ISSUES

SLMC MPs threat to peace process By Frederica Jansz THE dynamics of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) once more see-saws dangerously. The government's valiant efforts to appease the LTTE and bring about a resolution to the north and east crisis has not only caused a rift in the SLMC but also propelled Muslim parliamentarians to insist on a separate interim council for the Muslims as well.

This is despite the fact that SLMC Chief Rauf Hakeem down played the urgency of this demand by publicly stating, "the time has not yet come in the stage of peace negotiations to demand for a separate interim council for the Muslims."

Hakeem's comment, which he claims was "taken out of context by vested interests in the media and SLMC," pushed into fast forward mode a course of action for nine SLMC MPs who boycotted parliament last Wednesday, October 9, demanding the government accede to their request for a separate Muslim council in the north and east.

The nine parliamentarians led by MP for Samanthurai, Anwer Ismail insisted however to The Sunday Leader that their boycott of parliament "has nothing whatsoever to do with Rauf Hakeem and his leadership of the SLMC."

The nine Muslim parliamentarians include, Anwer Ismail, M. M. Harees, Deputy Highways Minister and SLMC Chairman  A. L. M. Atthaulla, Vanni Rehabilitation Minister Noordeen Mashoor,  Deputy Fisheries  Minister Mohideen Abdul Cader, M.S. Thawfeeq, K. M. Thawfeeq, M. B. A. Azeez, and Rishad Badurdeen.

The tension within the SLMC erupted on Wednesday (9) not only with these nine parliamentarians boycotting parliament but also with eight Tamils being killed by the STF at Kanjirankudah in Ampara. It is being disputed whether they were LTTE cadres or Tamil civilians.

The confrontation between the LTTE and the STF followed after a day of intimidation and threats to the Muslim community in the east by the LTTE  on Wednesday. The threats and harassment finally culminated in a full-scale battle at the STF camp at Kanjirankudah. (see box).

The situation with the nine SLMC MPs not only shook the stability of the SLMC but also threw off balance the government's vote bank on the proposed 19th Amendment.

Rauf Hakeem later indicated that as a result of this situation, the government will "probably not have the expected votes in favour of the 19th Amendment from the SLMC."

Defending the hardline position his MPs have taken, Hakeem however reiterated that the leverage SLMC enjoys with the government should not be nullified over one single issue. He reiterated that the call for a separate Muslim council in the north-east should first be marketed to parliamentarians and the Sinhalese before making a demand that is uncompromising.

Disillusioned

At the butt end of continuous turmoil and tension within his own party, Hakeem since he took over the reigns of the SLMC is disillusioned. Following the debacle on Wednesday, Hakeem, the following day said, "If they can find a better person than me to lead the SLMC I am prepared to step down - but still continue serving the party," he added magnanimously.

As the situation snowballed to crisis proportions, a high level meeting was held at Temple Trees on Wednesday night. The premier met with senior members of his cabinet which included, Milinda Moragoda, Prof. G. L. Peiris, S. B. Dissanayake, Tilak Marapone, Karu Jayasuriya, Mohamed Maharoof and Rauf Hakeem.

The meeting was originally convened by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to discuss strategy for the 19th Amendment in view of the fact it is expected to be tabled in parliament tomorrow - Monday, October 14. By this time however the situation in the east and the tension within the SLMC MPs had erupted so the meeting instead dealt with that issue. It was decided that S. B. Dissanayake, Milinda Moragoda and Maharoof should meet with the nine dissident SLMC MPs on Thursday, October 10 at Hakeem's residence at 11 a.m. to sort out this problem.

Steadfast

After the meeting, when Hakeem went back home some of these MPs were waiting to meet with him. They had indicated they do not want to meet any ministers but want only to meet with the prime minister. Hence, the 11 a.m. meeting on Thursday did not take place. Instead, the SLMC met at 12 noon on Thursday to take a decision with regard to the 19th Amendment.

This too did not happen. The SLMC met but the nine dissident MPs remained steadfast in their decision to boycott parliament until the premier makes a statement with regard to this issue. 

Hakeem on Thursday evening reiterated that a strategy on how the SLMC would approach the 19th Amendment could not be decided as the discussions that day had revolved around the nine MPs boycott of parliament. Ferial Ashraff, leader of the National Unity Alliance, which is the sister party of the SLMC, is critical of Hakeem. While denying she has any vested interest to 'rock the boat' within the SLMC, she however pointed out that Hakeem's statement reiterating that the time is not yet right to pressurise the government for a separate interim council for the Muslims in the north and east is the cause for the present unrest in the east and within the SLMC itself.

Stating emphatically that she does not wish to see a break within the SLMC she however asserted that in the event there is a split, it will be led by the fiery MP from Samanthurai - Anwer Ismail. "A split seems inevitable given the present stance adopted by Hakeem," she said.

Chiding Ferial Ashraff for her comments, Hakeem responded saying it is important particularly at difficult times such as this for political leaders to act with responsibility and not try and gain petty political mileage out of a volatile situation. The SLMC leader reiterated bitterly that ever since he took over the leadership of the SLMC there have been moves from certain Muslims to portray him as an outsider who does not understand the dynamics of the Muslims in the Eastern Province.

"If my party and people felt I have no feelings for them they would not have installed me in the first place," Hakeem pointed out defiantly.  Be that as it may, the fact of the matter is that nine SLMC parliamentarians including the chairman of the party, are of the view that the time could not be better to address the issue of a separate council for the Muslims in the north and east. They do not agree with Hakeem that the time is not right yet, for this issue to be addressed and established with the present government.

Anwer Ismail maintained there is, a lethargy on the part of the government when it comes to addressing this key issue which will determine the future of Muslims in the north and east. He flatly ruled out any possibility of cohabitation between the Muslims and the Tamils living in the north and east under an LTTE led interim administration.

"We have had a lot of bad experiences after the infamous Indo-Lanka accord. We cannot again live under the LTTE," Ismail said, adding the Muslim factor in such a resolution must be considered now and not later.

He asserted the nine Muslim MPs would not attend parliament until and unless the government responds to their demand for a separate Muslim administrative council. He pointed out that the government has not bothered yet, to respond to nine demands they put forward after the attack on Muslims in Valachchenai and Muttur in June this year.

Ferial Ashraff is equally determined that the issue must be addressed now. She said when the issue of devolving power is negotiated with the LTTE, it is imperative the government ensures the same set-up for the Muslims in the north and east. "If there is going to be a separate interim administration for the LTTE, this should apply to the Muslims as well," she said. 

Bullets that almost blasted the peace pipe

"This is a tragic event and extremely sad loss of lives. Because of an uncontrolled demonstration people are now grieving their loved ones. Hope and reconciliation is turned into fear and uncertainty............This is truly a tragedy - it emphasises that not only the parties of the conflict, but each and every person in Sri Lanka is responsible for making a lasting peace a reality in this country."

- SLMM Head, General Trond Furuhovde on Kanchirankudah killings

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

It was a totally unnecessary tragedy. The shooting of Tamil civilians by the Police Special Task Force (STF) stationed at Kanchirankudah in the Saagamam area of the Akkaraipattu Pradeshiya Sabha division could have been averted if a greater sense of responsibility and restraint had been displayed by all sides. Minor friction was magnified out of proportion and brought in turn a retaliatory massacre of civilians. Seven people are dead and 14 seriously wounded with five in critical condition; several received minor injuries; there were also unconfirmed reports of unrecovered corpses and missing persons.

October 9 proved to be a happy day in two other aspects concerning the on going ceasefire between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The abduction of soldiers by the LTTE in Trincomalee and the fast unto death by Tamil detainees in various jails were issues threatening the fragile peace process. Both these problems were resolved satisfactorily on Wednesday. Yet the unexpected shooting incident on the same day at Saagamam involving STF personnel of the Kanchirankudah camp created fresh apprehensions in this respect.

Chain of events

The chain of events preceding the shooting explains the gradual build up on that day. Kanchirankudah is about 85 kilometres to the south of Batticaloa town. It is on the border of the Akkaraipattu AGA's division and is geographically close to Thirukkovil as well as Pottuvil. The STF camp is on a trunk road close to the key Sangamankandy junction. A tractor and trailer carrying sand was proceeding from the Rufuskulam LTTE camp to Kanchirankudah at about 10 .15 a. m. It is said that the same vehicle had passed the STF camp early morning and had not heeded instructions by a STF sentry to stop. Apparently a group of STF men in civvies was awaiting the return of the vehicle to 'teach the occupants a lesson.'

Around 10-15 persons standing some distance away from the STF camp asked the tractor driver to stop. They demanded his driver's licence and registration documents. The civilian driver N. Sasikharan obliged and showed the documents. He was told that the number on his licence plates 37 - 9771 did not tally with the papers. When Sasikharan protested he was assaulted. At this point the other two occupants Manickam Viswanathan alias Visu and Mahenthiran Sasitharan alias Christy Rajah got out of the vehicle and identified themselves as Tigers. Viswanathan alias Visu introduced himself as the Pottuvil area political wing chief.

The STF men in civvies turned on the Tigers. They were assaulted severely. The men used rifle butts as well as mammoty handles. All three were thrown on the ground and beaten. What saved them was the arrival of a bus carrying civilian passengers. The STF men abandoned the three and retreated into the camp. Visu, Christy Rajah and Sasitharan were admitted to the Thirukkovil hospital for treatment.

News of the attack on a senior LTTE leader spread like wildfire. Panic set in. Shops, offices and schools started closing early. Traffic decreased sharply on roads. Clusters of youths were seen in different places in the region. Small wayside meetings were taking place. Youths began burning tyres on roads to block vehicles. Leaflets protesting the attack were distributed. Posters condemning the attack were pasted. Senior LTTE leaders were seen everywhere discussing the issue with people, particularly youngsters. Soon minor processions in protest were taken out.

Tacitly encouraged by LTTE leaders, minor demonstrations were held in several parts of the Akkaraipattu, Kalmunai, Pottuvil, Thirukkovil and Aalaiyadivembu AGAs' division areas. Tyres were burnt widely and transport decreased considerably. The greater part of Amparai District particularly the non-Sinhala areas became paralysed. Crowds gathered in front of the Thirukkovil the STF camp and chanted protest slogans and also burnt tyres. The hospital to which the injured Tigers were admitted is situated within the STF complex premises.

Animosity

While this type of widespread activity was going on some of the agitated protestors at Thirukkovil and others found a point of convergence in the agricultural colony Vinaayagapuram, close to Kanchirankudah. The people of Vinaayagapuram were seething with animosity towards the STF. It was only last year that the STF at Kanchirankudah had prevented the Vinaayagapuram cultivators from harvesting their paddy fields at the appropriate time. The crops were ruined making many farmers destitute. This was part of the subtle "scorched earth policy" practised in the past to ruin the Tamil economy.

The Vinaayagapuram farmers were good potentials therefore for demonstrating. After an adhoc public meeting at about 4. 45 p. m. demonstrators numbering a little over a thousand began marching towards the Kanchirankudah STF camp. Many participants were from Vinaayagapuram. Senior LTTE leaders were present but remained visibly as detached observers. They did not however urge any restraint or caution and through their 'deafening silence' indicated their mindset. Persons identified as Tiger helpers were openly active, taking the lead in organising matters.

The personnel at the camp knew what had happened in the morning and were expecting Tiger retaliation. The STF knew that the LTTE will not let an assault on a senior leader go unavenged. The demonstration was viewed with high suspicion as a covert ploy to infiltrate the camp. The demonstrators began chanting slogans demanding closure of the camp. Soon the demonstrators turned boisterous. Agent provocateurs or Tiger plants commenced stoning the camp. Thereafter mob psychology took over and large numbers followed suit.

Bunkers destroyed

The crowd turned unruly and soon some youngsters were seen in the vanguard of a group advancing into the camp premises. The STF sentries had withdrawn earlier. The barbed wire perimeter was breached and destroyed to some extent. The sentry points and adjoining bunkers were destroyed and burnt. Communication towers and searchlights were damaged. Windows of cabins and buildings were stoned and damaged. A group consisting mainly of youngsters went into the front area of the camp and began burning tyres. Attempts were also made to target the power supply installations.

The time was now around 6. 15 p.m. and dusk was approaching. The Police Deputy Inspector General, STF, Nimal Gunetilleke was quoted by a news agency that the police began firing only rubber bullets and tear gas cannisters initially. Thereafter fearing a Tiger assault the STF supposedly opened fire with live bullets in self-defence. What is bizarre in this explanation is that despite the so called Tiger attack not even a single STF policeman has been slightly injured let alone killed. It is difficult to believe that if Tigers had really used the crowds as cover to attack, the results would have been so scanty. What is more likely is that LTTE inspired civilian mobs were attacking the camp in orchestrated frenzy.

Some media circles quoting unnamed security sources relayed initial reports that Tigers had attacked the STF camp and that civilians were killed in the crossfire. This was blatantly incorrect and there is no concrete evidence of such an attack whereas the hand of the LTTE was visible in the protest demonstration turning unruly. Another version trotted out is that the STF opened fire because the Tigers started firing from the midst of the people and also that a grenade was thrown. Again there is no visible evidence of any grenade being thrown.

One of the persons shot dead was a youth wearing jungle khaki dress. This person was depicted as a Tiger because it was somewhat similar to Tiger fatigues. That person was however a young civilian. Another report spoke of an assault rifle being found outside the Kanchirankudah camp. The inference was that it belonged to the LTTE. There were however several reports in the Tamil media quoting local correspondents alleging that the rifle was planted by the STF. Civilian participants vehemently denied any attack by the LTTE or for that matter any direct involvement in the demonstration by senior Tiger leaders. There were also allegations that much of the damage caused to the STF camp had occurred after the shooting and were allegedly self-inflicted.

Different version

An interesting report in the Jaffna based Uthayan daily provides a different version of the incident. It says that while the demonstration was going on, a truck carrying about 25 men from the nearby STF camp at Thandiyadi had arrived at the scene. These men had opened fire on the demonstrators outside the camp. When this happened, men inside the Kanchirankudah camp had also started firing. Thus, the people were hit inside and outside the camp premises.

This report if authenticated provides an explanation. If the men from Thandiyadi had opened fire it is plausible that those inside Kanchirankudah camp may have thought the LTTE was using firearms and opened fire. This will explain the discovery of two bodies outside the camp and four bodies inside the camp premises. It also explains the injuries of people inside and outside. What it does not explain is the reason for the presence of the Thandiyadi STF and reasons for the alleged indiscriminate firing. If the Thandiyadi STF had opened fire first, then it is they more than those at Kanchirankudah who are culpable.

Pandemonium reigned when the firing started. People scattered in panic. There are unconfirmed reports of injured people falling and drowning in a nearby river. There are also accounts of missing people. These are to be confirmed. The Akkaraipattu magistrate along with the STF commandant at Karaithivu and the SP from Amparai visited the spot and ensured the recovery of six bodies. A seventh died in hospital. Apart from the numerously minor injuries 14 people are warded with major wounds in the Thirukkovil (3) and Kalmunai base hospitals (11). Five of them are in critical condition. At least four of those killed are under 19. One such person had been incarcerated for a long time and had been released only last month.

Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) and Red Cross representatives have visited the spot. The SLMM will be issuing a report. Given the fact that the SLMM is more concerned with maintaining the ceasefire successfully as opposed to apportioning blame, the forthcoming report will very likely be lukewarm. TULF MP Chandra Nehru has briefed Defence Minister Tilak Marapone and Economic Reforms Minister Milinda Moragoda of what transpired. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has blamed the STF for the incident and demanded an inquiry. The government too has announced a probe into the incident. Whatever the outcome of such investigations there is very little chance of both the government and LTTE hierarchies aided by Norwegian facilitators allowing the tragedy to affect the peace process.

The Kanchirankudah killings cannot be viewed in isolation as a single incident. It has to be viewed against two backdrops of history - both present and past. The contemporary one is the emerging pattern of Tamil civilian demonstrations in the aftermath of the ceasefire agreement against what are termed as military and para-military encroachments of the traditional Tamil homelands. The armed forces have vacated and relocated from a stipulated number of camps in the north-east in terms of the ceasefire. Yet a significant amount of military establishments remain and continue to control substantial territory.

Major impediment

This is perceived as a major impediment to the relocation and resettlement of displaced Tamil persons. The preliminary round of talks at Sattahip dealt with this matter and a decision was taken to appoint a high level committee to review the situation. This joint committee comprising government, LTTE and representatives from the armed forces is expected to go into the issue of high security zones and location of army camps and recommend a downsizing of military installations and a reduction of territory deemed as high security.

This process however has not deterred civilians from articulating and in many cases demonstrating in support of demands seeking the withdrawal of security establishments in their areas. Some of these demonstrations have dangerously bordered on brinkmanship. The campaign by schoolchildren at Hartley College, Point Pedro degenerated from passive non-violence into active violence. The army camp premises were invaded brazenly. Only the commendable restraint and sense of responsibility shown by the regional commander Brigadier Jayawardena prevented a Kanchirankudah type shooting and consequential massacre of innocents. The Valachchenai demonstration and to a lesser extent the Delft incident against the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) office were also of the same category.

It is widely believed that the LTTE is orchestrating these demonstrations through front organisations. It seems highly unlikely that civilians are suddenly becoming courageous and launching campaign offensives. It is suspected that the Tiger strategy is to promote civilian campaigns in a bid to mount pressure on the government to close down or restrict the number of security installations. The provocative strategy may result in retaliatory fire - killing and injuring civilians. This too is seemingly part of the plan as it would increase alienation of the armed forces with the civilians and provide further material supportive of the case against security camps.

Suspicion and paranoia

Despite the ceasefire lasting for more than seven months and the increasing quantum of confidence between the government and LTTE leaders, that bonhomie is yet to percolate downwards to the armed forces and Tiger cadres. Suspicion bordering on paranoia exists. The recent civilian demonstrations are perceived by the security forces rank and file as sinister Trojan horses. It is suspected that the Tigers could use them as cover to infiltrate and overrun security forces camps. This is thoroughly unlikely and shows a very poor grasp of current realities and the LTTE's tactics as far as the peace process is concerned. Nevertheless, this fear exists and is constantly fuelled by irresponsibly racist politicians south of Vavuniya. In a sense this phobia is symptomatic of the irrationality that has pervaded the body politic.

Against such a backdrop the demonstration at Kanchirankudah seems as one more expression of sinister Tiger design and another piece in the emerging pattern. On the other hand the armed forces particulary the STF in the east is not blameless either. If Tiger modus operandi is perceived as the hidden hand in contemporary civilian demonstrations by the armed forces, the Tamil people nurse long felt grievances against the military establishment notably the STF on account of the long war bankrolled by western nations now promoting peace. The STF created under Junius Richard Jayewardene was a brainchild of his son Ravi, who for some undisclosed reason is currently defence advisor to his cousin Ranil Wickremesinghe. Although nominally of the police the STF was a specialised commando unit. The STF was a cruelly crafted instrument for instilling terror into the Tamil people. This the STF did well particularly in the Eastern Province. STF personnel remained independent and retained impunity. The massacre of Tamil youths in Colombo and suburbs in 1995, the detention of STF personnel in that connection and the subsequent reluctance by the AG's Department in prosecuting being a glaring example.

The Kanchirankudah STF camp in particular has a notorious record. The infamous massacres of Tamil civilians in Thangavela-

yuthapuram and Inspector Ettram are attributed to personnel stationed here in those times. Sections of the STF have been accused of harbouring deep resentment of the Tamils in general and the Tigers in particular. It is an open secret that substantial sections of the armed forces are not happy with the peace process and have engaged in activity aimed at sabotaging the ceasefire. The Kanchirankudah STF personnel too have been involved in provocative incidents occasionally during the ceasefire period. It was only two weeks ago that the wife of a schoolmaster was attacked. Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Parliamentarian from the Amparai District, Chandra Nehru Ariyanayagam had a pertinent observation in an interview to a Tamil radio on October 9. He charged that some STF personnel attached to this camp had been extorting money from civilians in the past and had supplemented their "income." This had ceased or decreased significantly after the ceasefire. The STF miscreants were therefore miffed at this loss of income and were hostile to the ceasefire.

Unnecessary harm

The Kanchirankudah killings have therefore to be viewed in this historical context. A massive hartal has been called in the Tamil areas to protest the shooting and killings. What is tragic about this entire tragedy is that it need never have happened. The LTTE continues to display its irresponsibility in exposing civilians unnecessarily to harm. Even if the LTTE claims that it had no hand in the demonstration it is crystal clear that it could have prevented it and that it would not have escalated without perceived tacit Tiger support.

Likewise the STF used to a pattern of using unrestrained force on Tamils in the past has been acting true to form. The assault on Tiger leaders was unwarranted and deserves disciplinary censure. The firing on civilians too necessitates intensive investigation. Given past history it is a remote possibility that any STF personnel will ever be found fault with officially. The least that could be done is to devise measures preventing such calamities being repeated and ensuring adequate compensation to the victims and their next of kin.

Confessions of a Tiger

By Amantha Perera in Jaffna

The most striking feature in Kandasami Lingeswaran, one of the 11 Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Prisoners of War (POW) released by the government was the deadpan answers he gave to questions on the peace process and the prospects for peace.

If his approach to the much vaunted peace negotiations was nonchalance, his commitment to the LTTE and its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was unwavering. Nine years spent in prison has not diminished his commitment. If at all, the years in incarceration may have hardened the resolve.

Seated under a portrait of Prabhakaran in LTTE military fatigues, Lingeswaran at no time during the interview portrayed any sign that the militancy within him has waned.

While some of the released POWs, especially those from the security forces have been quite frank about their hopes for peace and reconciliation, just six days after his release Lingeswaran's thoughts were still on the liberation struggle.

"If war breaks out, it is my duty to fight," he told The Sunday Leader, eyes beaming.

Will you give up your life?

"In war, you will sacrifice."

Doesn't he think that the peace process will succeed and that there wouldn't be any need for such bloodshed as in the past? He has his doubts on the process and its success.

Despite such commitment, he would not admit his affiliations to the LTTE. When questioned as to whether he was a LTTE member when he was arrested by the navy in Colombo in 1993, he stopped the interview mid-stream and went out of the room to consult LTTE seniors at the LTTE office in Jaffna.

When he returned he indicated that he did not want to answer the question. And he would not divulge whether he has taken part in LTTE operations

Meeting Lingeswaran, in Jaffna, made us realise the enormity of the gulf that separates the two communities and especially those who took up arms. In Colombo, soon after the POW release went through, it was hailed as a major watershed in the negotiations.

The public has been buffeted with stories of the POWs themselves calling for peace and decrying the futility of war. But such sentiments were not forthcoming that easily from Lingeswaran.

Far from peace evocations, Lingeswaran's thoughts were on separation.

"I want to live in a separate state, I prefer that," he said.

But what do you think of the peace process, the commitment from both sides to negotiate?

"What I feel won't matter." For the record, at least Lingeswaran said that he still harbours doubts of the peace process' eventual success.

His doubts are based on oppression and discrimination by successive governments, that even existed within the prison walls.

"Prison life itself is hell, Sri Lankan prison life is doubly hell," he recalled of his days in detention first under the navy, then army, then army intelligence and finally the CDB.

"We were segregated from the Sinhala prisoners who always had better treatment. We were never given the opportunity to learn anything."

Lingeswaran recalled how once he had tried to learn English from another inmate. As soon as authorities got wind of it, the inmate was transferred to another cell.

On another occasion he began maintaining a scrap book of press cuttings gleaned off the three Tamil papers the inmates at Kalutara received. The authorities took that away too.

He only got it back, when he signed a pledge that he would not fast or take part in any sort of protest activity.

It was a big price to pay for a scrapbook. His trial only came up in 1998, five years after he was arrested - that too after a fasting campaign. During the entire nine years, his parents were only able to visit him thrice.

With no education, no job training and the prime of his youth spent inside a cell, no wonder Lingeswaran's aspirations remain in essence rudimentarily militant than those of the POWs from the security forces.

Is Jaffna any different than when you last saw it in 1993? we ask him.

"It is worse now. Under the LTTE (in 1993), we had our freedom. Things may have been in short supply, but we were free. Now the army and the police are everywhere."

When he returned home, the first thing that struck Lingeswaran was how the sea was not visible from his home. The army had built a barrier, separating his fisher-folk family and the sea. "Why?" he asks.

His experience with the security forces has never been the most amicable. From the beginning jail life was a living nightmare. He said that the first one and half months in jail were terrible.

"They kept on torturing me for the first five days on the assumption that I was a LTTEer." The torture lessened only after the ICRC had access to him, one and half months after the arrest.

He does not feel any animosity towards those who kept him in jail, "the army, the police, they were doing their job."

And what did he feel when he heard that he was going to be released?

"First, I was happy. But then only 11 from 140 inmates were released. The rest should be released fast."

He revealed that before the POW swap was to go through, preparations had been laid that the rest of the inmates would begin to fast agitating for their release as soon as it was complete.

Despite the release and the little hamper that the government presented him at the Omanthai checkpoint, Lingeswaran's opinion of the government is still very low.

"The government did not do much. It is because of the LTTE that we were released....The government might be showing a different face to the outside world," he said arguing that if the government was so sincere, it should have acted earlier to release the prisoners.

While POWs released by the LTTE went back to their families after having tea with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, and have been given two months leave, Lingeswaran is back in the old fold.

He operates from an LTTE office in Jaffna. All the efforts made by the government that released him and by the torchbearers in the peace march have not succeeded in driving away old ghosts. He still sees very clear definitions of the oppressed and the uninvited aggressors.

"I am still afraid that we might be oppressed all over again," he observed, while visitors from the south were thronging to his native Jaffna and enjoying Chavakachcheri mangoes and Jaffna grapes.

He is not alone. On the day the A9 road was opened, female LTTE cadres, much younger to Lingeswaran, told The Sunday Leader that they preferred to live in a separate state and would fight to achieve that.

The lives they were born to, do not allow them to think otherwise.

Lingeswaran, was born into the generation of war. The better part of his life has been gobbled up by the war machine. He is still unable to adjust to the vagaries of peace and to the uninvited tourists from the south enjoying the Jaffna carnival.

Released POWs and their importance

According to information gathered by those who arrested Kandasami Lingeswaran alias Palan alias Kuna when navy personnel took him into custody near the Kahn Clock Tower, Pettah on September 6, 1993, he had in his possession a .9mm pistol, 16 bullets and two cartridges.

He had tried to fire at the navy personnel when they approached him. Intelligence units are of the view that Lingeswaran was on a mission to gather reconnaissance on VIPs and possible assassination attempts.

"You can't really say whether he is a big guy in the ranks. He was on some specific operation," military sources told The Sunday Leader.

The potential military/intelligence importance of the 13 released LTTE cadres still remains under some cloud. Before the POW release, the military had indicated to the government that those to be released would not make a severe impact on the battlefield.

Even in the case of the much vaunted Kennedy, the LTTE cadre captured during an attack on the Palaly Base, his potential military acumen is still not clear.

The attack took place in the early hours of the morning, when ground engineers were preparing an aircraft for a morning re-con mission over the base.

Around 2.30 a.m., the LTTE infiltrators had killed a ground engineer and waited for the pilots. When the LTTE signaled to the pilots with their torch lights, the pilots became suspicious and did not proceed. Then the firing commenced, and the aircraft was set on fire.

Some of the infiltrators blew themselves up, but two including Kennedy hid themselves inside a billet. His accomplice who had a grenade in his possession was shot and killed but the unarmed Kennedy was captured.

Though some reports have indicated that he tried to take cyanide, others present in the camp at the time of the attack have said that he did not have cyanide on him and never made an attempt to take it. They have also related that once he was captured Kennedy had more or less divulged the plan behind the entire operation. 

Burden and poverty of rural women

By Susanne Loos-Jayawickreme

The friendly waving women in the fields are attracting attention. That is a lovely picture, always worth a photograph taken by tourists. Dressed in colourful lungis, sun protected with bright cloth head covers and rain protected with full-toned plastic-sheets, these women work hard day by day in endless paddy fields, lush green tea plantations, wide rubber estates, majestic coconut groves and between dense cinnamon bushes, just to name a few of the working sites.

Heavy work

These women are even employed for doing rigorous road repair work. Among other tasks, they carry loads of sand and heavy stones. That is heavy physical work, exclusively performed by machines and men in most of the industrialised countries! In most rural areas in the south, housewives play a dual role as the breadwinners of their families as well. The reason is that many village men are almost forgotten victims of war and others are horrible victims of illicit liquor. Particularly when the female breadwinner is working abroad, men who are alcoholics physically harm women, especially when money is refused to buy their liquor. Be it rape or battering, just to name two of the disgusting mental or physical tortures females being wives, daughters, sisters, cousins, grand daughters, in-laws, etc., have to endure.

Additional hardship

In the rural hamlets, many men die of kassipu consumption, which is known as the poor man's drink, bringing additional hardship to the already poor families. The mothers work even harder to save every rupee possible of their hard earned salary to collect the dowry for their daughters, so that the girls can get married. Still, many rural children are often deprived of their rightful school education.

They are taken out of school quite early. Many do not even enjoy a basic education, to financially support their families by doing odd jobs, which are always too hard for small children to bear. The day of these busy housewives start normally very early in the morning between 3 and 4 a.m. They have to prepare the clothing for the school going children, working husbands and themselves, i.e. ironing, mostly with charcoal irons as most of them do not have the luxury of electricity, and those who have cannot afford to use too much electricity. Breakfast and lunch have to be prepared too before they start their work day in the fields.

In the evening, after a tough day, they have to wash the clothes and moreover, they have to prepare dinner, clean dishes and the house. These caring mothers have to find time in between for shopping and to tend to sick family members, attend weddings, funerals, host unexpected visitors, etc. However, before they can even think of maintaining their house and looking after the family, the women have to manage doing their jobs properly and in time.

In rural areas, the work of a housewife is burdened with the additional hard daily work mostly under difficult and rigorous conditions - whether in burning sun or pouring rain. And there is no sign of their burden easing either.

Now it seems that the exact opposite is going to take place. Just imagine the impact of misunderstood development? Development, which might take place to worsen their situation even more? Take for example, the proposed southern express Colombo-Matara highway. Leave alone the environmental devastation, the focus should also be on the impact this giant road project will have on the lives of the poor village people. They will be thrown back into deep poverty due to the loss of their work places as many estates providing jobs will be destroyed, divided and eventually closed down. However, even if the women can find employment building the road, this source of income will come to an end as soon as the roadwork is completed. Whole villages will be divided; some will just be bulldozed away. Centuries old village culture will vanish overnight.

Village life will be adversely affected. The southern village community will have to face social and environmental hardship, which will become a big problem, difficult if not even impossible to cope with. Thousands of families will be resettled somewhere, their livelihoods gone, with insufficient compensation paid, whether they like it or not. Adults and children have to find their way in a new environment, whether it is the neighbourhood or school.

The hard working women have to find new sources of income in new areas, where the old settlers already occupy most of the odd jobs. These poor women fear life of extreme poverty caused by development at the wrong time at the wrong place. Most politicians have informed the media that these villagers, whose ancestral lands and homes will be taken over and destroyed, are happy about the new highway coming up, which is a lie as these villagers do not benefit at all by the construction of the so-called super highway.

Misled

Some of these villagers cannot even afford to buy a bicycle. Many have purposely been misled by the relevant authorities. But these poor people do not complain, because they do not want to be branded as anti-government. But they want to know why only the politicians and officials are allowed to take decisions without even consulting the people concerned. It is no big deal for them to see tourists being driven along the highway and container lorries going by the hundred.

They certainly will not benefit. And after all, who has to bear most of the hardships? Of course it will be these rural women who are already going through a tough life playing the dual role of housewife and breadwinner. Watching the always-friendly rural women, their daily routine seems to look so easy. But the appearance is deceptive. Every day is another hard day to survive with dignity.

The 20th century was declared the 'Century of Women.' That sounds like a bad joke as most countries including Sri Lanka failed badly to even generate family and children friendly structures! Again it is visible that the real problems are male domineering governments, authorities, universities, schools and industries, be it in developed or undeveloped countries. The voiceless women suffer and cry in silence.

There is no lobby for them as almost all decision makers are men, many of them having lost touch with the rural folk. Here are some figures to think about. According to the UNO, 80% of the refugees worldwide are women. Eight hundred million out of the total one billion illiterate people are female. Sixty million female foetuses have been aborted in the last year alone, for the sole reason of being female. The widespread desire for male babies particularly in Asian countries results for example in the killing of approximately 1.5 million girls immediately after having been born annually in India. According to UN estimates there are at present about 100 million women who are circumcised.

Alarming

More than two million girls between four and 10 years have to undergo and endure heavy physical injury and brutal torture annually. Recently, the United Nations published another alarming figure: 70% of the world's poorest people are women. They are denied opportunities in education, jobs and the chance to make decisions that shape their lives. A part of this 70%  are the rural women of Sri Lanka, who wave whilst working hard in the fields.

The smiling, waving women in the fields, playing a dual role as housewives and breadwinner, are a lovely picture, indeed, which many tourists and investors visiting Sri Lanka are taking back home as cherished photos. However, photos do not show the sad situation these poor rural women are faced with - they are suffering and crying in silence, working hard for a better future for their children, their families and for themselves.

War in Iraq: impact on Sri Lanka

By Pia Djem Leichter

Does Sri Lanka have to contend with yet another war? The debate amid US Congress whether to pass a resolution  giving President George Bush the broad powers that he needs to ‘disarm’  Iraq and by doing so oust Saddam Hussein still rages, especially when fuelled with the recent release of a letter sent by CIA Director, George J. Tenet to US Congress, further highlighting internal divides in the administration. The letter came in response to a request made by Congress to declassify segments of CIA briefings on Iraq over the past few days. It concludes that Hussein does not pose an immediate threat to the US now, but contends that if America invaded Iraq, it could push him to retaliate with chemical or biological weapons.

Tenet maintains: “Should Saddam conclude that a US-led attack could no longer be deterred, he probably  would become much less constrained in adopting terrorist  actions.” The main topic under debate is whether Hussein would  give weapons of mass destruction to terrorists to attack the United States.

“Iraq could decide on any given day to provide a biological or chemical weapon to a terrorist group or individual terrorists,” Bush asserted. Bush’s firm stance was further demarcated during his national address in Cincinnati on Monday (7), where he attempted to muster public support for a strike on Iraq. As former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter points out: “As signatories of the UN Charter, the US has agreed to abide by a body of international  law that explicitly governs the conditions under which nations  may go to war. All require authority of the Security Council, either through an invocation of Article 51 (self-defence), or a resolution passed under chapter seven of the charter (collective security).” He concluded that President Bush has  failed to meet any of these criteria. The Bush administration  has also made clear that its objective is the elimination of  Saddam Hussein, and the UN Charter prohibits regime removal.  These actions disregard US and UN laws and sanctions.

Wide reaching effects

As the  debate ensues and weapons inspectors stand still, with no apparent ‘diplomatic solution’ in sight, and Bush advocating  war, the wide-reaching effects of a war must be calculated and  examined — Sri Lanka would also have to brace for impact.

Foreign exchange from overseas employment is currently the largest net earnings for Sri  Lanka, bringing in US$ 1.1 billion, with the garment industry, tea and tourism following suit. According to Chairman, Sri Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment, Jayantha Liyanage the total amount of Sri Lankan migrant workers abroad stands at one million, and of that amount 60% are concentrated in the Middle East: 15% or 150,000 workers residing in Kuwait and another 35% or 350,000 in Saudi Arabia.

A war in Iraq would adversely affect employment in that  region, and greatly impact the local economy, especially if  Sri Lankan workers in countries near Iraq want to return for  fear of being attacked. During the Gulf War, almost all  workers in Kuwait returned to Sri Lanka, a total of 60,000  people, with only a small percentage remaining. The current unemployment rate in Sri Lanka is between 500,000 and 600,000 —  if workers returned due to a conflict in the Middle East, especially another 150,000, this would deeply strain the economy by requiring their absorption into the workforce. Once  that strain is coupled with the loss of foreign exchange, a  hike in oil prices, and a possible decrease in the export of  tea — the economy is in serious peril.

Vulnerable

During the Gulf War, according to the previous head of the Foreign Employment  Bureau, the drop in expatriate workers’ earnings cost the country about US$ 2.5 million a month. Kuwait may again be particularly vulnerable in the event of a war in Iraq.

According to Chairman, Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, Daham Wimalasena, during the Gulf War petrol prices increased from  Rs. 25.00 per litre to Rs. 35.00 per litre; and diesel went up  by Rs. 2.00 per litre.

At least the US gave a deadline during the Gulf War, as  opposed to the current possibility of a pre-emptive strike against Iraq, in which an attack would be sudden, giving most countries little time to prepare, and therefore, changing the modus operandi of governments. Given the possibility of such a precarious situation, Labour Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe has recently commissioned a study detailing what alternative plans  and strategies must be implemented in the event of a war in  Iraq. A senior diplomat who was in Kuwait at the time of the Gulf War is currently leading this study which includes identifying places where migrant workers could be safe from the activities of war, housing and feeding Sri Lankans in war affected areas, and eventual evacuation plans. The study will  be ready in one month’s time. Samarasinghe said that they “learned a  bitter lesson from the Gulf War,” with 150,000 Sri Lankans effected in the Middle East, and will be prepared in the event  of a war in Iraq.

Sri Lanka still has not finished picking up the pieces from the Gulf War, and cannot fathom the consequences of a war in  Iraq. The effects of the Gulf War are still being felt today. 

The UN Security Council Compensation Committee arranged for victims of this war to be compensated: 93,000 have been paid  from a total of 150,000 victims, with 57,000 people still  unaccounted for — a total of US$ 380 million was received as compensation. The UN committee is currently dismantled leaving the government to determine new ways and means of finding resources to compensate remaining victims, as well as the possible future victims of a war with Iraq.

Liyanage visited the village of Eravur in the east last week and allotted a sum of US$ 4,000 each to 10 victims of the Gulf War. Liyanage is seeking long term solutions that  would diversify the concentration of migrant workers in the Middle East and is currently working on a bilateral agreement with Malaysia that would create 200,000 new job opportunities.

Tea exports

Liyanage is also working with the Italian embassy and ambassador in order to secure future work visas for Sri Lankans, with the intention of creating new opportunities for males, especially since 70% of migrant workers are women. A prospective war in Iraq could also disrupt the earnings from tea exports. According to the Sri Lanka Tea Board, Iraq  currently ranks second in the importers list of Ceylon tea, with 3.57 million kg shipped per month, with Iran sixth at 1.24 million kg, and Saudi Arabia following at 0.96 million kg. Tea exports could be affected if shipments were disrupted or costs may rise if longer shipping routes have to be utilised due to maritime warfare.

Sri Lanka, being totally dependent on oil imports, would be  greatly affected by rising costs of oil that would ensue if a war broke out in Iraq. The effect on petrol prices depends on the price Sri Lanka would have to pay for crude oil or refined  products. Sri Lanka purchases about 25% of crude oil from the  Far East, and there would be a scramble from others for this oil. With the prospect of war on the horizon, many countries,  especially those in the eastern zone, such as China, Japan,  Korea, and Hong Kong, have already begun building buffer  stocks and inventories, and as a result, creating higher demand  and subsequently higher prices — this occurring at the mere  prospect of war.

There is now a US$ 30 war risk insurance surcharge added per metric ton, which in turn increases freight costs. In addition to these ‘risk’ increases, the winter months lie ahead, and the price of oil has risen sharply: according to Chairman, Laugfs Lanka Gas, W. K. H. Wegapitiya, the company priced a metric ton of LPG at US$ 228 in August, 256 in September, 295 in October — a steady  increase of US$ 40 every month. Prices are currently around US$ 310 delivered into Asia, the highest levels of 2002. Wegapitiya  foresees the price reaching US$ 400 in the next couple of months. 

According to Wimalasena, if the prices were to increase: “Transport will be badly affected, production will suffer, electricity generation will also be affected again. This will also depend on availability of water in reservoirs. Sri Lankans will also have to reduce all non-essential travel by motor cars/vans or  buses and conserve the fuel for goods transport. It may also  be necessary to close schools and offices to work on alternative days. Leisure travel would have to cease, effecting tourism and exports.” Sri Lanka in turn would suffer an increase in transport costs as well as in costs of living —  prices climbing on basic commodities and on the cost of  production.