POLITICS

A recipe for instability Inside Politics By Suranimala With the Supreme Court having made its determination on the 19th Amendment to the constitution, the country is set for a prolonged period of instability where even the entire peace process stands jeopardised.

From the outset, the government realised the only way to infuse a sense of stability in the country was to curtail the President's power to act capriciously  and unilaterally dissolve parliament to stifle the Prime Minister on issues of governance and decision making.It is with that end in view, the 19th Amendment was introduced to give the government the much needed sense of stability, not only with the LTTE to move the peace process forward but also to boost investor confidence for economic revival following last year's negative growth under Kumaratunga's People's Alliance.

Initially, despite warnings from several ministers, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe egged on by Economic Reforms Minister Milinda Moragoda advocated a policy of cohabitation with the President even as Kumaratunga went on the offensive asserting her right not just to sack any minister but in fact threatening to do so.

Warning signs

Not reading the warning signs, Wickremesinghe and Moragoda continued with their policy of appeasement while the President strengthened her grip by giving extensions to the service chiefs, notwithstanding requests by the Prime Minister for restructuring the defence establishment.

Even democratic reforms proposed by the government such as the repeal of the special presidential commission law was vetoed by Kumaratunga, in addition to launching vituperative attacks on Prime Minister Wickremesinghe no less from every available platform, going so far as to accuse the government of plotting to assassinate her.

The Prime Minister's response was to assert his bona fides by going so far as to stall investigations into the President's conduct on numerous issues, including the luxury vehicles and handbag with the spy camera, much to the chagrin of his own ministers.

Still the policy of appeasement continued and it was only after the PA's out coup document plotting the ouster of the Wickremesinghe administration through a constitutional coup by undermining the peace process surfaced that the Prime Minister stood up and took notice of the threat posed to his government  and the peace process by the President.

It was at that belated stage the Prime Minister finally agreed to introduce the 19th Amendment, but by then it was too late to do the groundwork necessary to see the successful passage of the amendment through the judicial system. The rest is now history.

The issue was further confounded by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress not only objecting to a conscience vote as a permanent feature in the constitution but also showing deep divisions within itself, thereby threatening the stability of the government as well as the entire peace process.

Mixed signals

To make matters worse, having decided on the 19th Amendment, the government continued a blow-hot, blow-cold approach towards the President by briefing her regularly on men and matters, in the process sending mixed signals to those PA MPs who were preparing to throw in their lot with the government.

It is in this backdrop, the seven member Supreme Court Bench headed by Chief Justice Sarath Silva despatched the determination of the court to President Kumaratunga and Speaker Joseph Michael Perera on the night of Tuesday, October 15.

In essence, the Supreme Court determined that clause six of the 19th Amendment which gave MPs protection from disciplinary action for voting on the amendment in keeping with their conscience tantamounted to a suspension of Article 99 of the Constitution and hence was unconstitutional.

Article 99 spells out the procedure for the expulsion of a member of parliament and filling of the vacancy thereof.

The effect of the Supreme Court determination was that in such circumstances the conscience vote provision providing MPs immunity from disciplinary action was a suspension of the operation of a part of the constitution as contemplated by Article 75 and cannot be introduced at all, not even with a referendum.

That determination alone killed the 19th Amendment as far as the government was concerned since no PA MP would then be in a position to vote with the government on the amendment without losing his parliamentary seat.

The rest of the judgement which provided for the curtailment of the President's powers of dissolution after one year with a two third majority and approval by the people at a referendum on the basis that it amounted to a transfer of executive power to the legislature, then became merely academic as did the provision calling upon the President to dissolve parliament within four days of a resolution being adopted to that effect.

Bizarre logic

Ironically, in a bizarre sense of logic, the Supreme Court has also determined that parliament can curtail the President's power of dissolution simply with a two third majority without a referendum, provided the prohibition of dissolution is restricted to three years.

Simply put, a two third majority alone is sufficient to prevent the President from dissolving parliament after its election for three years but if parliament wants to restrict the President from dissolving parliament for three years and one day, it has to be placed before the people at a referendum as well.

What is interesting in this determination is that, a similar proposal was made by the President to the government stating she will not dissolve parliament for three years and would get the PA to vote for such an amendment.

However, since the three years is to lapse from the date of election, the President would according to this determination be allowed to dissolve parliament anytime after December 5, 2004. That means while Kumaratunga is still President since her term is to expire only end 2005.

That would also mean, the President can, if this determination is agreed to as a compromise, in December 2004, sack the entire UNF cabinet, appoint a caretaker government of her choice and then proceed to dissolve parliament and go for elections.

In fact the President was even contemplating resigning as President in that last year and running for parliament and the prime ministership, thereby forcing the UNF to elect a president through the House for that one year. That would force Wickremesinghe to confine the first of his two possible terms to one year or run the risk of allowing another party nominee of being president for one year before the next presidential election and with it the party leadership in terms of the UNP constitution.

In the meantime, there is nothing to prevent the President in the interim period of three years leading upto December 2004 from sacking any minister, taking over any ministry and basically vetoing any government decision.

More importantly, it also deals the peace process a devastating blow since the government will under the present circumstances be unable to muster the two third majority in parliament to implement any proposal agreed to with the LTTE in Thailand such as an interim administration for given the fact the President and the PA, not to mention the JVP have publicly opposed it.

This would in turn make the LTTE pause to think whether there is any point in pushing forward with the peace process until such time the government is in a position to deliver on the agreements reached.

These factors would hold even if as the Supreme Court possibly contemplated, of a compromise being reached between the government and the President for a three year period since the government under such circumstances would be at the mercy of the President.

And given the LTTE's unwavering position that it does not trust either President Kumaratunga or former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, it will under such circumstances be a matter of time before the peace process snaps and all hell breaks loose in the country.

Indeed, the President has already taken up the position the government was paving the way for a de facto state of Eelam and that an interim administration was the final phase of that operation.

In such a scenario, it is inconceivable the President or the PA will support an amendment to the constitution to provide for an interim administration and without the conscience provision in  place the government will find it impossible to get the two third majority.

General election option

Therefore, any compromise on a three year formula makes it impossible for the government to push through the peace process, hence the option of a general election, whereby the government is hoping to increase its majority and then move for a two third in parliament with a fresh one year period to manoeuvre.

For the government, the timing of the Supreme Court determination could not have been worse since a mini pledging conference is scheduled in Norway in November and a major pledging event in Japan early next year to not only develop the north east but also the south as a peace dividend to the people.

Thus, what has been dished out through the judgement is a recipe for disaster, derailing the economic and peace process at a time the Prime Minister was slowly turning the situation around and the government knows it only too well.

Taking these factors into consideration, no sooner details of the Supreme Court determination came to be known, UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema told Prime Minister Wickremesinghe that under no circumstances can the government agree on a compromise formula with the President as contemplated by the Supreme Court determination.

"It is heavily loaded in the President's favour and I cannot even suggest it to the party since it is suicidal," Samarawickrema said.

Samarawickrema told the Prime Minister, the government would be left with no option but to go for a general election and seek a fresh mandate from the people.

"We have to be decisive now. If she does not dissolve parliament, we will have to cut off her funds and push all the necessary legislation through parliament and mobilise the masses to agitate for an election. We will be left with no choice but to force her hand. Any compromise on a three year period now will make us look weak and helpless," he said.

Agreeing with the UNP Chairman, the Prime Minister said an election, it will be and towards achieving that objective, a resolution will be moved in parliament in November.

It is in this backdrop that the ministers met for the pre-cabinet meeting on Wednesday, October 16, at Temple Trees where the mood in government was one of defiance with plenty of bellyaching on the delay in impeaching the chief justice being a contributory factor to the present state of affairs.

Treasury circular

Be that as it may, having gone through the agenda for the cabinet meeting to follow, Justice Minister W.J.M. Lokubandara was the first to speak up, raising a question on a Treasury circular restricting employment in the state sector.

"This Treasury circular states we can't fill existing vacancies. That is not good," Lokubandara said to the surprise of the Prime Minister.

Replied the Prime Minister, "No, the decision taken is that if a position has not been filled for two years or more, then it would be removed from the cadre."

However, Ministers Rajitha Senaratne, W.J.M. Lokubandara and Gamini Lokuge pointed out, the tenor of the circular was different which saw the Prime Minister calling for a copy and directing all ministers to send in their cadre for the Treasury to decide.

With that out of the way, Lokuge raised an issue relating to the privatisation programme of the government, stating an opposition front has been formed against it and inquired after the steps the government intended taking.

Interjected Minister Senaratne: "Earlier, the SLFP, JVP and MEP were isolated because of their racist stance on the peace process. Now all parties including the left have come under one banner against privatisation. This privatisation programme was signed by Chandrika Kumaratunga. Why don't you give the documents to us to expose this to the country? It will break their coalition also for their sheer hypocrisy."

Hardly had Senaratne finished, the Prime Minister handed over the document to Rural Economy Minister Bandula Gunawardena who promised to make copies available to the ministers.

With that done, both Ministers G.L. Peiris and Milinda Moragoda explained details of the proposed pledging conferences in Norway and Japan.

Minister Peiris said given the level of support, by 2004 the economy will be on a high and the people immensely benefitted, provided there is political stability for the government to continue with its programme, a view point shared by Minister Moragoda as well.

Explaining the issue further was the Prime Minister who said the first aid package would be to develop the entire country followed by an infusion of capital for the north east.

At this point Minister Senaratne inquired after the 19th Amendment to the constitution which saw the Prime Minister responding forcefully.

He said, according to information received, the Supreme Court had knocked out the conscience provision and called for a referendum plus two third majority for the dissolution provision.

"Therefore it is best we go for a snap general election. The cost is the same as a referendum and the people can decide whether they want war with Kumaratunga or peace with us," Prime Minister Wickremesinghe said.

Interestingly, all the ministers present agreed an election is the best course of action and decided to work towards that agenda.

Prior to the meeting, the Prime Minister and several ministers spoke to Minister Arumugam Thondaman who too agreed, a general election was the best course of action.

Rajitha's proposals

Thus, no sooner the Prime Minister got approval for a general election, Minister Senaratne took the floor and made a series of proposals receiving wide approval from the ministers.

Said he, "Now we heard the Prime Minister speaking about developing the country with massive aid pledges and restoring peace. For all that to be achieved, the UNF must be in government. There is no doubt about our Prime Minister's vision for the country. You are right about economic growth, peace, etc. There is no other leader than you in the country today who can do it."

Continuing, Senaratne said when calling for an election or continuing in office by checkmating the President despite the Supreme Court order, the government must understand how to deal with Kumaratunga.

"We who have been with her know how to deal with her. Those UNPers not familiar with her style will be made mince meat of. It is true she is not a patch on the Prime Minister when it comes to governance. But she is a political animal and that you have to give her. She will not care tuppence for the country, whether war breaks out, whether there is starvation, death and destruction but she will manoeuvre to capture power," he added.

Added Senaratne: "We must now take political decisions in dealing with her. The main problem was the two voices with which we spoke. One section of the government thought it can cohabit with her. An example is Milinda Moragoda. He told the whole country this is a personal battle of two or three ministers and that he is not a party to it nor the government.

"Last week, the Sunday Divaina reported that when Milinda met the President he asked for forgiveness on behalf of us but that the President accused the Prime Minister of instigating the attacks on her."

Not stopping at that, Senaratne said he spoke to Moragoda on this story and inquired whether it was factually correct and was told it was a total fabrication.

"I told him to deny it then since it would otherwise look bad on the Prime Minister and other ministers. Even on TV, PA members were accusing a few ministers of breaking up the cohabitation with the President. They said that is why there cannot be peace and economic development in the country. That is why I took the initiative and held out an olive branch to the President. I spoke to Ministers Ravi Karunanayake and G.L. Peiris also about it. Now she has spurned my offer. What does this prove? It is she who is against cohabitation and not us. Now I hope those who have been talking of cohabitation will understand the ground reality," he added.

Action plan

Speaking further, the Minister said thus: "Now the Prime Minister spoke of a general election. I agree. But it is the President who has to dissolve parliament. We must have a course of action planned if she refuses. We get a good opportunity in November with the President's vote. If she does not dissolve, let us cut off her funds. Why should we allocate funds for her through the budget to undermine us?"

The Minister went on to say, another option was to impeach the President through which strategy, the PA MPs can be wooed again for the two third majority to knock out Kumaratunga.

"Yet another option is the abolition of the executive presidency. If we bring a motion, the JVP will be forced to vote with us and so will the PA. Then Kumaratunga is neutralised. We can consider the executive prime ministership. Let us look at these options," he charged.

The Minister also said the same source who gave the information on the certificates of deposit of Anuruddha Ratwatte had furnished information on the President as well.

"Let us look into those issues also and commence all the investigations that were stopped because of cohabitation," he added.

By the time Senaratne finished, it was time for cabinet and the Prime Minister adjourned the meeting.

To the credit of Moragoda, he was the first to walk up to Senaratne and state he was in total agreement with the sentiments expressed and that they should force an election out of the President.

A job well done

Likewise, Ministers Rauf Hakeem, Rukman Senanayake, G.L. Peiris, Karunasena Kodituwakku, Tilak Marapone, W.J.M. Lokubandara, John Amaratunga and Abdul Cader all thanked Senaratne for a job well done and said they were in total agreement with his proposals and exposing the President through his offer of the olive branch.

Said Cader: "I wanted to clap. But because it was a cabinet meeting I held myself back with difficulty."

With the stage thus set, the government's political affairs committee comprising Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, Ministers Karu Jayasuriya, S.B. Dissanayake, G.L. Peiris, Tilak Marapone, Rauf Hakeem and UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema met Thursday night to map out the election strategy of the government and the steps needed to be taken to force the issue on Kumaratunga.

At this meeting, Hakeem said the SLMC would stand with the government and was hopeful of solving the internal dispute in the party over the weekend.

Thereafter, the political affairs committee resolved to pass a resolution in parliament calling for dissolution and move against the President if she refuses to comply.

In such a situation, the question also arises whether the President can refuse dissolution given her claim, the government was paving the way for a de facto Eelam. For, if that is the case, the President would be expected to seize the first opportunity that presents itself for dissolution to give the people an opportunity of showing the door to the government.

Otherwise, the President too will be guilty by her own admission of aiding and abetting the division of the country by keeping the UNF in office without going for dissolution.

Cat and mouse games by SLMC MPs

By Frederica Jansz

The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) is beginning to figure in Sri Lankan politics as a spoiler for all governments. The SLMC has a track record of rocking the boat and badgering government’s in order to secure benefits that stand to gain only the Muslim community.

Insisting on using a bargaining clout after joining forces with the winning side, the SLMC is more and more projecting itself as a selfish entity that is prepared to sacrifice peace and prosperity for all Sri Lankans in the name of a separate Muslim identity.

While Muslims in the north and east could be justified for presenting their case in the interest of their community, it has to be pointed out at this critical juncture such demands must be put forward on the basis of being an important stake-holder in this process.

But it is petty consideration and personal benefit that has led to the present crisis in the SLMC, though it is marketed in the name of rights and security for the Muslims in the east. 

Above all, what should be of paramount importance when making such demands, even if genuine, is that it should be done with the interests of all communities in this country taken into account and not merely to seek a separate ethnic divide for the Muslims.

The recent stand by nine SLMC MPs insisting that the government promise immediately a separate interim council for the Muslims in the north and east, was taken at a time the UNF government was counting on the support of the SLMC to vote in favour of the 19th Amendment and to desist from derailing a fragile peace.

The SLMC after all, are a constituent party of the government and have already reaped the benefits as a result of being a coalition partner of the party in power.

This time however, their judgement seems mistimed, selfish, emotional and irrational. Their decision to hold the government to ransom appears to have misfired and their much talked about ‘leverage’ lost when the Supreme Court ruled last week that a conscience vote could not be allowed on the 19th Amendment and that together with a two third majority, a referendum is also necessary before the 19th Amendment can be passed.

Foot in mouth

Now that the 19th Amendment will not be placed before parliament, the SLMC has been caught with their foot in their mouths. Their clarion call for a separate Muslim council in the east prior to a final resolution being arrived at in the peace process, days before they were expected to vote in favour of the 19th Amendment has shown them up to being politically opportunistic.

That is not all. One dissident MP from the SLMC went so far as to tell The Sunday Leader that they decided to shake the rug beneath the feet of Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe after 20 PA MPs had pledged to support the government on the 19th Amendment.

SLMC MP, Noordeen Mashoor said, “we decided to push for our demand before the government had the support of 20 PA MPs — if not, once these members were won over we would have lost our bargaining power.”

The importance of the peace process and its implications for all Sri Lankans as a whole, appear to be the last thing on the minds of these nine members from the SLMC.

For instance, another incident perpetrated at Akkaraipattu last Wednesday (16), which resulted in a local curfew having to be imposed has now been found to be not because the LTTE abducted a Muslim youth. Police investigations have instead determined the incident may have been due to a concocted abduction plan that could have seriously impaired the progress of peace negotiations.

The kidnapped youth was found two days later on Friday (18), in a government held area in Ampara and not inside the territory of the LTTE.  Further investigations are continuing to ascertain who is behind these incidents of mayhem and unrest in the Eastern Province, especially in the backdrop of the PA’s out coup document which revealed a plan to sow the seeds of dissension in the east to derail the peace process.

Determined

 Meanwhile, SLMC Chairman and Deputy Transport Minister, A. L. M. Athaullah is determined that the government promise to establish a separate interim administrative council for the Muslims in the east. Athaullah scoffed at reports that four of the dissident Muslim MPs had pledged to abandon their boycott of parliament.

“These reports are not true. There are still nine of us who are observing the boycott,” he said.  Asked if he is attempting to challenge the leadership of his leader, Rauf Hakeem, Athaullah replied, “as far as we are concerned we only want our leader, Hakeem to discuss the issue of a separate council for the Muslims in the north and east with the Prime Minister and arrive at a concrete resolution.”

He added that their support at this moment in time for the 19th Amendment is foolish... “We must all unite and discuss the issues of the country. Speaking of whose powers are greater or whose is less, is a joke at a time when the country is facing issues of crisis proportions...” he said.

Athaullah was bitterly critical of the LTTE, charging the Tigers were responsible for last Wednesday’s incidents at Akkaraipattu, which forced police to declare a local curfew in the area.

“During a state of peace, how can the LTTE be allowed to carry weapons and kidnap civilians, irrespective of who these persons maybe related to?” he questioned angrily, asserting the LTTE is playing dirty despite the ceasefire agreement and are behind the recent incidents of mayhem in the Eastern Province.

Noordeen Mashoor meanwhile, who was reported to have abandoned his boycott of parliament two days after it was called, said this was not so.  “I only went to parliament on another matter but the Premier spotted me and requested me to sit in the house that day...” Mashoor said, asserting this however does not mean that he has gone back on his original stance together with eight other SLMC MPs.

Mashoor insists a separate interim council for the Muslims is a must, “because of the increasing acts of harassment and intimidation against the Muslims in the east,” he said.  Mashoor pointed out that it has become literally impossible for the Muslims in the east to live in peace or move about freely.

He countered the claim that even the People’s Alliance never made allocations for a separate Muslim council in the east. This may be so, he admitted, “but now the need for one is of the utmost urgency given the manner in which the LTTE is behaving in the Eastern Province,” he said. 

Leader, National Unity Alliance, Ferial Ashraff insists the PA in its draft constitutional proposals included a separate interim council for the Muslims in the east.

No separate administration  

Ashraff’s statement differs slightly from fact. The truth of the matter is that in the draft constitutional proposals, the People’s Alliance (PA) outlined a proposal for a separate council for the Muslims only in the event of a final resolution to the ethnic conflict. There was to be no separate interim administration for the Muslims in the north or the east.

The chapter on an interim council for the northern and eastern regions in the PA’s draft constitution states that there shall be an interim council for the northern and eastern regions that shall continue for a period of five years from that date and that such an interim council would have deemed to have been dissolved at the end of that period.

The proposal stated that such an interim council would consist of such numbers of members equal to the total number of members that shall be returned to the council on an election determined by the Elections Commissioner.

It stated that the President would appoint the members to this council from recognised political parties and independent groups resident in the northern and eastern regions. A further stipulation said such nominations would be made having regard for the ethnic composition of the northern and eastern regions as well as the ethnic composition of such administrative district.

The PA never promised a separate Muslim interim administration for the north and east.

Former ambassador and now a political analyst on Muslim affairs, Javed Yusuf pointed out that the Muslims’ call for a separate interim council is based more on emotion than sense.

Yusuf asserted that according to census statistics obtained as recently as 2001, the percentage of Muslims in the east is only 35% of the population.  In the event there is a merger of the north and east this number would be reduced to 16%.

If a separate south-east unit is established for the Muslims comprising Kalmunai, Samanthurai and Akkaraipattu, such a council would cater only to 25% of the entire Muslim population in the north and east. Hence, the balance 75% of Muslims in other areas will have to live under a merged council which reduce their numbers to even less than 16%, Yusuf pointed out.

Selfish reasons

In short, what the SLMC is fighting for now for totally selfish reasons will sacrifice 75% of the Muslims living in the north and east for a mere 25% living in Kalmunai, Samanthurai and Akkaraipattu.

Yusuf asserted that as a result, this present demand by the nine SLMC members including its leader Rauf Hakeem who has publicly stated that their demand “is justified,” “is more of an emotional response than rational,” he said.

To Hakeem’s credit it must be stated here that as SLMC Leader, while asserting this call for a separate Muslim majority council is justified because of the Muslims being harassed in the east, he however cautioned that to reach a final settlement on this issue, the Muslims should not lose their bargaining power with the government or sacrifice national interests in order to achieve some ad hoc establishment.

Unfortunately, in this instance, these nine dissident MPs along with Ferial Ashraff appear to have jumped the gun, egged on by the President who has publicly pledged support for their cause, in an obvious attempt to derail the fragile peace in the east.

Yusuf meantime, added that if the Muslims are seeking a separate interim administration this would seriously impair a future merger and a final resolution. A separate council of this nature for the Muslim community at this early stage in the peace process would negate establishing normalcy in the north and east as well as alienate the LTTE from joining a democratic form of governance. 

The Tamil political parties have been talking about a merger of the north and east in order to restore normalcy and reconstruct the north and east as well as to bring the LTTE into an administrative process that would serve as an incentive for the Tigers to proceed in the peace process.

While there is no doubt that the challenges facing the Muslim community in the east are complex, any form of interim administration, Yusuf asserted would have to comprise of an ethnic composition that can build confidence between the three communities — Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala.

Such an administrative unit should not in any way detract from a final solution to the conflict in the north and east.

THELMA

A true Banda daughter

Darling Satellite,

Your speeches have been warming the cockles of my heart for yonks darling and last week was no different. First, when you said the Bandas and Hotgardens of this world never run away, and second, when you assured your trade unionist audience, the only thing keeping you from horsewhipping your green enemies was your religion. I don’t know about the workers of this world dear, I am not what one would term a member of the proletariat, and neither am I well versed in the opium of the masses, but I have a question. Let us clarify. A good Buddhist who will not resort to violence in any form to quell your opponents (who unfortunately will remain your opponents in a democratic world) is how you described yourself.

I am the first to admit I haven’t got a toehold on the precepts of Buddhism, though I can rattle of through memory the sermon on the mount as well as the next preacher. But I can bet my last fig leaf at a nudists’ tea party that your idea of Buddhist precepts and my nebulous picture of the Buddhistic discourse differ a tad. Again, my nodding acquaintance with the Dammapada was enjoyed only briefly during the Sinhala language period at the old school. Forced as all little girls are, whose mothers pack off to Anglican boot camps for fourteen years, I too spent my formative childhood pretending to memorise chunks and chunks of Guttila Kavya in which a nuisance of a chap called Musila kept mucking up the plans. If I recall, some chappie called Angulimala made a cameo appearance. 

Ask me about Daniel in the lion’s den, Shedrach, Meshach and Abednigo, not to mention Naomi and Esther and see me go. But the Dammapada? No. So, correct me if I’m wrong but I doubt it to be the natural action of a good Buddhist adhering to the teachings, to threaten to kill 500 people at one go. Reminds me of a tale my mater used to relate as I sat on her knee. A chappie called Hans who could kill ‘seven with one blow,’ had the township all agog until it was revealed he meant flies not men.

I don’t think you meant flies when you threatened to kill 500 though now did you? Again, I’m wondering, subject to correction, whether it is part of the religious teaching to harbour so much hate in ones bosom as you do. And a bosom I may as well tell you which could just as easily be sloshing about with the milk of human kindness. I mean to say darling, how ghastly. You have, in speeches all across the country threatened in that menacing way of your’s to kill everybody including the one who tried to kill you. For the last time, nobody is trying to bump you off.

Again as I say, I’m more into the ‘turn the other cheek’ policy. A rather painful and idiotic course to take. Nonetheless, what can you do except follow the leader in this game? But, what does the Dammapada say about revenge and hatred and anger dear? Do tell. For I have often, as I sit munching a celery stick, wondered about your promise to bite hard on Ranil’s neck at a cabinet meeting? I admit such a course of action may have been recommended in the pages of the Kama Sutra, but have you seen the like of it within the pages of the Dammapada?

And now to this second thing about not running away. Kicking your heels in the mud and not budging. I saw a scene like that once. It was at the Nuwara Eliya race course. A rather stubborn yellow coloured mule with her ears pasted back, wouldn’t budge too. Not even when a ham handed jockey slapped her a smart one on the fleshy part of her bottom. Just as I am beginning to think, like you. Even uncle Hotgarden and his gun-toting lads will not budge you tell us. And they are quite right not to. Who would want to budge dear when life’s good. So good that your family can feature in advertisements for LG products.

In fact, with apologies to Kipling and all that,

If you can feed off the land and make people think you are doing them a favour,

If you can stash CDs in banks and hide them from your neighbour,

If you can be a ‘good’ Buddhist and yet threaten to kill and slaughter,

If you can pretend that peace and development should be only for a traitor,

Then you are truly a Banda, my daughter.

And to think my second grade teacher only gave me an A- for poetry. But now to the final thought. The dissolving of parliament. Darling, you are hard to please. There was a time when all you could do was dissolve it. M’dear reflect. If you don’t dissolve the house, the peace friend Ranil is going to think you are afraid of the people’s verdict and running away from an election. 

Now that the supremos on the hill have said the nineteenth amendment needs a referendum, why don’t you prove your stick-in-the-muddiness democratically. We can forget fixing a date for the referendum. We know how tardy you are with dates. I have spoken to some of your dates. So dissolve and resolve is my advice. 

And with alleged murder charges being filed against Mangy in Matara, another election may be the only thing that can get him off the hook. The insides of courthouses leave alone remand prisons are not pretty.

You might have heard more about the appalling tastes in style and colour demonstrated in the interior décor of the typical Paradisian prison from uncle Hotgarden. I may have only gone in to a courthouse to sit at the bar table, but I can tell you darling, it’s still a dirty job, and Thelma is not the one to do it anymore. And with Mangy’s delicate disposition neither is he.