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“Interim
administration imperative”
All
Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) Parliamentarian, Gajen Ponnambalam is of
the view that the just concluded peace talks in Thailand were successful
because it has given both negotiating parties an opportunity to clearly
identify and prioritise the way forward. He says any process should
culminate in people getting the benefits and added only when this
happens the government would be in a position to take along with it the
people. Emphasising the fact that an interim administration is
imperative, Ponnambalam who is also a lawyer says the powers vested in
the interim administration should reflect the powers that would be
eventually vested under a solution.
Following
are excerpts;
By
Wilson Gnanadass
Q:
How do you view the first
round of peace talks that ended last Wednesday?
A:
I believe that it was successful. From the outcome of the talks, we were
able to see that the parties were able to clearly identify and
prioritise the way forward. It has always been our position that if the
peace process is to succeed, it is essential that the general public
reap the benefits. That is the only sure way we can take the people
along in the peace process. If the benefits do not trickle down to the
grassroots, the negotiating parties would run the risk of losing public
support.
As
far as the north - east is concerned, one sure way of ensuring people
have confidence in the peace process is by creating conditions of
normalcy. The fact that areas in the south to a great extent have
reached normal civilian life but the north - east still continues with
considerable absence of such normalcy has caused some reservations on
the part of the Tamil people. This can be seen even in the ceasefire
agreement itself.
One
of the main objectives of the agreement was to create conditions of
normalcy in the whole island. Why we see the first round of talks as a
success is because the parties have agreed to form an action committee
that would have both government and LTTE representatives that would look
into this very important matter. We hope they would take practical steps
in due course.
Q:
From what you have heard and seen, are you of the opinion both teams are
genuine this time?
A:
Well let us hope so. It is no secret that both parties have recognised
that this is the last possible chance to find a negotiated settlement.
The initial seven months have created a lot of optimism not only amongst
the Tamils but also amongst others as well.
Q:
Though LTTE theoretician Dr. Anton Balasingham declared that the LTTE
was not demanding for a separate state, he made specific reference to
the Thimpu principles. Don’t you think the Thimpu principles have
features good enough to carve out a separate state?
A:
The Thimpu principles can be satisfied with the establishment of a
separate state. But that is not the only way in which these principles
can be satisfied. These principles are essentially Tamil national
aspirations which cannot be compromised. What the Tamils say is that one
way or another these aspirations have to be realised. If sufficient
changes cannot be made to the system of governance of the Sri Lankan
state, then the only option we have is to struggle for the establishment
of a separate state which will most certainly satisfy these principles.
But it does not necessarily mean that by accepting these principles, one
is in essence handing over a separate state to the Tamils. The right to
cession under self determination will only come into play if there is no
solution that is found or if the solution that is found is not
implemented.
Q:
Do you welcome Minister Hakeem’s participation at the talks and if so,
do you also agree that a separate council should be created within the
north - east for the Muslims?
A:
As a member of a Tamil political party we most certainly welcome Muslim
representation in the talks. We believe that here is an opportunity for
everyone to negotiate and find solutions to their problems. As far as a
separate council is concerned, it is not clear as to why there is such a
need. The proposed interim administration or interim council for the
north - east I believe will also have sufficient Muslim representation.
Q: But the Muslims continue to say that they have been
harassed by the Tamils who are the majority in the north - east and
therefore demand for a separate council?
A: Relations between the two communities became strained
only after the armed struggle of the Tamil people kicked in. Before
that, there was strong and cordial relations between the two
communities. In fact, the late leader of the SLMC worked hand in hand
with the Tamil leadership prior to the armed struggle commenced. I admit
that relations have deteriorated over the last 18 odd years. But I
don’t believe it is only the Tamils who are to be blamed.
However, when we talk of an interim administration for the
north east there is a very real possibility of the Muslims expressing
their grievances and finding necessary safeguards within that
administration. Whatever may be the case, these are matters that can be
discussed and solved during the talks.
Q: As a member of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), do you
think Minister Hakeem should represent the voices of the Muslims only?
A: We are very strong about it. We believe that Hakeem
should represent the Muslims even though he is a cabinet minister.
Q: What is the stand of the TNA with regard to the 19th
Amendment? Would you support it?
A: We believe that the peace process is what is most
important, in a Tamil point of view. Our experiences over the past seven
odd years have clearly shown us that the president as an individual is
someone that Tamils cannot trust. Her political actions as well as her
military actions have been at the expense of the Tamil people. Her
actions cannot under any circumstance be justified as a war against the
LTTE. The war that she waged was quite simply a war against the Tamil
people. Even today, after her party suffered severe reversals in the
last two elections, she continues to be intransigent.
We believe that she as an individual and her advisors are a
threat to finding a negotiated settlement. And since that is the case,
we are extremely uneasy with the current powers that are vested in the
president which she holds. And therefore, I strongly believe that the
TNA will reflect these reservations that we have and will vote in favour
of the amendment. Certainly, the Tamil Congress will canvass the other
parties within the TNA to do so as well.
Q: What would be the possible role of the TNA once total
peace is achieved?
A: At the moment, we are clearly a pressure group,
although we are very firm the talks must only be with the LTTE as far as
Tamil representation is concerned. Even today, the TNA is very active on
matters of day to day concern. It is the TNA that has been pressurising
the government to reformulate its policy on matters like high security
zones that prevent resettlement of internally displaced civilians that
amount to nearly 200,000 if you take the Jaffna District alone. It is
also the TNA that as far as parliamentary politics is concerned is
active on the Tamil side. So, there is a clear role that the TNA is
playing. As far as what will happen if there is a negotiated settlement,
let us first have a negotiated settlement.
Q: There has not been any big change in the defence budget.
According to the government, only the operational cost has been reduced
and the government says the troops would be kept on alert until total
peace is achieved. Do you think this is what the LTTE is also doing in
the north - east?
A: I think that is the ground situation. The fact is
that there is an immense amount of mistrust not just between the
government and the LTTE but within the Sinhalese electorate and the
Tamil electorate. That is what is being reflected by the actions of the
government and the LTTE. As far as the Tamils are concerned, what we
would like to tell the Sinhalese people and their leaders in general is
that they have nothing to fear as long as they remain genuine and are
willing to find a system of governance that would realise Tamil national
aspirations. I have said earlier that this does not mean a separate
state.
Q: What is this interim administration? Is it something
similar to the role played by the local authorities?
A: I believe that it will be much more than the local
authorities. My understanding is that the interim administration would
be the basis on which civil administration can be reinstated for the
north - east.
In order to have genuine civil administration, you will have
to have a body that would coordinate matters relating to rehabilitation,
reconstruction and resettlement. Because there is a predominant presence
of the military under the local bodies in the present set up, the
military interest takes precedence over the local bodies. The interim
administration on the other hand is part and parcel of the peace
process, and I believe will also play a leading role in bringing about
de-escalation. My belief is that only with de-escalation can you have a
genuine civil administration.
The other distinction between the local bodies and interim
administration is that an interim administration is an administration
for the entire north - east, whereas local bodies are electoral based
and you have several of them. Therefore, coordination to bring about
civil administration cannot be achieved by the local bodies alone, and
that is why the role of an interim administration would be ideal in the
north - east for the smooth transition.
Hakeem
says talks successful
By Wilson
Gnanadass
Ports Minister
and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) Leader Rauf Hakeem who returned to
the island following his participation at the first round of talks with
the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) held in Thailand last week,
said a clear foundation has already been built for better results in the
future.
The minister
who was one of the members of the four member delegation that held talks
with the LTTE told The Sunday Leader that certainly the first round of
talks has infused confidence on all sides.
He said he
believed that a structured process and an approach on a step by step
formula could definitely yield better results, in order to resolve the
protracted ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
Hakeem said as
much as the LTTE has considered the Sri Lankan government as a
constructive partner at a national level to iron out the outstanding
issues, the Muslim Congress viewed the LTTE as a crucial partner at a
regional level to achieve a durable solution.
He also said
that he was satisfied because for the first time there was a clear
indication that the Muslim dimension was given due recognition at a
national and international level. "But this alone is not enough. It
must be shown at all times," he stressed.
Following
are excerpts from his interview;
Q: How would
you describe the first round of talks that just concluded?
A: Certainly
the first round of talks has infused confidence on all sides. I believe
that a structured process and an approach on a step by step formula
could yield results. We have also established good chemistry between the
people constituting the negotiating teams. However it would be too
premature to jump to conclusions knowing the protracted and the
acrimonious nature of the conflict . However from the Muslim perspective
I have been able to understand the direction and parameters within which
our aspirations have got to be constructed so that a viable solution in
which Muslims also can be proud partners could be worked out.
Q: If you
are asked as to what feature or area that contributed to the success of
the first round of talks, what would you say?
A: The
main feature which I consider to be the most important one is the
ability and willingness to compromise on certain positions in order to
keep the dialogue constructive and promising. All parties realise the
need to work together in an atmosphere of goodwill devoid of unnecessary
rancour and hatred. The initial round
has indicated the need for us to continue to maintain informal
talks while formal discussion continues which can yield better results
and also give an opportunity to all sides engaged in the discussion to
shape their approach so that we could minimise differences emerging in
the main table.
Q: Having
represented the Muslim community, do you think you were able to achieve
something for the community?
A: My
very presence in itself is an indication that for the first time the
Muslim dimension has been given recognition. That alone will not
suffice. It has to manifest in concrete formulas being embodied at every
stage when a decision is taken for the Muslims. In the initial rounds
whenever issues arose which would necessarily have to take into
contention the Muslim dimension as well, I have been able to persuade
the parties to recognise that factor and accommodate the Muslims'
perspective. I do not want to go into details of the areas in which the
Muslim dimension has been taken into account. But it is apparent from
the response from the government side and LTTE side
to the initial suggestion made by me. They too appreciate the
fact that the final solution will not be possible unless the Muslims are
also taken on board.
Q: NUA
Leader and Parliamentarian Ferial Ashraff who has pledged full support
to you in this regard says that you did not emphasise much on the Muslim
issues during the first round of talks. How would you respond to it?
A: I am
perplexed as to why she should try to be so sceptical at the very outset
without knowing what went on. I don't think she is privy to what
happened at the negotiating table but I would be meeting her
during the coming days to explain what transpired. From my
perspective I should say that there is no need to be pessimistic about
anything . That does not mean you should be complacent either. I have to
the best of my ability made an impact in the initial round of the talks
and public pronouncements of this nature undermining the process and the
effective participation of the Muslims should be avoided in order to
continue constructive partnership in pursuing the agenda of Muslims in a
collective manner.
Q: In the
past, dishonest approaches by both
warring factions have failed to bring about a solution to the ethnic
conflict. Do you think this
time they were honest to each other?
A: There
has been an acknowledgement from both sides that they need to work
together in order to resolve this long standing conflict. And moreover
there was the realisation that the Muslim dimension has got to be
properly addressed, which was a lacuna
in the past, in order for the whole process to succeed. In that regard
the present arrangement which will subsequently be assuming a different
status has been satisfactorily arranged in order to continue to maintain
the credibility and the confidence in the process.
Q: Would you
be also participating in the next rounds of talks?
A: Definitely.
There is no doubt about my participation. However we have to properly
ascertain as to what stage a broader delegation comprising the Muslim
leadership should take part in the talks. I assume from the initial
deliberations when substantial issues pertaining to the setting up of a
provisional administration is discussed, that would be forthcoming.
Q: Are you
proud of the fact that the Muslim community, irrespective of party
politics, has accepted your leadership especially to air their
sentiments through you, at the talks?
A: It
may be seen as a matter of pride but certainly for my party and rank and
file it is a matter of reckoning. We have an immense responsibility on
our shoulders and it is a burden on us and we nevertheless have got to
carry and we hope that constructive support would be forthcoming from
people who profess other shades of political opinion within the
community in order for us to present a unified point of view.
Q: How do
you view LTTE theoretician Dr.Anton Balasingham's pronouncement that the
LTTE does not demand for a separate Eelam anymore?
A: Well,
I do not see any inconsistency in his present stance. This is an
extension of what he had already said. It is important for us to see
that the tone and tenor of public pronouncements are always conditioned
on the present ground reality. However that does not mean serious
compromises have been made. They all are conditional on the willingness
of the government and the other important players, duly giving
recognition to the accommodation of the genuine political aspirations of
this organisation.
Q: Are you
optimistic that the LTTE would agree for the setting up of a separate
Muslim council within the north and east?
A: In my
discussions with the LTTE it has been acknowledged that autonomous
arrangements have certainly got to be made in order to satisfy the
aspirations of the Muslims. The institutional and structural arrangement
which would give meaning to this conviction have got to be worked out by
mutual agreement, together with the concurrence of the government which
we hope is possible.
Q: What type
of role do the Muslims hope to play in the proposed interim
administration?
A: I
think it is too premature for us to be grappling with this issue. Even
in the discussion in Thailand the parties agreed the peace process needs
to be consolidated by collective action pertaining to implementing
several other features of the ceasefire, prior to engaging in a
discussion leading up to setting up of a provisional administrative
arrangement to satisfy the aspirations of all communities.
Q: For the
first time we heard Anton Balasingham making an announcement in an
international forum that the north-east is the motherland for both
Tamils and Muslims. Do you perceive his statement as mere words only?
A: To
put the record straight, way back in 1988 when a delegation of Muslims
led by the late Dr. Badoordeen Mohamed went to Chennai to meet with the
LTTE, very categorically the LTTE conceded this concept. And
periodically they have time and again since saying this, gone back on
their word. But what is significant is that this is the first time they
are enunciating this in the public domain to the international
community. But that by itself will be meaningless unless this manifests
by action on the ground to keep the confidence of the Muslims that they
mean what they say. So I would rather probe this matter with the LTTE in
our discussions and the government at the subsequent stages.
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