POLITICS

CBK's strategy of sabotage By Suranimala While President Chandrika Kumaratunga put in motion a strategy to pull the rug under the government's feet on the peace agenda last week, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna moved to split the SLFP and emerge as the main opposition force in the country using the ethnic issue as its main platform. With the noose slowly but surely tightening around the president over the gestapo style

doings of the Presidential security Division, the Chief Executive has now given the nod to launch an islandwide campaign against the peace process to her party, though publicly taking up a posture of supporting Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's peace efforts.

At the same time, in the wake of the starting revelations of the PSD's involvement in robbery, violence and possibly even murder, Kumaratunga last week in a 360 degree turn chose to distance herself from PSD Director Nihal Karunaratne, all but calling him an agent of the LTTE. That is of course in sharp contrast to the praise she heaped on him earlier for the yeoman service rendered, going to the extent of spending four hours with him in hospital the previous week.

It is a culmination of this development and the government's intentions to introduce a constitutional amendment not only for a conscience vote but also to prune the powers of the president with regards to the powers of dissolution of parliament that have got Kumaratunga activated.

Marginalised

The president now realises unless she ousts the UNF government in the short term she will be marginalised and has said as much to the SLFP hierarchy.

The strategy worked out by the president therefore is to offer conditional support for Prime Minister Wickremesinghe's peace efforts and the constitutional amendments whilst activating the hardline Sinhala groups and the JVP to launch an all out offensive on the peace process, biding time till December before dissolving parliament.

It is with the same objective that the president undertook her mission to India where she impressed upon the Indian leaders and the media the importance of ensuring the proscription of the LTTE remaining in force, realising fully well, the talks between the government and the LTTE cannot get off the ground until such time that issue is resolved. That way the president hopes come December she will be in a position to dissolve, asking the people for a fresh mandate.

Thus prior to her visit to India, working through a hardline Sinhala group, efforts were made to get the Maha Nayakes to address a letter to the president, prime minister leader of the opposition and all MPs calling upon them to protect the unitary state, resist any moves to de proscribe the LTTE, merge the north and east and setting up of an interim administration.

 This task was undertaken by a team including Ven. Kusala Dhamma Thero, Piyasena Dissanayake, Pushpamala Iriyagolla, former Judge Walpita and Dr. Susantha Gunatilake. The idea was of course to put Prime Minister Wickremesinghe on the defensive and create the conditions for public agitation if and when the deproscription takes place. It was to be a win win strategy based on the assumption war would break out, if the talks don't get off the ground due to the failure to deproscribe and if deproscription does take place to intensify the protest campaigns  using the clergy as a spring board.

That way the radical groups believe the government will not be able to ensure stability for reviving the economy which in turn would lead to more frustration among the people, thus sowing the seeds for mayhem.

The desired objective of this exercise however could not be realised with the media questioning the veracity of some of the signatures resulting in the missive not getting the anticipated publicity leading to the JVP and the Sinhala hardliners launching a tirade against the media. To make matters worse the Asgiriya Mahanayake the following day publicly stated he supported the peace process.

But the president was undeterred and took with her a copy of the letter to India and it later came to be published in the Hindu newspaper, widely regarded as a pro Chandrika anti LTTE publication when it comes to issues concerning Sri Lanka.

However before  leaving for India on Monday, the President convened a meeting of the SLFP Central Committee to discuss the current political developments with a view to evolving a strategy.

Time to counter

Prior to the Central Committee meeting itself, the President, former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and opposition leader Mahinda Rajapakse met with the visiting Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgessen where once again the president said she would support the process but that deproscription should come only after the talks resume and progress is made.

It is after this meeting that the Central Committee meeting got underway where plans to counter the UNF came to be discussed. Initially, the president requested Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapakse to brief the members on the discussion with the Norwegian Deputy Minister, informing the members, Sri Lanka's High Commissioner to Great Britain, President's Counsel Faiz Mustapha had arrived to pay a courtesy call on her.

With the meeting thus getting underway, Chief Minister of the Western Province Reginold Cooray struck a note of caution stating they were faced with a dangerous political situation and unless the SLFP took a clear stand on the peace process, the JVP will capitalise on it and seize the party vote bank.

Chipping in with his own contribution at this stage was Former Deputy Minister of Higher Education, Vishwa Warnapala who too opined the party must take a strong stand that ensures, the rights of the Sinhalese are protected.

Giving a different perspective was Kegalle District MP, Athauda Seneviratne who said the UNF government was planning to introduce constitutional amendments to take away the president's powers with a view to charging her in courts and deterrent action should be taken.

By this time, the president had rejoined the meeting and informed the members, the party should engage the UNP in dialogue with a view to buying time. The president said the SLFP should write to the prime minister and state the party position on the numerous issues based on which the SLFP will offer its support in a spirit of co-habitation.

"We will say we will co operate subject to our concerns being addressed. That way we will engage them in dialogue and obtain time till we are ready," the president said. Having said that the president went on a tirade against the UNP and PSD Director Nihal Karunaratne to the shock of the members present.

"The UNP is trying to corner me. All others will get out of their cases. My security people were taken in. I now suspect Nihal Karunaratne as well. I can no longer trust him. Nihal Karunaratne is now sending me messages to appoint Kumari. Navaratne as secretary to the Samurdhi Ministry and that if it is done all these problems will be settled. All this is manipulated by S. B. Dissanayake. There is a bookie called Dhammika Perera. He is scolding me in filth. He is working on Nihal Karunaratne," she said.

Interjecting at this point was Ratnapura district MP, Pavithra Wanniarachchi who said Dhammika Perera did not speak badly but said nicely, S. B. Dissanayake will ease the pressure if Kumari Navaratne is appointed Secretary.

Not about to accept that explanation, the president went on the offensive against both Nihal Karunaratne and Dhammika Perera yet again.

"Dhammika has taken a LTTE ship and is transporting weapons. He is sitting on Nihal Karunaratne's bed and talking for his release. How can I trust Nihal anymore under these circumstances," she said. The president's attack on Karunaratne of course comes in the wake of speculation that the interdicted PSD Chief had indicated to Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's private secretary Sudath Chandrasekera in writing Presidents knowledge of all the attacks under investigation and that the PSD were merely carrying out orders.

Be that as it may, with the president giving vent to her feelings, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapakse queried from PA General Secretary D. M. Jayaratne the proposal to introduce votes of no confidence against Muslim Congress Leader Rauf Hakeem, CWC Leader Arumugam Thondaman and UPF Leader P. Chandrasekeran.

Rajapakse said the SLFP has already alienated the minorities and such a course of action will be suicidal for the party. If there is to be a no confidence motion it should be against the government, he said.

Responding to the opposition leader, D. M. Jayaratne said there were no plans by the PA to introduce any such motions.

With that out of the way, a committee comprising MPs John Seneviratne, Nimal Siripala De Silva, Athauda Seneviratne and Chief Minister Reginold Cooray were appointed to draft a letter to prime minister setting out the SLFP position on the peace process and the conditions for support with a view to engaging the UNF in dialogue in keeping with the president's strategy to buy time.

Interim administration

Accordingly the committee did a draft wherein it was stated, there should be no de-proscription until such time the talks progress. In addition, the draft states the SLFP is against the concept of traditional homelands and cannot agree to such demand by the LTTE being recognised on the basis, Sri Lanka belongs to all its people.

With regard to the LTTE proposal for an interim administration, the draft states, since the demand stems from LTTE Leader Velupillai Prabhakaran's statement that they want an interim administration because the government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is not strong enough to provide a stable environment for their political activity, the SLFP would give the necessary strength to the UNF government to negate the necessity for an interim administration.

Instead, the SLFP proposes in the draft that the government should go for a final solution without introducing an interim administration, quite oblivious to the fact that President Kumaratunga no less offered the LTTE a 10 year exclusive rule without election in 1997-1998, an offer the Tigers rejected at the time by Kumaratunga's own admission.

Of course the SLFP strategy on this occasion is to create a situation where it would be difficult for the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to negotiate with the LTTE by queering the pitch early on, especially based on the very requests made by the LTTE with regard to de proscription and the Interim Administration.

In  such a situation, having  unleashed the extremist Sinhala groups led by the JVP to oppose the peace process, the SLFP is setting the stage to join the bandwagon as and when the campaign picks up by stating the UNP did not heed its proposals for co habitation, knowing fully well, if the premier concedes to Kumaratunga's demands, the peace talks will be a non starter.

And in that backdrop, having created sufficient waves in the country, the president having bought time by offering co habitation believes she will be in a position to dissolve parliament and go for elections anytime after December. At least that is the strategy.

Number game

To give further teeth to this strategy, the SLFP is to also offer the government support for the constitutional amendment for a conscience vote but once again qualifies such support by stating the party will only support piecemeal amendments and not a complete package.

What the SLFP in effect is going to tell the UNF is that it will not support any amendment to remove the powers of the president to dissolve parliament or make her answerable to parliament and the courts but would support the right to cross over as well as changing the electoral system to a first past the post system.

On the question of dissolution, the SLFP is to tell the Prime Minister, the President would give an assurance, she will not dissolve parliament at the end of one year, knowing fully well such assurances count for nothing. Afterall, the record of broken promises when it comes to Kumaratunga is now legendary.

Thus it is clear from the SLFP strategy that there will be no co operation coming from the president and the SLFP in real terms and unless he looks sharp, the peace rug of the government would be pulled right under Wickremesinghe's feet.

At the same time, the SLFP strategy is based on the assumption, the UNF cannot muster sufficient numbers without the open support of the PA to obtain the required 2/3rd majority to pass its constitutional amendments into law and take away the president's power to dissolve parliament anytime after December.

On the other hand the government is confident it has the numbers with or without the PA support and it remains to be seen whether the prime minister can deliver on the amendments to checkmate the president on her strategy, failing which of course, the UNF has the option of submitting an impeachment resolution against the president to prevent her from exercising the power of dissolution.

And while the SLFP was mapping out its strategy to destabilise the government, the JVP was busy planning the downfall of the SLFP using the peace issue as a springboard.

Towards this end, the JVP has planned a series of protest campaigns and fully realising there is a power struggle between Mahinda Rajapakse and Anura Bandaranaike, lobbied the latter to join the campaign in a bid to sideline Rajapakse and aggravate the crisis within the SLFP. It is Rajapakse that has mass appeal in the SLFP and given his socialist outlook and Southern base it is he who is the real threat to the JVP breaking into the SLFP vote bank, hence the decision to isolate Rajapakse within his own party using a Bandaranaike.

And this mission was undertaken by JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansha who met with Anura Bandaranaike at the latter's residence and during the two hour discussion agreed for a joint campaign against the government to the exclusion of Rajapakse with the knowledge and concurrence of the president.

Having decided on this strategy, the campaign was mapped out with the letter of the Maha Nayakes to be used as a starting point for agitation.

In the meantime, Bandaranaike in separate discussions with the UNF had agreed to support the proposed constitutional amendment blocking the president's power of dissolving parliament with a view to joining the government at a later stage. Bandaranaike of course true to form was keeping his options open.

With the stage thus set, the president left for India, giving Bandaranaike and Mangala Samaraweera the green light to participate in the JVP sponsored protest demonstration and meeting scheduled for Tuesday April 23. For the JVP it was an ideal opportunity to split the SLFP and increase its base having tasted success on this score with the probationary government arrangement.

The JVP link to Samaraweera is through Ruan Ferdinands, the man with whom Wimal Weerawansha earlier shared the joint bank account.

And part of the JVP campaign was to march to Temple Trees and hand Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe a protest letter, hoping it will create a police backlash but Weerawansha was persuaded against such a course of action by MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardene, who too was a livewire in this campaign against the government-LTTE, MoU.

And by Monday, April 22, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapakse fully realising the game plan of the JVP and the Bandaranaikes made it clear he will not allow the JVP to hijack the SLFP vote base and vowed to fight back.

Realising the tough stand taken by Rajapakse would upset the carefully laid plans of the JVP and the Sinhala hard-liners to scuttle the peace process and create chaos, Sinhala hardliner, Dr. Susantha Goonetileke called on Rajapakse, on Monday to solicit his support for the Sinhala case.

Goonetileke told Rajapakse the campaign would be intensified in the weeks to come and he should join them and give the UNF a run for their money on the peace process.

As an incentive to Rajapakse, Goonetileke widely considered as having his sympathies with the JVP told the opposition leader they could groom him for the future and that there was sufficient finance with him to do the needful.

Goonetileke told a shocked Rajapakse, his son had earned a lot of money in the United States and was prepared to invest the money in a newspaper to promote Rajapakse if he was agreeable to support their campaign.

Lost cause

But the opposition leader did not rise to the bait informing Goonetileke that he did not wish to unnecessarily alienate the minorities and would decide on a course of action after the SLFP takes a policy decision on the whole peace process.

Slighted, Goonetileke was to later telephone a number of persons and state that Rajapakse was a lost cause and that they should strengthen the hand of the president to fight the battles ahead on the peace process.

That very Monday evening in the meantime, UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrama spoke to Anura Bandaranaike and inquired whether he was participating in Tuesday's demonstration and meeting against the peace process with the JVP.

Hemming and hawing, Bandaranaike said he was not keen to do so but that MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardene had pressed him and that it was now difficult to back down.

Bandaranaike pointed out that he had to emerge as the force in the SLFP to counter Mahinda Rajapakse but would support the UNF's constitutional amendments as promised earlier.

"I will just go and show my face and come," he said but when crunch time came, not only did he show his face but vowed to fight the LTTE tooth and nail.

Ironically standing on the JVP organised platform, Bandaranaike whose own brother in law, Vijaya Kumaratunga was killed by the organisation amongst scores of other party members said a bunch of killers, like the LTTE cannot enter the political process.

And just hours before the meeting, at around 4 p.m., opposition whip Mangala Samaraweera telephoned Opposition Leader Rajapakse and inquired whether he would be attending the protest rally.

"Are you going? Wimal is pestering me to come," Samaraweera said.

Replied Rajapakse, "No, I won't go. I have not been invited and in any event we should not allow the JVP to dictate terms to us."

Agreeing with Rajapakse, Samaraweera said he too would then not go but not long after, he was seen attending the meeting, infuriating Rajapakse at the cat and mouse games of the Bandaranaike loyalists.

And to make his feelings known, Rajapakse telephoned a confidante of Samaraweera and said in no uncertain terms what he thought of the Bandaranaike-JVP strategy.

"They are trying to split the SLFP and Anura and Mangala have walked right into the trap. I know this has the president's blessings. She wants Anura to hold the place till her children return," he said. Continuing, Rajapakse berated Samaraweera as a lap dog who was a lackey of the Bandaranaike Walawwa.

The following day, Wednesday, April 24, Rajapakse saw Samaraweera in the parliamentary canteen and walking upto the member said, "You are a traitor."

Traitor

"It was a dirty thing you did. At 4 p.m., you told me you are not going and at 5 p.m., you went. Don't be such a traitor," Rajapakse said.

Full of apologies, Samaraweera replied thus: "I heard you scolded me," shotback Rajapakse. "Did you hear everything I said."

Said Samaraweera: "Yes, I did."

Replied Rajapakse: "Good, then its okay."

Rajapakse later went public with a statement that he as opposition leader will not allow the JVP to dictate terms in future. Subsequently, Dinesh Gunawardene spoke to Rajapakse and said they must avert a split at this early stage and in keeping with his public statement, should give leadership to the opposition.

Thereafter the duo agreed to organise a mass scale protest campaign on broader issues rather than the peace process alone under Rajapakse's leadership where the JVP will have very little if not 'no' role to play.

But the bottom line is, in its bid to undermine the peace process, the battle for supremacy within the opposition has surfaced larger than life threatening to split them right in the middle and mind you all in the name of protecting the rights of the Sinhalese.

The paradox is that Mahinda Rajapakse once identified as a hard-line Sinhala Buddhist leader is emerging as a moderate national leader whilst Kumaratunga, Bandaranaike and Samaraweera, once considered moderates by the minorities have today emerged as Sinhala hard-liners, in a quest for power.

Gone it seems are the days of Sudu Nelum movements, only to be replaced by the blood curdling rhetoric of the JVP.

And the sweet irony is, it is all done in the name of the Sinhalese, the poorer of which race are called upon to pay the supreme sacrifice in a bloody war for the high and mighty to enjoy the trappings of power.

• PSD's skeletons of the past stroll out of Temple Trees

CID cracks assault case of editor

By Frederica Jansz

Four confidantes of former PSD Chief Nihal Karunaratne and security personnel attached to President Chandrika Kumaratunge were arrested by the Criminal Investigations Department last week in connection with the assault on Lasantha Wickrematunge, Editor, The Sunday Leader, and his wife Raine in 1995.

Driving home from work on February 6, 1995, Lasantha and Raine were attacked by a gang of five men, three of whom were masked.   The incident took place a few metres outside their home at Nugegoda.

A high level police probe into the incident has found that the men involved in the attack were all bodyguards to President Chandrika Kumaratunge during the provincial council elections of 1993 and the parliamentary general election in 1994.

Tilak Perera, Anil and Thusith Samarawickrema, Jagath Kumara Hewa Pathirana, Baddegana Sanjeewa and Yapa Bandaralage Sudath Chandana, former driver of President Kumaratunge were part of a six-member gang that planned and executed the attack on the Wickrematunges.  

Tilak Perera together with Jagath, Anil and Thusith, all worked in the early 1990s at The Finance Ltd., under ex-army officer Lankatilaka.  The men were all employed as car seizers.   Anil and Thusith Samarawickrema are brothers.

During the 1993 provincial council election, Tilak, Anil, Thusith and Jagath all worked as bodyguards for Kumaratunge.

Nihal Karunaratne was also absorbed into this clique after having worked at the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) under former controversial and hated cop, DIG  Udugampola.  It is Karunaratne who introduced Chandana as a driver to Kumaratunge as they had both worked together in the BSO.

United to provide security for Kumaratunge this clique regularly ate and drank together.  One evening while socializing together with another friend of Tilak's, the conversation centered around the fact that Thusith had recently fallen ill and another person was urgently required to be a part of Kumaratunge's security due to the forthcoming general election in 1994.

Tilak's friend had then telephoned someone he knew and asked this individual to come to where they were all sharing a drink.  Soon, a lanky, tall youth walked in and joined the crowd.  This was Baddegana Sanjeewa. During the course of conversation he was made an offer.  To join the clique and provide security for Kumaratunge.

It is this crowd that formed a human ring of security around Chandrika Kumaratunge when she began to campaign for the parliamentary general election in 1994. After her resounding victory, Kumaratunge summoned the men to Temple Trees and asked them to name their wish.  "You have all done so much for me and taken so many risks to protect my life I wish to reward you all," she had said, asking them to name their request.

Tilak and Anil asked that they be given two liquor licenses each as a reward for their services while Jagath asked for a license to import cement.

Kumaratunge readily agreed to the granting of the two liquor licenses but chided Jagath, explaining that there were too many frauds involved in the importation of cement.  He then asked to be employed as a customs officer as the Sri Lanka Customs Deaprtment.  "My God! No," she replied again, adding "there is far too much corruption in that department too."

Jagath was finally granted a beer license and opened a restaurant with rooms catering primarily for couples indulging in illicit love affairs.  He however did not fare well. Grumbling that he had received the raw end of the deal, Jagath finally was forced to close down his restaurant and went back to his old job of being a professional seizer.  He was employed by  the Stassens Group at their  distillery where Lankatilaka was also employed. 

Thusith Samarawickrema continued to have easy access to Temple Trees.  His friendship with Baddegana Sanjeewa and Nihal Karunaratne grew but he continued to be a 'drop-out' as it were, from society.

His brother Anil, together with Tilak Perera pursued their application to secure two liquor licenses.   They filled up the required application forms and handed them over to Nihal Karunaratne at his residence.  Karunaratne however did not move in the matter and nothing happened for some months.

Disgusted, Anil approached former presidential additional secretary, Piyasena Dissanayake  He was referred to a senior officer of the PSD SP Tudewatte.  The latter had confided in him saying, "I cannot do anything until Karunaratne is out of the way.  I will call you when he, (Karunaratne) goes on leave."

Soon, Anil did receive a summons and given a date to meet with 'madam.' Arriving at the due date Anil was taken to the maligawa and asked to sit and wait.  After some time, Kumaratunge had descended a staircase and engaged Anil in friendly chatter.  Inquiring after his well being, Kumaratunge had finally got around to why he was there.  Explaining that he needed her signature on the application forms to secure the liquor license, Kumaratunge readily agreed and Anil and Tilak were finally granted the green light to proceed with the opening of two bars.

Anil opened a bar at Kottawa while Tilak Perera opened a bar at Nugegoda. Tilak did not have the Rs. 150,000/- required to pay as stamp duty fees and approached Harry Jayawardena of the Stassens Group for help.  Jayawardene readily forked out the cash and arranged with Tilak to supply his bar with liquor on a credit basis, Tilak claims in his statement. 

In the meantime, Baddegana Sanjeewa had been absorbed into the PSD.  He maintained a close friendship with Tilak, Anil and Thusith.  Baddegana Sanjeewa , regularly visited Tilak's bar at Nugegoda, and they met often. 

One day in 1995, Baddegana Sanjeewa arrived at the bar and whispered to Tilak, that there was a job to be done.  "Podi wedak thieynawa, patharakarayek innawa apita digatama gahanawa. Minihata wede dipang," he told Tilak in Sinhalese.

Tilak readily agreed.  "Mama ona support ekak denang," he promised. 

Jagath and the two brothers Anil and Thusith were also contacted and a plan hatched to attack Lasantha Wickrema- tunge.

Sanath Gunatilleke, former Media Advisor to President Chandrika Kumaratunge had confided in Baddegana Sanjeewa that he was furious with Lasantha Wickrematunge as The Sunday Leader had been "throwing mud" at him.

Gunatilleke was not only a close friend of Baddegana Sanjeewa's at the time but also shared a close friendship with PSD Chief Nihal Karunaratne not to mention P resident Kumaratunga.

A few days later, after the group had met and discussed a method to carry out an assault on Lasantha, Baddegana Sanjeewa arrived in a white van together with Kumaratunge's driver Chandana at the wheel. 

Picking up Tilak, they also collected Jagath and allegedly the two brothers Thusith and Anil. They first drove to Temple Trees and thereafter drove to Ward Place where the offices of The Sunday Leader was originally situated.

They watched as Lasantha and Raine left their office and climbed into their car.  Following the car from ward place to Nugegoda, the van suddenly overtook the car and drove ahead.  Already aware of where the Wickrematunge couple lived, they turned into their lane, parked the van haphazardly and pretended there was a breakdown. 

Jagath had climbed off the van and lain half underneath the vehicle in an attempt to fake a breakdown and pretend he was a motor mechanic.  Chandana had remained inside the van at the wheel of the vehicle.

No sooner had Lasantha turned his car into the by-lane he slowed his vehicle as he spotted a breakdown across the road.  Tilak, Baddegana Sanjeewa and either Thusith or Anil had by this time masked their faces.  Acting with the speed of lightening, Tilak lunged himself at the driving door of the car, opened the car door and yanked Lasantha out, raining blows on him in the process.

Raine, by this time was screaming for help.  Getting down from the driving side of the vehicle she ran to the scrabbling men and threw herself between the assailant and Lasantha.  By this time Baddegana Sanjeewa and Anil or Thusith it is not yet clear which one, as they were all masked, were also beating Lasantha. As a result of her actions, Raine too received some stunning blows.

According to the confessions made to police Baddegana Sanjeewa had thereafter damaged the windscreen of the car.  The time was around 5.30 p.m.  The attack lasted only a few minutes before the goon squad disappeared.

Chandana has confessed that they all drove back to Temple Trees.  He claims that he remained with the vehicle while the others went towards the maligawa to report the success of the incident to Mahathaya.   The men were jubilant - believing they had scored over the patharakaraya. 

Tilak Perera had vowed allegiance to the gang and offered further support and assistance in the event his services to perpetrate violence were required in the future.

In his statement to the Mirihana Police, Lasantha Wickrematunge specified that three masked men were at the scene of the attack.

More than a year later, a police constable from the Mirihana police station, arrived at the liquor bar which Tilak Perera owned and managed at Nugegoda and asked him to come to the Mirihana police station in order that his statement could be recorded with regard to this incident.

Tilak immediately phoned PSD Chief, Nihal Karunaratne and asked him to intervene in the matter.  The DIG in charge of the Mirihana police station at the time was a cousin to Karunaratne.  The matter was dropped and no further attempt made to record any statements or pursue with the investigation.

Anil Samarawickrema meanwhile has claimed that he was never part of this goon squad.  He has denied any involvement in the incident asserting that he at all times hated Nihal Karunaratne and would not have ever got involved in a plan of this nature.

Anil has further maintained that he would not have perpetrated such an act on Lasantha Wickrematunge as he knows him well and has travelled with him on several occasions to Horogolla Walawwa after having met him at the Rosmead Place residence of  Sirimavo Bandaranaike.

Only Tilak Perera has claimed to police that Anil was also a part of this gang and present on this occasion.  The other suspects maintain that it was Anil's brother Thusith, who was present at the scene and not Anil.

Top cops believe however that it was Anil Samarawickrema who was at the scene of the attack and that is why he was masked, as he knew Lasantha Wickrematunge would otherwise have recognised him instantly. 

Chandana was subsequently dismissed from the services of the PSD after he allegedly crashed a private vehicle belonging to SP Nihal Karunaratne.  The case was cracked by a CID team led by Chief Inspector R. Mark under the supervision of Director CID, SSP Nimal Gunatileke within a fortnight of getting the greenlight to probe the incident which was swept under the carpet by the Kumaratuna regime.

The CID meanwhile on Thursday April 25th, filed a motion at the Gangodawila magistrates court to advance the date for an identification parade of the suspects to Monday, April 29, 2002.

Lasantha Wickrematunge will be called upon to identify the suspects.

Harsh realities of Wanni life

By Amantha Perera

in the Wanni

Crossing over to LTTE controlled areas is akin to taking a time trip. A trip that would take you through a landscape stuck somewhere in the 1940s. The civilian population leads a life of minimum sustenance.

There is no electricity, no running water, no proper transport mechanism, no health system, no proper education...none of the basic necessities whose absence is unimaginable in these times of e-commerce.

Travelling on the roads is like being tied to an internal yo-yo, going up and down. Public transport, whatever is left of it, comprises dilapidated buses and lorries provided by the LTTE. People hang on to every part of the vehicle. There are private vehicles as well, mostly Hillman cars that run on kerosene oil sold by the bottle. People travel on the hood, on the bonnet and even on the buffers if they could.

Hospitals are a rare luxury; in Kilinochchi, the former hospital has been reduced to a pot-holed skeleton with signs that warn of landmines and other improvised explosives. In its place is a LTTE-backed dispensary. The LTTE trains most of the doctors who work in the area. The training consists of providing medical assistance to LTTE combat units during operations. Such trainees, according to LTTE members, can carry out an operation with only two years of training.

Most of the functioning schools are blown out buildings and classrooms under the sun. The dire situation of the civilian population is far worse among the physically handicapped.

An orphanage is located at Udayarkattu in the Mullaithivu district. It is home to 65 children, all physically disabled. It is an operation run on handouts by donors, NGOs and the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation,  an organisation backed by the LTTE.

When The Sunday Leader  visited the orphanage, its co-ordinator Manu Mailvaganam was trying to figure out means of getting more funding. Oxfam, which had been funding the orphanage cut back funds and was only funding homes in the Kilinochchi district. “We need more Braille machines and dictionaries,” he said.

Mailvaganam had made an appeal to Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Minister Dr. Jayalath Jayawardena, but had not got a reply. According to Chairman of the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Authority of the North (RRAN),  N. Vamadeva, the request was for some bicycles and the authority had provided them. Nevertheless, the authority is yet to begin any sort of work in the uncleared areas. If and when work begins, it would take a huge effort and a fat cheque to get the uncleared areas back to at least a semblance of normalcy.

Nevertheless, the peace negotiations and the cessation of hostilities have made civilian life a little more bearable. Goods formerly rationed or non-existent are now freely available and at cheaper prices. A bottle of kerosene has come down to Rs. 45 since the MoU while a litre of petrol is Rs. 100.

“A bottle of oil was as high as Rs. 150,” said Sithabarampullai Balachandran, who runs a rudimentary oil milling operation at Visvamadhu, Mullaithivu. Now prices have come down to Rs. 80 since the co-operative is getting the oil down from the south. Though he is at a loss, Balachandran is willing to take a profit cut for the sake of  peace.

The absence of proper civilian amenities has allowed the LTTE to step in and take control of the day to day affairs. It runs everything from police offices to courthouses to its own bank. The Bank of Tamileelam, is an illegal entity, going by normal banking norms, but such norms do not apply in the Wanni.

It is not registered under any authority and does not report to a central bank that regulates its functions. Such technical hitches aside, it is doing brisk business. The branch at Visvamadhu allocates loans up to Rs. 200,000 and issues its own cheque books.

“We are concentrating on developing the agriculture sector,” the bank’s assistant manager said. Immaculately attired for a civilian in the Wanni, he however refused to go on record by name as well as to be photographed. The branch, one of six operating in the uncleared areas, services 150 customers. The Bank of  Tamileelam was formed in 1994.

A speech LTTE Leader Velupillai Prabhakaran delivered on that occasion explains the reason for the forming of the bank. The bank became a necessity when other banks operating in the LTTE controlled areas, like the National Savings Bank and the People’s Bank were suspected of transferring funds to areas outside the LTTE’s control.

The speech even alleged that when the south was facing monetary problems, savings from the uncleared areas could be utilised to alleviate the situation. With its own bank, the LTTE has control of the finances in the uncleared areas.

On top of that, a huge cash pile too lies under its command. The bank deals in Sri Lankan rupees. Like its banking cousin, the LTTE run judicial system too is a hybrid between the LTTE’s own sense of justice and Sri Lankan law. The courthouse in Kilinochchi is the former official residence of the judge situated just behind the bombed-out former court with signs warning of mines. It is adorned with Prabhakaran’s picture above the judge’s chair.

The law, of which we were informed there are written books, is a combination of the Thesavalama law and Sri Lankan law. There is a Tamileelam Law College that produces lawyers but those who have graduated from the Sri Lankan Law College to are recognised.

All together, there are 150 such lawyers practising in the uncleared areas. Of that, 140 are from the Tamileelam Law College while the remainder is from the Colombo College. One third of the number have a private practice. But charges are regulated by the LTTE.

According to lawyers practising in Kilinochchi, the charges for filing a case is Rs. 250 and each appearance costs Rs. 150. Cases are usually heard till 4 p.m., and the courts have their own clerical staff who work till 4.30 p.m.

Most of the lawyers work for the LTTE and function more on the lines of state counsel. They are provided with a monthly salary by the LTTE. Though there have been rumours of the death penalty being implemented, lawyers told The Sunday Leader  that it has not been put to use of late and said that the death penalty is only there on paper.

The judicial system in the LTTE-controlled areas comes under the purview of a senior cadre who goes by the nom de guerre ‘Para’.

The LTTE formed its own police ten years ago. A few days before his press conference, Prabhakaran, clad in Tiger military fatigues, took part in the tenth anniversary celebration at Puthukudiyiruppu. The force is made up of civilians and not members inducted from LTTE units according to Kilinochchi OIC Ranjith Kumar. The force is headed by P. Nadesan and according to Kumar, does not make a distinction between LTTE cadres and civilians.

The police force looks after civilian disputes and most of its time is taken up by money matters arising from debts. On special occasions, the police force is put out in numbers. Such was the case when the A9 was officially opened on April 8 with LTTE police officers manning every junction. Whatever the occasion may be, the officers are always clad in uniform. When questioned as to whether officers are put on traffic duty, Kumar’s answer was a reflection of the area  where his officers carry out duties.

“There are no proper roads, how can there be traffic laws?” The LTTE also has its say in the medical facilities available outside the perimeter of NGOs as most of them are staffed and run by members. The vehicles that run exclusively in the uncleared areas carry LTTE registration plates while others carry the usual RMV plates.

The Tigers print the only daily paper available in the uncleared areas, named, what else, Elanatham. The LTTE also regulates the quality of the alcohol that is available. The booze is a home-brewed brand that is made from palmayrah or fruits. Police officers allayed fears that the liquor was of poor standard saying it was as good as what you get in the south.

Bootlegging they say is unheard of, as is commercial sex work. The penalty for such action is reported to be severe within the harsh control of the LTTE. “There is very little crime in these areas compared to the rest of Sri Lanka,” Kumar observed.

The total civil administration set-up is complete with administered prices despite Prabhakaran’s pronunciations that he is a believer of open market economics.

Cigarettes cannot be sold above Rs. 10, so shops do not house Gold Leaf as the mark-up is less. On top of all this come the taxes. Prabhakaran reasoned that the taxes were necessary as the LTTE was running a similar service like in any other part of the country.

The administrative control is such that even when Minister Jayawardena makes his very frequent visits to the uncleared areas he has to receive permission from the LTTE. It is this de facto administration that the LTTE would be able to legalise if it takes control of the interim council, which it is certain to achieve.

The LTTE has made attempts to further its control and influence in areas outside its military control with the cessation of hostilities. Earlier in the month, the LTTE held a meeting for all government servants in Vavuniya.

The meeting that was held just two days before the press conference was officially to appraise government servants of the situation. However, it was, according to Sinhala politicians in the area, also used as an opportunity to show who was calling the shots.

“The LTTE is gaining ground in these areas and it would be a very difficult situation if the negotiations break down and war erupts once again,” a UNP politician from Vavuniya told The Sunday Leader.

While consolidating its power base, the Tigers have moved swiftly to marginalise other Tamil parties, both political and militant. For the civilians living in LTTE controlled areas, the LTTE’s omnipresence is nothing new. They are quite accustomed to the civil administration as well as LTTE intelligence and military operatives who work outside the civil command structure.

Not only civilians but also LTTE members would only speak after obtaining permission from the organisation or if they are sure that they would not cause damage to the organisation by talking. None would dare criticise. What is new however, is the silent guns.

“I have waited more than 10 years to speak Sinhala,” a beaming Sithabarampullai Arumugam, Balachandran’s father, welcomed us. Arumugam migrated to Mullaithivu soon after the Jaffna peninsula fell under army control. He said that he is yearning to go back; his son was more worried about earning a living. His oil production business has to deal with the unpredictable military situation in the area.

People talk of peace in tones that convey that years of war do not allow them to be too optimistic. They have very little say in whatever is going on, though none would admit that. The tangible results of the cessation of hostilities are so minimum that the 300,000 or so civilians in the uncleared areas are still burdened.

A tea shop owner in Kilinochchi who had re-settled from the cleared areas told us that he wanted to leave Kilinochchi as his lot had not improved even after the MoU. His daughter is in her teens, and if the family remains in Kilinochchi, she is most likely to be roped into the LTTE. Not a very comforting thought to a parent. Ironically, despite years of war, certain luxuries do survive in the uncleared areas.

The NGO missions working in the areas have the best of facilities. Even the Ceasefire Monitoring Mission does. The biggest assets are the luxury vehicles. In the first convoy that crossed over to Jaffna from LTTE controlled areas, a very conspicuous member was the luxury jeep that transported the members of the monitoring mission. Facilities available in the Malavi area show a dramatic improvement compared to the rest of the Wanni. A hospital run by Medicin Sans Frontiers is located in Malavi which serves as the NGO nucleus in the Wanni.

The LTTE too has its own fleet, though not as deluxe as those owned by the foreign nationals. Para travels in a 1980’s Pajero while most high-rankers have motorcycles.

Their juniors use cycles. Most of the motorcycles used by LTTE cadres do not carry any registration plates. The LTTE also operates an international communication network via satellite phones. The minimum call charges are Rs. 300 per minute. Despite Pada Yatras and peace marathons, very little has been done in the uncleared areas for the benefit of the civilian population.

The A9 is being rehabilitated by the Road Development Authority but the work consists of flattening mounds of earth. One big rain and the reconstruction will end up on the wayside. One area where the south too could be a beneficiary is agriculture.

Products tend to be cheaper than in other parts of the country. A kilo of paddy was available at Visvamadhu at Rs. 13 and rice at Rs. 20 per kilo. However, for agriculture to be sustainable, production has to be increased. Neither the LTTE nor the government has given any thought to achieving this. 

The RRAN is still evaluating the situation and collecting estimates from Government Agents. Vamadeva said that it plans to resettle about 4500 families in the two districts under LTTE command. Beyond that, as of last week nothing was on the cards for the uncleared areas.

The MoU has created one very regular event in the uncleared areas, though. Some sort of a peace mission would pass through at the behest of a southern politician. This week, it was a Pada Yatra organised by Minister Jayawardena. Sadly, life does not allow the luxury to the civilians in the Wanni to partake in such pageantry. It is way too harsh.

THELMA

 East Timor an object lesson for Tigers

Darling motherrrr India,

I’m puzzled like the dickens darling. When I heard about some sections, especially the Congress party calling for the detention and extradition of the cyanide pill. I assure you, that from my lips there came a cry like that of some African warrior who, wandering in the jungles of the Congo suddenly finds himself pierced on the left bun by a poisoned arrow. It surprised me a good deal I can tell you.

Wanting Cyanide extradited! What was it now ‘oh yes,’ in order to keep cordial relations’ with paradise. Err..would that be lime or passion fruit?

Forgive me if I cock a snook darling, but seriously. If it hadn’t been for the time you wrapped the little cub up in swaddling clothes and nurtured him and his other toddler friends in luxury tents and let them suckle at your ample breasts, seventy thousand Paradisians need not have given up the ghost in the first place. Then, you sang of rights and wrongs, as blithely as a linnet without a thing on his mind, and now suddenly you are feeling like a fighting cock. Gadzooks dear girl, what ever is the matter with you!

To nurture a nincompoop who rolls about in chilli powder on gunnies in the scorching sunshine in order to accustom his body to torture. You ought to have seen what the end would be. But no. You were careless, heedless, busy with your own affairs.  Scarcely giving this quirk in his character a thought. You might have exchanged an occasional remark about it taking all sorts to make a world, but nothing more. And the upshot of it all? A whole lot of bodies on our hands.

Still. Poor old R. Gandhi. My heart bleeds for him. And for the wife and kids too of course. But forgive me if I try to put this in what is it now? ‘Perspecs’no..no..perspira’ oh yes, perspective. The Paradisians you might recall have been losing fathers and brothers, also leaders, like nobody’s (and bodies is right) business for the past two decades.

Were you swishing your dupatta then dear? No urge now to feed the chaps punj ratani daal I observe. No overpowering desire to send in the Jawans? Hmmm! Much as I love you dear, I must frown at you. By gad old girl, you have, since this awful little scrap started a quarter century ago, been getting into more positions on the matter than the Kama Sutra.

Detain Cyanide! Nothing Thellie would like better. But why may I ask did you feel the sun was shining from his posterior for so long? 

And now to accuse Paradise of indifference to Cyanide’s remarks about RG’s assassination. To say Paradise couldn’t give a rat’s patoot for the skunk’s antics. Well m’dear, Tch. Tch is about all I can say. That, is rubbing Bengali salt right into Colombian wounds. You lost one, we lost thousands. So shut up already if you don’t mind. Besides, cyanide is your baby, not our’s.

And talking of press conferences, who’d expect the bally monomaniacal megalomaniac to be anything but ambiguous. It’s always the way with these chappies. They can’t write it, they can’t spell it. But boy can they act it out. And all this Pongu Tamil business dear. Sounds like a rare northern curry guaranteed to give dyspepsia. 

But you must give the bally louse some credit girl. I know you feel that like Clinton, he wasn’t contrite enough,  but consider the facts. He was appearing for the first time before 300 hard-nosed journos. It must have been years since he climbed out from under his mouldy rock. No wonder he didn’t want to get entangled in the past. You try living among the creepy crawlies entangled in weeds for years and see how you like it.

I reeled darling, when I heard the chappie was now being snapped with his wife in safari suits. I could not quite gather if it was he or the wife who donned the safari number. I never knew the poor goof had it in him. I stand incredulous and panting.

You will forgive me if I tell you that I  have always been profoundly dubious about the unfortunate cheese’s chances of inducing any spinster of any parish to saunter down the isle with him. You will agree with me that he is not everybody’s cup of chai. I mean to say, Vihara Maha Devi would not have liked him and I doubt if he would go any too well with pancha kalyani either.

To think that he didn’t make his wife wear a suicidal jacket like he did all those other females. Ah well. It’s always the other woman who has to sacrifice everything, eh? 

And so, Cyanide is prepared to consider any viable alternative to Eelam the Paradisian government suggests eh? Or may be he said vial of cyanide. Why do I get the feeling of deja vu. Always the ball is thrown into the government court. Good thing Ra-kneel was playing lawn tennis in Bentota recently. Practising a cracking serve no doubt.

Meanwhile, Cyanide wants to be the sole leader of the thala thel types. For this, he has orchestrated rally after rally which he insists is nothing to do with him. Poor chap, we all know better don’t we? The floundering nincompoop is as popular among the rice yoghurt types as king Herod at a Israeli mothers’ breakfast meeting. Or Arial Sharon at a Palestinian night club. I suspect the thala thel types themselves now eye this camouflaged poltroon with a good deal of hearty loathing. Just because they have a craven fear of him don’t mean they love him.

Finally darling, for us, peace is imperative. And you creating waves at a time when we are trying to work out a solution is a naughty thing to do. Especially dear, since it was your silver haired mummy who trained these chaps in the first place.

Hmm! Seems to Thellie you’ve been caught with your knickers down. But hey. Let us send you a copy of this rag to wrap yourself with.

 We are after all, a newspaper that covers everything.