printed. To print 40,000 copies, a sum of Rs. 512,000 was spent. Therefore the TRC
spent an estimated sum of Rs. 3.5 million, just to bring out seven issues beginning from
March 2001 to September 2001.
This cost is in addition to the cost of equipment purchased to facilitate
the media coverage of the minister and also the salaries to those employed to run the
newspaper. According to reliable information, the cost incurred to purchase the required
equipment was in the range of an additional Rs. five million. In order to execute the
works of the editorial department, a new team was recruited. They were video cameraman,
video operator, lighting technician, camera assistant and editing assistant. The salaries
paid to them ranged from Rs. 9,000 to 17,000. Following the recruitment of this new team,
the already employed assistant director of publicity became virtually jobless.
The TRC, it should be pointed out, had already employed an assistant
director for media and publicity work. But the new team it is understood never bothered to
include the assistant director of the TRC in the newspaper operation. The new recruits
also directly reported to the director general of telecommunication (DGT) and not to the
assistant director, employed by the TRC.
It is appalling to note that the Director General of Telecommunications
(DGT) R. D. Somasiri had approved the payment for the first issue pending junior tender
board (JTB) approval. The minutes of the meeting of the JTB of the telecommunication
regulatory commission of Sri Lanka (TRCSL) held on September 10, 2001, at 2.30 p.m. states
as follows; "The JTB at its meeting on April 9, 2001, approved the award of the
tender for first two issues of the said newspaper to Saraswathi Studio and Graphics of
445/1, Makola South, Makola, at a cost of Rupees One Million and Twenty Four Thousand (Rs.
1,024,000/=). In making this award, the JTB considered the urgency of this matter as
stated by the DGT as well as the fact that DGT had approved the payment for the first
issue pending JTB approval."
It is clearly evident that Somasiri has had an 'urgency' to approve
payment even before the JTB considered the payment. Nobody seems to know why Somasiri was
hasty in this matter. Of the eight issues that were printed, the TRC had to spend a
colossal amount on the first seven issues. But the final issue of 40,000 copies had been
done at much lesser cost than the previous one. There again it is evident that the DGT had
not taken proper measures to hand over the contract to the printers who were willing to
print the first seven issues at a reduced rate.
Silva was wielding power over the ministry of posts and telecommunication
only upto September 2001. During this period he managed to release seven issues of the
newspaper. But immediately after, another cabinet reshuffle took place during this month,
and Indika Gunewardene took control of the posts and telecommunication ministry, a change
was effected to of the contract. The contract thereafter was awarded to Global Printers
(Pvt) Ltd,.
Once Gunewardene took over this ministry, restricted quotations were
called from ten printers upon approval of the secretary to the ministry of posts and
telecommunication, for printing and supplying 40,000 copies of the Jana Sandeshaya. It was
thereafter decided to hand over the contract to Global Printer (Pvt) Ltd, which quoted
only 356,000,00.
Even under Gunewardene, only one issue was published. There again it is
not certain as to why the ministry suddenly stopped printing the newspaper if it was done
with the intention of improving and developing public awareness of TRC's activities.
Questions are raised as to why the DGT could not approach Global Printers
to publish the earlier copies. The Sunday Leader learns that one of the employees
recruited to run the newspaper had recommended that the newspaper be published by
Saraswathi Printers, and based on this recommendation the technical evaluation committee
(TEC) had agreed to hand over the contract to Saraswathi Studio and Graphics.
Meanwhile, it is not certain whether all 40,000 copies were actually
printed and circulated. According to the technical evaluation committee of the TRC, the
chief store keeper must hand over all 40,000 copies after carefully counting them and
certifying, to the TRC that there were 40,000 copies. But it is understood there has not
been proper count on the copies to verify whether all 40,000 copies have been printed.
Nobody seems to know who received these copies. The price of the copy is also not
mentioned in the newspaper and therefore nobody knows whether the copies were sold or
issued free of charge.
Under the PA regime, the cost of living was spiralling and though there
were numerous complaints from the public and several protests held to show the public
anger over the cost of living, the PA government did little to address this issue. But one
does not understand why the government allowed ministers like Nimal Siripala de Silva to
initiate such a project at the expense of public funds.
"Cops are not going for
Ratwatte"
Rauf Hakeem, Leader for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress admitted that he is
aware SP Udugampola is under pressure to take the heat off the Ratwattes. Udugampola,
Hakeem said, has relentlessly pursued the Ratwattes. Unfortunately, Hakeem noted that
interested parties are trying to throw the Athurugiriya raid on him and accuse the cop of
having acted in a manner that was stupid.
"It is yet to be acknowledged that the raid was a misadventure,"
Hakeem said, adding, "In my opinion I don't think we can just quickly come to
conclusions." He pointed out that Udugampola searched the house at Athurugiriya on
information he had received that a wanted suspect -- Chanuka Ratwatte -- was visiting the
residence.
"In that context, Udugampola was fully entitled to search the house
and he did so following proper police procedure," the minister said, applauding
Udugampola's bold and unbiased approach in handling the entire investigation into the
Udathalawinna massacre.
Asked why he is now silent on the Udathalawinna case, Hakeem defended his
lack of public inactivity on the issue.
"I don't want to be seen interfering or fiddling in the police
investigation," he said. Commenting further, Hakeem maintained that he is convinced
there is sufficient evidence against not only Lohan and Chanuka Ratwatte but against
Anuruddha Ratwatte to incriminate the family in the Udathalawinna murders.
"However, I am not going to tell the police what to do. I believe in
the independence of the police force. Having said that, the police are now fast losing
their credibility by not acting on the available evidence in this shocking crime," he
said.
Hakeem pointed out that in other similar instances, the innocent parents
of persons who have committed some crime, have been taken into police custody. In this
instance, he asserted, there is evidence against the father himself, but for some unknown
reason the cops are leaving him alone.
Asked why he is not pressurising Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe to act on
this issue, Hakeem defended his position. "I don't want to tell the government to
take them in. I am a minority party leader. If I push for Ratwatte's arrest they will
accuse me of being biased," he said, adding that in his opinion, Anuruddha Ratwatte
is a criminal and he has said as much on the floor of the House.
Hakeem asserted that he has already instructed his lawyers to write to the
Attorney General on the Udathalwinna case and ensure that justice is served on behalf of
the ten youngsters who died while attempting to safeguard ballot boxes.
"I have not forgotten that these boys died to get me into
office," Hakeem said, hotly denying that he is lying low on the issue.
Hakeem meanwhile lamented that it is preposterous for President Chandrika
Kumaratunga as the Head of State to have walked into the Bogambara prison recently and
visited members from the presidential security division being held on criminal charges.
Calling it an outright shame, Hakeem said Kumaratunga even had the
audacity to sign in the visitor's book at the prison.. |
