INTERVIEWS

No need for division - Bala

LTTE chief negotiator, Dr. Anton Balasingham said in Thailand - just hours before the second round of peace talks with the government commenced - that the Sinhala people need not worry that the LTTE is going to divide the country or that they are separatists or secessionists. In a wide ranging exclusive interview with The Sunday Leader Editor, Lasantha Wickrematunge, Balasingham said the LTTE is opting for some radical solutions where Tamil demands can be accommodated without the division of the country. Claiming that President Chandrika Kumaratunga and her Advisor, Lakshman Kadirgamar were not seriously concerned either about peace or economic development, Balasingham said their whole strategy was to create difficulties for Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his programme of peace and economic emancipation of the people. Balasingham further said they advocate fresh elections to enable the people to give the government a strong mandate to resolve the ethnic question and implement the radical economic reforms in light of the Supreme Court judgement on the 19th Amendment.

Following are excerpts:

Q: WHAT do you expect to come out of the second round of talks?

A: Three issues are being focused on in the second round of talks. The main and cardinal issue is the formation and finalisation of the Joint Task Force (JTF). We are going to discuss the terms and conditions about functional modalities and we hope that this institute, organisation or framework will be structured and finalised at this particular round of talks.

It is crucial because several donor countries have come forward with assistance. They want a structured organisation committed to the task of rehabilitation and reconstruction to the war damaged economy of the north east. So the main focus will be the formation and finalisation of the JTF.

Secondly, we are also going to discuss the High Security Zones (HSZ), with issues concerned with the HSZ because this has created a lot of problems in the north and east. As far as Jaffna is concerned, about 30% of the territory is occupied by the armed forces. And several civilian areas - villages of Tamil people have been taken over by the armed forces as HSZs, for example Walikamam. As a result, there has been a lot of agitation and demands by the general public that the armed forces should be relocated - withdrawn to specific areas so that the internally displaced persons can be resettled in these villages. These people have been reduced to the condition of refugees as a result of military occupation for the last 10 years. These people have been suffering, so we will say normalcy could not be properly established. These people have been uprooted. Our people have the right to resettle in their villages.

Of course, we also appreciate the concerns of the armed forces about their security situation in Jaffna. At the same time we are not demanding the withdrawal of the armed forces from the north and east at this stage. But at the same time, by the consent of both parties, as a measure of goodwill, both the government and LTTE or the armed forces and LTTE can work out an arrangement without endangering the security concerns of the armed forces. Accordingly, some adjustments can be made to facilitate the resettlement of the displaced persons. Thirdly we are going to discuss the situation in the east.

Q: Subject to the reservations that you mentioned, are you satisfied with the progress made so far and the implementation of the Ceasefire agreement (CFA)?

A: Yes, I should be very honest with you. There is general satisfaction the truce agreement is working very well without any major outbreak of violence or conditions in the ceasefire. At the same time, there are still areas which have to be implemented, that is terms and conditions. For example, fishermen are allowed fishing in certain areas in the day time but if they get lost they are not allowed to come back. It is an unfortunate situation. As a result , there are complaints from the fishing community. They have suffered a lot in the past.

Then there is the HSZs. These areas have to be looked at too. Generally, I would say the CFA is holding for the last seven months. That is one of the most important aspects of the entire process of peace. For the first time, a ceasefire arrangement has worked successfully and international monitoring forces are encouraging the process.

Q: But there is tension in the east with Muslims complaining of abductions and harassment. This has led to a crisis within the Muslim Congress itself with the SLMC leader also coming under pressure from his own MPs. This could seriously impact on the peace process. How do you see this issue being resolved?

A: We have given serious concern to these complaints of harassment by the Muslim people in the east. That is one of the main reasons why we called the leader of the Muslim Congress to the Wanni and had extensive discussions with him regarding the problems in the east.

Our leader, Mr. Prabhakaran and Mr. Hakeem jointly signed a Memorandum of Understanding where we pledged that these accusations of harassment, extortion and abductions would be stopped and that we will encourage friendly relations between the Tamils and the Muslims. Ever since the signing of the MoU, I would say almost all these complaints have stopped apart from one or two incidents, which have taken place without the knowledge of the leadership of the LTTE, at a local level. And ever since, we have given strict instructions to our cadres to see that the Muslim people are not in any way harassed. We have taken firm action against some leaders who have not carried out the instructions of the leadership. I don't want to go into the details, you know it.

Then a couple of incidents have taken place, particularly in Muttur and Valachchenai and apart from those incidents there have not been any major outbreaks of violence. And these two incidents have also now been brought under control Now, the current unrest in the SLMC should not be confused with the situation in the east because, for us the problem of the Muslim people should be addressed at the negotiating table. It is precisely for that reason this peace process was mooted. We have impressed upon Mr. Hakeem that when the issues facing the Muslim people are taken up for discussion or core issues are taken up for discussion, the Muslims will be allowed to articulate their views with the participation of the Muslim representatives and a framework worked out. So, not only the LTTE and the government of Sri Lanka but also the Norwegians have given an undertaking that the problems of the Muslim people will be discussed at the negotiating table.

Unfortunately, there have been some demands on the Prime Minister that some Muslim MPs are demanding assurances and commitments at this early stage. We have just started the peace process and only the first round has taken place. We are to start the second round. The most important aspect at the early stages is to establish conditions of normalcy in the north east. That is working very well apart from a few incidents of violence, which compared to the brutal violence that was exploding in Sri Lanka, is nothing.

Therefore, I would suggest, the Muslim leaders or Muslim MPs should be patient, and to wait for the opportunity to participate at the negotiating process when their matters are taken up for discussion. That is the way out. Otherwise, it is unfair and unacceptable to make certain demands either from the Prime Minister or from the LTTE, using the very fragile political situation in Colombo.

Q: The Joint Task Force is up for discussion when the talks commence and the Muslim MPs are agitating for the rights of the Muslim majority areas also to be taken up for discussion in the same context. There is also a claim by the Muslims to be represented at the talks not as part of the government delegation but as a separate entity. Do you see a role for a team of Muslim representatives at this stage of the talks where the JTF is also slated in the agenda or from your point of view should they be coming in at a later stage?

A: Already a Muslim representative, Mr. Hakeem, not just as a government representative but as leader of the Muslim Congress participated at the first round of talks where a decision was taken by three parties. That is the government, the Muslim leadership and the LTTE to formulate or establish a joint task force where a decision is also being made to have a Muslim member in the committee. As you know the committee comprises of six people, of which three will be from the LTTE and three from the government, of which one will be a Muslim representative appointed by the government.

What we are now discussing are the terms and conditions. The original decision to have a committee is already made. So now it is the terms and conditions which have to be formulated and Mr. Hakeem will also be there. This JTF is not going to address all the problems of the Tamils and Muslims. This is primarily concerned with the humanitarian and resettlement of the refugees.

Ninety percent of the refugees are Tamils. You must also understand that the government has already given very responsible ministries for rehabilitation to the Muslims. North east rehabilitation to Hakeem and Wanni rehabilitation to another Muslim, where there is no Tamil representation. You must understand that the Tamil people have been fighting for their rights for 20 years and now, the parties engaged in the armed conflict must have the opportunity to sit, talk and sort out the Tamil questions.

We recognise the plight of the Muslim people. We are prepared to address their grievances and we will support full Muslim participation when the settlement of the problem is discussed. The Muslim question should be discussed and resolved within the totality of the Tamil national question. So, when the time comes, where issues pertaining to the Muslims are to be taken up for discussion, we will have their full participation. As I told you before, the JTF is primarily concerned about the particular issues of humanitarian, resettlement and de-mining, which are issues primarily concerning the north.

Q: You spoke positively about the current peace process subject to certain reservations. If you take this process with that of the last seven years, what do you see as the failures which led to the breakdown of that process in comparison to the success so far of this process?

A: I can give you several reasons, one main reason is, for the first time, we have a very strong will and determination on the part of the Tamil leadership, I mean the LTTE leadership as well as the leadership of the present government, that is Ranil's administration. And both the leaderships are sincerely and seriously committed to peace. This phenomenon had never arisen in the past. Even though there were peace initiatives the leaderships were not attuned to it. That is one aspect.

This is also the first time a third party has offered facilitation. That we think is crucial, given their international experience in resolving conflicts and they don't have any security interest or political interest in this region. They did their best to bring the parties to the conference table and still they are doing a wonderful job. That aspect is also there.

There is also an international team of monitors looking after the terms and conditions of the ceasefire, which had not happened in the past. There have been ceasefires in the past, which have immediately broken down. Now, whenever there are some minor problems, there is intervention by the international monitors and the problems are resolved.

Then, of the team that Ranil operates - like G.L. Peiris, Milinda Moragoda and others - are men of an outstanding calibre, people with serious commitment to peace and the welfare of the country. These people, who have a vision transcending petty politics and squabbles, have been instrumental in promoting this peace process. When there are two parties with serious people committed to peace, then the peace process become smooth and satisfactory.

Also most importantly, this is the first time the entire international community is focusing on Sri Lanka for various reasons. Because of the global situation, the war against terror and the situation in South Asia as such. This conflict is focused internationally because if it succeeds it will be a great triumph for the forces of peace. This is not an ordinary situation in Sri Lanka today - this is a kind of a brutal war that has been going on for the last 20 years.

If this war can be restrained and the peace process is advanced and a solution is reached, then it can be a fine global example for all conflicts in the world. That is why the international community is focusing on this particular conflict.

Q: In this context, President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar are insisting on the formation of a joint committee to review the progress of the talks with them and calling for a discussion on the core issues at this stage. Do you see this as a positive development to consolidate the peace process?

A: This is precisely what Chandrika and Kadirgamar insisted seven years ago, which led to the breakdown of the peace process. What we feel is that Chandrika and Kadirgamar have no vision of what they assume to be the core issues or the fundamental issue.

For them, some kind of devolution to the north and east or north separately and east separately, I don't know what they have in mind, is to them a solution to the problem. They think if some concessions are given to the Tamil people, they could alienate the LTTE and the problem can be resolved. That is why they have been insisting on these so-called core issues.

First of all, we want to raise this question as to what they mean by core issues. We have explained to the people and the world at large what we mean by fundamental issues. We have suggested that it entails a radical, structural transformation of the Sri Lankan polity. We have to bring about a new constitution. This constitution is not going to resolve the problem permanently. Even the present political crisis in Colombo is due to this constitution, which gives extraordinary executive powers to the President. As far as the Tamils are concerned, it is a manifestation of a chauvinistic ideology or an institutionalisation of a chauvinistic ideology giving primacy to a particular religion, language and so on.

So to resolve the Tamil ethnic question, we have always advocated a radical transformation of the Sri Lankan polity so that a new constitution can be brought up and the Tamil question can be addressed satisfactorily and we have advocated regional autonomy for the Tamils as a form of internal self-determination. Chandrika and Kadirgamar are not in favour of those ideas. For them, their primary task is to create difficulties for Ranil.

They are not sincere when they make these unnecessary demands from him. Ranil has taken the right direction by addressing the immediate problems faced by the Tamil people. That is precisely what the Tamil people also want: they want to be resettled; some funds to build up their homes; there is a need to rebuild a civilian infrastructure destroyed by war. These are the urgent existing problems of the Tamil people that need to be addressed. He is doing that and we support it. Stage by stage we will discuss the problems of the Tamil people. When we reach a particular stage we will address the core issues.

Q: You spoke of the need for a new constitution. Now the government suffered a setback given the Supreme Court ruling on the 19th Amendment. In that context, do you see it as a serious setback to the peace process particularly when the government will require a two third majority in parliament to implement agreements reached during the peace process?

A: Of course it is a serious setback. What Sri Lanka needs now is peace and economic revival. That everybody knows. Not only the Sinhalese, but also the Tamils and the Muslims want a permanent stable peace and economic revival because the entire economy is devastated due to the ethnic war.

It is only Ranil's administration that has tackled these twin issues, peace and economic development and they are negotiating with the LTTE. To a great extent they have established peace and are now concentrating on how to build up the economy. They are going on the correct path. But then to advance further, to build up the economy and resolve the ethnic problem, a stable government is necessary.

But unfortunately, there are two centres of power and as you know since Chandrika is not seriously concerned with peace or economic development of the country, her whole aim is to disrupt Ranil's programme to bring about the economic emancipation of the people. So they are creating difficulties and to overcome it, they need a two third majority or her executive powers have to be restrained. Otherwise, it is going to be very difficult for Ranil to proceed with the peace process.

Therefore the determination of the 19th Amendment is a serious setback and will make the government weak and after December 5, Ranil's administration will perpetually be under the mercy of a reckless President.

Q: How do you see this issue being resolved? Would a fresh election and a fresh mandate from the people for the ongoing process be the answer?

A: We always advocated new elections so that the people can give the new administration a clear, strong mandate so that the question of resolving the ethnic question and radical economic reforms can be advanced. Unfortunately, the decision by the Supreme Court has become an obstacle as far as the present situation is concerned. I don't think the government can dissolve parliament without the consent of the President. I don't know the exact implications and the President will not go for elections because she knows her party will be defeated. Therefore, if Ranil can't have elections, the other alternative is to continue with the present situation.

The only thing that Ranil has is a popular mandate from the people. So he can continue in government with the majority he has in parliament, he can get the support of the Muslim MPs and the Tamil MPs and carry on with the government, and if and when Chandrika dissolves parliament, he can go for an election and return with an adequate majority.

Q: In the meantime, if agreements are reached during the talks which require a two third majority for implementation, how do you see the peace process moving forward in the absence of an election?

A: That is going to be a serious problem but I don’t think we are going to need a two third majority immediately. The JTF is not a political issue or framework that will need a two third majority. Even without a statute or the intervention of parliament, the JTF can be mooted between a state and non-state entity. An agreement between a state entity and a non-state entity can give legitimacy to the JTF.

Even the ceasefire agreement is one between a state entity and a non-state entity which has nothing to do with the constitution. This is a framework primarily concerned only with the humanitarian task.

Q: How about the time you get to the question of an interim administration?

A: That is a difficult problem. I don’t think an interim administration is going to come now because we have to do a lot of discussion, when we work out a formula or framework for an interim set up, the government has to go for elections, and a fresh mandate obtained from the people. I don’t know when that will be. At that time, the government must be stable enough to go through with an interim set up.

Q: LTTE leaders in the north and east have been in a state of perpetual war for the last 20 years. How are they adopting to the new ground situation of a relative peace for a prolonged period?

A: We have a military structure that is confined to the barracks. Unlike the Sri Lankan armed forces occupying the Tamil areas, they are confined to barracks in the jungle areas. This military structure will be there until a permanent solution to the ethnic question is resolved. Even after, we have to think of arranging a security system for the Tamil people in a federal system or regional autonomy. Therefore, this military force will be there to protect life and interest of our people.

Their formation may be structurally changed. There is a practice where national liberation movements have been converted to national guards in the interest of the community they were fighting for. These matters can be discussed later on. But we are not a threat to the Sinhalese in anyway.

Q: You spoke of internal self determination, regional autonomy, federalism and so on. In that context, would it be correct to say you are looking for a settlement within a united Sri Lanka and that it would be acceptable to the LTTE?

A: When you use the categories unitary state and united, there should not be any parameters or paradigms before you enter into discussions. We never say that. For the LTTE a separate state is our paradigm. Similarly the Sri Lankans should not say that the unitary structure should not be disrupted. When we say a permanent solution is necessary and that there should be a structural transformation, it involves a new constitution, a new policy and an entirely new system of government to accommodate the aspirations of the Tamil people. Therefore whether it should be within a united Sri Lanka or a unitary structure should not be an issue at this stage.

Q: If I am to put it in another way, would ylkdsjlfkdsjlfkou say a settlement would be on the basis of one Sri Lanka?

A: (Laughs). Yes, Sri Lanka will be there. It won’t disappear into thin air. But there will be two systems of government, where both the Sinhalese and the Tamils can co-exist. But it will be imprudent on my part at this stage to spell out the nature and structure of that final settlement which is envisaged. But the Sinhalese need not worry that the LTTE is going to divide the country, that we are separatists or secessionists. But we are opting for some radical solutions and that Tamils’ demands can be accommodated without the division of the country. That is what we are saying. The real model, system or structure can be discussed between the parties at a later stage.

Q: What are the responses you are getting from the south following the ceasefire agreement and the current process getting underway. You arrived in Thailand via Colombo having even travelled in the city by road. Did you have any security concerns?

A: That is a good question. We had security concerns to come through Colombo, particularly through the Katunayake airport because of what had happened at the airport a couple of years back. Anyhow, I came through Maldives and there were plans to bring me through Kerala as well during the first round. But now, we have decided to come through Colombo for various reasons.

For a start, the talks have reached such a stage, where we have built up mutual trust. Therefore, our decision to come through Colombo clearly demonstrates our trust in the security system and the government. When the Sri Lankan leaders and our leaders can sit together and talk cordially, I don’t think there will be any difficulties. There have been occasions where the military leaders have sat and discussed in the north east. So slowly and systematically, mutual trust and confidence in the parties to the conflict have developed.

Therefore, the LTTE delegation coming through Colombo is a clear signal that the peace process is advancing, the mutual trust between the parties is developing and it is a positive sign.

Q: Given the political uncertainty in the south and the overall context of the peace process, what message do you have as LTTE’s chief negotiator to the Sinhala people in particular and the country in general?

A: I would appeal to the Sinhala people to strengthen the forces of peace and this is crystalised in the present government. I would say that their mandate given by the people is the main factor for the current process moving smoothly.

It is the people who create the objective conditions for peace and ethnic harmony in the island. It is crucial for the economic resurgence and revival of the country. My appeal to the Sinhala people is to support the forces of peace and also to support the current peace process. And if an eventuality arises and a referendum is demanded or an election, I appeal to the people for an endorsement so that all the people in Sri Lanka can live in peace and harmony and work together to achieve this.