22nd September  2002, Volume 9, Issue 10

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INTERVIEWS

“Interim administration imperative”

All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) Parliamentarian, Gajen Ponnambalam is of the view that the just concluded peace talks in Thailand were successful because it has given both negotiating parties an opportunity to clearly identify and prioritise the way forward. He says any process should culminate in people getting the benefits and added only when this happens the government would be in a position to take along with it the people. Emphasising the fact that an interim administration is imperative, Ponnambalam who is also a lawyer says the powers vested in the interim administration should reflect the powers that would be eventually vested under a solution.

Following are excerpts;

By Wilson Gnanadass

Q: How do you view the first round of peace talks that ended last Wednesday?

A: I believe that it was successful. From the outcome of the talks, we were able to see that the parties were able to clearly identify and prioritise the way forward. It has always been our position that if the peace process is to succeed, it is essential that the general public reap the benefits. That is the only sure way we can take the people along in the peace process. If the benefits do not trickle down to the grassroots, the negotiating parties would run the risk of losing public support.

As far as the north - east is concerned, one sure way of ensuring people have confidence in the peace process is by creating conditions of normalcy. The fact that areas in the south to a great extent have reached normal civilian life but the north - east still continues with considerable absence of such normalcy has caused some reservations on the part of the Tamil people. This can be seen even in the ceasefire agreement itself.

One of the main objectives of the agreement was to create conditions of normalcy in the whole island. Why we see the first round of talks as a success is because the parties have agreed to form an action committee that would have both government and LTTE representatives that would look into this very important matter. We hope they would take practical steps in due course.

Q: From what you have heard and seen, are you of the opinion both teams are genuine this time?

A: Well let us hope so. It is no secret that both parties have recognised that this is the last possible chance to find a negotiated settlement. The initial seven months have created a lot of optimism not only amongst the Tamils but also amongst others as well.

Q: Though LTTE theoretician Dr. Anton Balasingham declared that the LTTE was not demanding for a separate state, he made specific reference to the Thimpu principles. Don’t you think the Thimpu principles have features good enough to carve out a separate state?

A: The Thimpu principles can be satisfied with the establishment of a separate state. But that is not the only way in which these principles can be satisfied. These principles are essentially Tamil national aspirations which cannot be compromised. What the Tamils say is that one way or another these aspirations have to be realised. If sufficient changes cannot be made to the system of governance of the Sri Lankan state, then the only option we have is to struggle for the establishment of a separate state which will most certainly satisfy these principles. But it does not necessarily mean that by accepting these principles, one is in essence handing over a separate state to the Tamils. The right to cession under self determination will only come into play if there is no solution that is found or if the solution that is found is not implemented.

Q: Do you welcome Minister Hakeem’s participation at the talks and if so, do you also agree that a separate council should be created within the north - east for the Muslims?

A: As a member of a Tamil political party we most certainly welcome Muslim representation in the talks. We believe that here is an opportunity for everyone to negotiate and find solutions to their problems. As far as a separate council is concerned, it is not clear as to why there is such a need. The proposed interim administration or interim council for the north - east I believe will also have sufficient Muslim representation.

Q: But the Muslims continue to say that they have been harassed by the Tamils who are the majority in the north - east and therefore demand for a separate council?

A: Relations between the two communities became strained only after the armed struggle of the Tamil people kicked in. Before that, there was strong and cordial relations between the two communities. In fact, the late leader of the SLMC worked hand in hand with the Tamil leadership prior to the armed struggle commenced. I admit that relations have deteriorated over the last 18 odd years. But I don’t believe it is only the Tamils who are to be blamed.

However, when we talk of an interim administration for the north east there is a very real possibility of the Muslims expressing their grievances and finding necessary safeguards within that administration. Whatever may be the case, these are matters that can be discussed and solved during the talks.

Q: As a member of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), do you think Minister Hakeem should represent the voices of the Muslims only?

A: We are very strong about it. We believe that Hakeem should represent the Muslims even though he is a cabinet minister.

Q: What is the stand of the TNA with regard to the 19th Amendment? Would you support it?

A: We believe that the peace process is what is most important, in a Tamil point of view. Our experiences over the past seven odd years have clearly shown us that the president as an individual is someone that Tamils cannot trust. Her political actions as well as her military actions have been at the expense of the Tamil people. Her actions cannot under any circumstance be justified as a war against the LTTE. The war that she waged was quite simply a war against the Tamil people. Even today, after her party suffered severe reversals in the last two elections, she continues to be intransigent.

We believe that she as an individual and her advisors are a threat to finding a negotiated settlement. And since that is the case, we are extremely uneasy with the current powers that are vested in the president which she holds. And therefore, I strongly believe that the TNA will reflect these reservations that we have and will vote in favour of the amendment. Certainly, the Tamil Congress will canvass the other parties within the TNA to do so as well.

Q: What would be the possible role of the TNA once total peace is achieved?

A: At the moment, we are clearly a pressure group, although we are very firm the talks must only be with the LTTE as far as Tamil representation is concerned. Even today, the TNA is very active on matters of day to day concern. It is the TNA that has been pressurising the government to reformulate its policy on matters like high security zones that prevent resettlement of internally displaced civilians that amount to nearly 200,000 if you take the Jaffna District alone. It is also the TNA that as far as parliamentary politics is concerned is active on the Tamil side. So, there is a clear role that the TNA is playing. As far as what will happen if there is a negotiated settlement, let us first have a negotiated settlement.

Q: There has not been any big change in the defence budget. According to the government, only the operational cost has been reduced and the government says the troops would be kept on alert until total peace is achieved. Do you think this is what the LTTE is also doing in the north - east?

A: I think that is the ground situation. The fact is that there is an immense amount of mistrust not just between the government and the LTTE but within the Sinhalese electorate and the Tamil electorate. That is what is being reflected by the actions of the government and the LTTE. As far as the Tamils are concerned, what we would like to tell the Sinhalese people and their leaders in general is that they have nothing to fear as long as they remain genuine and are willing to find a system of governance that would realise Tamil national aspirations. I have said earlier that this does not mean a separate state.

Q: What is this interim administration? Is it something similar to the role played by the local authorities?

A: I believe that it will be much more than the local authorities. My understanding is that the interim administration would be the basis on which civil administration can be reinstated for the north - east.

In order to have genuine civil administration, you will have to have a body that would coordinate matters relating to rehabilitation, reconstruction and resettlement. Because there is a predominant presence of the military under the local bodies in the present set up, the military interest takes precedence over the local bodies. The interim administration on the other hand is part and parcel of the peace process, and I believe will also play a leading role in bringing about de-escalation. My belief is that only with de-escalation can you have a genuine civil administration.

The other distinction between the local bodies and interim administration is that an interim administration is an administration for the entire north - east, whereas local bodies are electoral based and you have several of them. Therefore, coordination to bring about civil administration cannot be achieved by the local bodies alone, and that is why the role of an interim administration would be ideal in the north - east for the smooth transition.


Hakeem says talks successful

By Wilson Gnanadass

Ports Minister and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) Leader Rauf Hakeem who returned to the island following his participation at the first round of talks with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) held in Thailand last week, said a clear foundation has already been built for better results in the future.

The minister who was one of the members of the four member delegation that held talks with the LTTE told The Sunday Leader that certainly the first round of talks has infused confidence on all sides.

He said he believed that a structured process and an approach on a step by step formula could definitely yield better results, in order to resolve the protracted ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.

Hakeem said as much as the LTTE has considered the Sri Lankan government as a constructive partner at a national level to iron out the outstanding issues, the Muslim Congress viewed the LTTE as a crucial partner at a regional level to achieve a durable solution.

He also said that he was satisfied because for the first time there was a clear indication that the Muslim dimension was given due recognition at a national and international level. "But this alone is not enough. It must be shown at all times," he stressed.

Following are excerpts from his interview;

Q: How would you describe the first round of talks that just concluded?

A: Certainly the first round of talks has infused confidence on all sides. I believe that a structured process and an approach on a step by step formula could yield results. We have also established good chemistry between the people constituting the negotiating teams. However it would be too premature to jump to conclusions knowing the protracted and the acrimonious nature of the conflict . However from the Muslim perspective I have been able to understand the direction and parameters within which our aspirations have got to be constructed so that a viable solution in which Muslims also can be proud partners could be worked out.

Q: If you are asked as to what feature or area that contributed to the success of the first round of talks, what would you say?

A: The main feature which I consider to be the most important one is the ability and willingness to compromise on certain positions in order to keep the dialogue constructive and promising. All parties realise the need to work together in an atmosphere of goodwill devoid of unnecessary rancour and hatred. The initial round  has indicated the need for us to continue to maintain informal talks while formal discussion continues which can yield better results and also give an opportunity to all sides engaged in the discussion to shape their approach so that we could minimise differences emerging in the main table.

Q: Having represented the Muslim community, do you think you were able to achieve something for the community?

A: My very presence in itself is an indication that for the first time the Muslim dimension has been given recognition. That alone will not suffice. It has to manifest in concrete formulas being embodied at every stage when a decision is taken for the Muslims. In the initial rounds whenever issues arose which would necessarily have to take into contention the Muslim dimension as well, I have been able to persuade the parties to recognise that factor and accommodate the Muslims' perspective. I do not want to go into details of the areas in which the Muslim dimension has been taken into account. But it is apparent from the response from the government side and LTTE side  to the initial suggestion made by me. They too appreciate the fact that the final solution will not be possible unless the Muslims are also taken on board.

Q: NUA Leader and Parliamentarian Ferial Ashraff who has pledged full support to you in this regard says that you did not emphasise much on the Muslim issues during the first round of talks. How would you respond to it?

A: I am perplexed as to why she should try to be so sceptical at the very outset without knowing what went on. I don't think she is privy to what happened at the negotiating table but I would be meeting her  during the coming days to explain what transpired. From my perspective I should say that there is no need to be pessimistic about anything . That does not mean you should be complacent either. I have to the best of my ability made an impact in the initial round of the talks and public pronouncements of this nature undermining the process and the effective participation of the Muslims should be avoided in order to continue constructive partnership in pursuing the agenda of Muslims in a collective manner.

Q: In the past, dishonest approaches by  both warring factions have failed to bring about a solution to the ethnic conflict.  Do you think this time they were honest to each other?

A: There has been an acknowledgement from both sides that they need to work together in order to resolve this long standing conflict. And moreover there was the realisation that the Muslim dimension has got to be properly addressed, which was a  lacuna in the past, in order for the whole process to succeed. In that regard the present arrangement which will subsequently be assuming a different status has been satisfactorily arranged in order to continue to maintain the credibility and the confidence in the process.

Q: Would you be also participating in the next rounds of talks?

A: Definitely. There is no doubt about my participation. However we have to properly ascertain as to what stage a broader delegation comprising the Muslim leadership should take part in the talks. I assume from the initial deliberations when substantial issues pertaining to the setting up of a provisional administration is discussed, that would be forthcoming.

Q: Are you proud of the fact that the Muslim community, irrespective of party politics, has accepted your leadership especially to air their sentiments through you, at the talks?

A: It may be seen as a matter of pride but certainly for my party and rank and file it is a matter of reckoning. We have an immense responsibility on our shoulders and it is a burden on us and we nevertheless have got to carry and we hope that constructive support would be forthcoming from people who profess other shades of political opinion within the community in order for us to present a unified point of view.

Q: How do you view LTTE theoretician Dr.Anton Balasingham's pronouncement that the LTTE does not demand for a separate Eelam anymore?

A: Well, I do not see any inconsistency in his present stance. This is an extension of what he had already said. It is important for us to see that the tone and tenor of public pronouncements are always conditioned on the present ground reality. However that does not mean serious compromises have been made. They all are conditional on the willingness of the government and the other important players, duly giving recognition to the accommodation of the genuine political aspirations of this organisation.

Q: Are you optimistic that the LTTE would agree for the setting up of a separate Muslim council within the north and east?

A: In my discussions with the LTTE it has been acknowledged that autonomous arrangements have certainly got to be made in order to satisfy the aspirations of the Muslims. The institutional and structural arrangement which would give meaning to this conviction have got to be worked out by mutual agreement, together with the concurrence of the government which we hope is possible.

Q: What type of role do the Muslims hope to play in the proposed interim administration?

A: I think it is too premature for us to be grappling with this issue. Even in the discussion in Thailand the parties agreed the peace process needs to be consolidated by collective action pertaining to implementing several other features of the ceasefire, prior to engaging in a discussion leading up to setting up of a provisional administrative arrangement to satisfy the aspirations of all communities.

Q: For the first time we heard Anton Balasingham making an announcement in an international forum that the north-east is the motherland for both Tamils and Muslims. Do you perceive his statement as mere words only?

A: To put the record straight, way back in 1988 when a delegation of Muslims led by the late Dr. Badoordeen Mohamed went to Chennai to meet with the LTTE, very categorically the LTTE conceded this concept. And periodically they have time and again since saying this, gone back on their word. But what is significant is that this is the first time they are enunciating this in the public domain to the international community. But that by itself will be meaningless unless this manifests by action on the ground to keep the confidence of the Muslims that they mean what they say. So I would rather probe this matter with the LTTE in our discussions and the government at the subsequent stages.

 

 

 

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