|
Inside
of politics
Paying
the price for indecision
By
Suranimala
With
speculation rising of an impending parliamentary dissolution, Prime
Minister Ranil Wickreme-singhe last week called his troops to order even
as the SLFP-JVP combine planned a show of strength in the streets of
Colombo to deliver the government a body blow.
The
SLFP-JVP strategy is to bring thousands of people onto the streets by
March 10 in a show of strength reminiscent of the UNP's Jana Bala
Meheyuma launched by the late Gamini Athukorale, which laid the
foundation for the fall of the PA administration and then seal it with
the signing of a MoU between the SLFP and the JVP.
Mass
agitations
These
twin developments the SLFP-JVP combine hope will pave the way for mass
agitations and strikes throughout the country giving President Chandrika
Kumaratunga a handle to dissolve parliament before the June donor
conference in Tokyo, Japan.
In
fact, the JVP has insisted that dissolution is a precondition for the
signing of the MoU, a condition the President is more than willing to
comply with, in addition of course to the abolition of the executive
presidency.
And
the simple calculation of these two parties is that at a subsequent
election in terms of an electoral agreement, a clear majority can be
obtained.
In
the rush to topple the government before the June donor conference, the
SLFP negotiators have not factored in the consequence of what would
happen to the moderate base of the party in the event of an alliance
with the JVP, not to mention its more senior members and organisers who
would necessarily have to be marginalised to accommodate the Marxists
who are eyeing a minimum of 30 parliamentary seats, thereby controlling
the reins of government.
The
assumption is that, notwithstanding any dissension, all members will
stick together in the belief victory is at hand and the simple
arithmetic formula of adding the votes polled by each party will produce
the magical figure of 113 parliamentary seats to take control of
government.
Even
concerns expressed by senior members that in the event of forming a
government with the reds, the SLFP would be a prisoner of the JVP's
extremist policies are brushed away with the likes of PA Spokesman
Sarath Amunugama stating it will help instill discipline in government.
On
the other hand, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapakse is treading more
cautiously, telling all concerned any agreement reached with the JVP
will first have to be placed before the party's central committee for
ratification.
And
several MPs of the PA who feel a snap election at this stage will see
them out of parliament, especially in the backdrop of having to
accommodate the JVP, are gravitating towards the UNP and discussing the
possibilities of preventing a dissolution with a national government
also mooted.
Be
that as it may, the government itself has been somewhat concerned, not
so much of the SLFP-JVP link up but intelligence reports that indicate
the JVP is planning to cripple public administration and bring about a
breakdown of the law and order situation in the country using the SLFP
as a shield.
Detailed
study of the JVP
In
this regard, Interior Minister John Amaratunga on Wednesday, March 5,
submitted to the cabinet of ministers a detailed study of the JVP for
its consideration, based on intelligence reports which study is expected
to be taken up for discussion at the next pre cabinet meeting.
The
report published in pages 12 and 13 of this issue also highlights the
JVP activity through its trade union network.
It
is in the light of this overall situation that Prime Minister
Wickremesinghe called his troops to order at the working committee
meeting on Monday, March 3, stating the time has come to move into top
gear the UNF government's political activity.
Wickremesinghe
kicked off the meeting by announcing the decision of the PA rebels,
Ministers G.L. Peiris, S.B. Dissanayake, Mahinda Wijesekera, Bandula
Gunawardena and Deputy Minister J. Wijekoon amongst others to join the
UNP at an official ceremony on Wednesday, March 12.
To
give added prominence to this development, the government also decided
to shift the cabinet meeting for 10:30 a.m. that day, thereby enabling
all ministers to be present for the occasion.
Prime
Minister Wickremesinghe said not only should all members be present in
Kandy for the occasion, but that the party has to put up a good show to
kick off the political campaign the very day. Wickremesinghe is expected
to address the nation also from Kandy as part of the show.
Continuing,
the Prime Minister said all ministers and members must move more closely
with the people since there was a tendency to lose touch with the
grassroots when in government.
Wickremesinghe
then focused on the Akuressa Pradeshiya Sabha election scheduled for
March 8, and said various theories were floated as to which party the
UNP was supporting but said since the UNP is not in the contest due to a
court ruling, it will not support any of the parties in the ring.
"Tell
the people to vote for those members supporting the peace process,"
he added.
Continuing,
the Prime Minister said the party will be meeting in Matara from March
27 to 29 for a series of meetings and advised all members to be present
during the three days, which opportunity he said will be used for a
membership drive as well.
A
similar campaign is fixed from March 16 to 18 in the Eastern Province.
He
further said, due to the peace process and absence of war, the
government has been successful in rebuilding the economy despite the
occasional hiccup and that no organisation should be allowed to
destabilise the country's revival through sabotage.
Having
set the pace at the working committee meeting, more tough talk was to
follow on Wednesday, March 5, at the pre cabinet meeting.
Initially,
the Prime Minister asked Power Minister Karu Jayasuriya about reports of
a strike in the CEB and the action taken to ensure the smooth supply of
electricity.
Said
Jayasuriya - "There is no problem. The Engineers Union is not
supporting the strike. Therefore, there are no fears of the service
being disrupted but there is some concern of possible sabotage. For that
we may need to call in the armed forces."
Responded
the Prime Minister, "Let's take them on. Ministers Tilak Marapone
and John Amaratunga can coordinate that aspect. Let's have a separate
committee to look into their salary problems. But we will look at it
after the strike is brought under control."
Minister
Jayasuriya had earlier indicated to the Prime Minister, he believed the
JVP was instigating the technical officers to strike.
Gas
price problems
Making
his own contribution at the meeting, Commerce and Consumer Affairs
Minister Ravi Karunanayake said he too was faced with a similar problem
over gas prices.
"Now
that we have brought in a third competitor, they are trying to keep
Mundo Gas out to deprive the public the benefit of reduced prices. One
party has gone to court to prevent Mundo filling the cylinders. The only
way to overcome this problem is to open up the Internal Trade Department
and say common cylinder filling is acceptable," Karunanayake said.
The Prime Minister agreed.
Said
Wickremesinghe, "Yes, as a matter of fact, even with the war
situation, rice prices have come down and so have vegetable prices. Gas
must be brought under control. Bring the necessary legislation, to
stabilise prices. Bring it by next Tuesday. Speak with Mr. Choksy and
sort it out."
Having
got the Prime Minister's approval to fight the gas companies,
Karunanayake pressed on with the case of the Chief Justice.
"The
Chief Justice is trying to tell us how to run a business, without
dealing with the law. Some fundamental rights applications were filed by
those who were retired after the age of 55 years. Because the CWC was
virtually bankrupt when we took over, we took that prudent step. There
is already a ruling by a three member bench but the Chief Justice has
seen it fit not only to tell us how to conduct our business but also
what government policy should be. This is a totally unacceptable
situation," he said.
Once
again it was the Prime Minister who responded, stating he too had seen
media reports on the comments made by the Chief Justice.
"We
will take up this issue once the final order is given. There is already
a decision by a three member bench of the Supreme Court, so let us wait
till the judgement is given. Then we will take it from there," the
Prime Minister said.
Not
stopping at that, the Prime Minister went on to criticise the activities
of the Ministers' Private Secretaries Association, of which organisation
his own Private Secretary, Sudath Chandrasekera was the president.
Said
the Prime Minister, "I
must make a statement about the Navodaya. They had a carnival in
Polonnaruwa. I was not happy about it. It was too high profile. Then
they had another in Kotte. My private secretary was told to chair it. I
had to tell him to step down. There are some financial problems that
have surfaced. Auditors will have to be called in and have it checked.
Let's await their report. Earlier because of ministers' conduct, the
private secretaries got hit, now the ministers are getting hit because
of the conduct of their private secretaries."
Added
the Prime Minister "I want this association wound up. I have
already given a directive."
Soon
after the pre cabinet was over the ministers proceeded for the 6 p.m.
cabinet meeting where they were kept waiting for 50 minutes by the
President.
Softer
approach
The
President, however, was not in a hostile mood that evening probably due
to the fact she had already vent her fury on the government at a meeting
in Bandarawela days earlier, where Kumaratunga said she was once again a
target of the LTTE and that the government probably was aware of it.
Kumaratunga
having virtually sealed a deal with the JVP was now adopting a softer
approach in cabinet, tactically hoping to lull the government into a
false sense of complacency.
One
dispute that did arise at this meeting however was over the payment of
compensation to planters killed by the JVP during the 1988-89 terror
era.
Plantations
Minister Lakshman Kiriella had submitted a paper seeking Rs. 22 million
as compensation for 21 planters killed by the JVP.
The
President, however, was not happy with this proposal and queried why
only planters were being paid.
"If
you are paying the planters, then all others must also be paid. You must
also pay people who were killed during the elections. If you are saying
the government has no money, then you can't have money for such payments
as well," Kumaratunga said.
Double
standards
Acting
the innocent, Karuna-nayake at this point turned to Kiriella and asked
whether the payments are to be made to the families of those planters
killed by the JVP. Kiriella replied in the affirmative.
Said
the Prime Minister - "Then get a list of all the people killed and
we can decide when we can pay them."
Almost
on cue came back Karunanayake looking the President in the eye -
"It was OK when C.V. Gooneratne and Ashraff were paid but when
others are paid, it is opposed. Why these double standards?"
Obviously
realising she was on weak ground, Kumaratunga back-tracked stating they
could then adopt the Prime Minister's suggestion of an overall plan and
revert to cabinet.
The
problem with the government, however, is that there is a yawning gap
between theory and practice and none knows it better than Kumaratunga.
For all his tough talk, when it comes to action, Wickremesinghe goes
soft and adopts a wait and see attitude, until he finds the wolf at the
door and then moves heaven and earth to get things moving, but almost
inevitably it is too little too late.
Classic
examples on this score are the much promised impeachment against Chief
Justice Sarath Silva and the abortive 19th Amendment. While many a party
member urged action against the President for abuse of power and corrupt
practices from the very outset, the Premier delayed taking action until
the last moment and then introduced the abortive 19th Amendment to
prevent dissolution of parliament.
True
to form, the President who gave a written undertaking to Speaker Joseph
Michael Perera she will not dissolve parliament as long as the
government enjoys a majority has now said she no longer considers bound
by the written undertaking, much akin to a similar written pledge given
the JVP in October 1994 that she will abolish the executive presidency
by July 1995.
But
that is Chandrika Kumaratunga and if Ranil Wickremesinghe did not
realise the schizophrenic political personality of Kumaratunga, he has
only himself to blame for it, whatever the international pressure to
carry the President along on the peace process.
And
now, the President has once again put the cat among the pigeons by
announcing through the JVP and SLFP at a joint press conference held
Thursday, March 6, that they will oust the government if the peace
process is not stopped forthwith. So much for international pressure on
Kumaratunga.
Negative
messages
Apart
from this statement having a negative political impact on the SLFP and
JVP, particularly sending out a signal to the country it will be back to
war under the new alliance, it also sends a very strong negative message
to the foreign investors and donor community, thereby neutralising the
positive image Wickremesinghe has painstakingly build up that Sri Lanka,
after 20 years of bloody war, is now at peace and in a position to offer
stability.
No
investor would want to come with the prospect of dissolution or war
looming on the horizon and that is exactly what the SLFP-JVP combine
have now dished out, in the process immeasurably strengthening the hand
of the LTTE as well at the negotiating table.
It
is now rest assured that when Balasingham sits down in Hakone, Japan to
discus the fiscal aspects of federalism at the sixth round of talks next
week, he will ask the government delegation how it intends forging ahead
with the peace process and guarantee a two third majority in parliament
to ensure implementation of the agreements reached when the President is
threatening dissolution and the SLFP-JVP combine is calling a halt to
the peace process.
The
only way out of this mess - not just for the government but the country
as a whole - many a minister argues, is at least now to impeach the
President and send a signal there is not only stability but that there
will be no dissolution of parliament.
Then
again, it takes a government with balls - to use cricketing parlance -
to do it and the UNP just does not seem to have any, and the people of
this country will finally have to pay the price for it.
Introducing
economic reforms UNF style
By
Amantha Perera
There
are
lots of financial reforms that the government would like to implement.
Under the glow of the peace process and the support of the Tamil parties
it has been pushing through some of them.
The
pressure to carry through as much reforms as possible is always there
from the likes of the IMF and the World Bank, according to government
officials.
It
introduced three labour reform bills in January which ran into a major
storm. Though the bills were passed, they are yet to be gazetted. The
Safety-net is still to be made public.
Income
tax reforms and amnesties too were passed by parliament in the midst of
foul cries by the opposition. When the bills were introduced, the JVP
went so far as to accuse the government of introducing tax relief to
benefit businessmen supporting it.
Last
week too such criticism came to the forefront when Finance Minister K.
N. Choksy presented two bills — one on amendments to the Customs
Ordinance and the other on public service pensions.
Helping
businessmen
The
only day when there was any sort of debate was Tuesday (4), when the two
bills were debated.
Presenting
the bills, Choksy said that 80,000 casual employees in the state sector
would benefit from the new amendments to the Public Service Provident
Fund Ordinance. The amendments would provide them with EPF benefits
calculated on the daily wage or a monthly average. The fund however is
contributory in nature, sticking to the government’s policy of
changing state service pensions from the earlier non-contributory
nature.
The
changes to the Customs Ordinance were made in order to implement tariff
changes announced in the last budget.
With
the changes, taxes will be levied on import of agricultural products
like onions, green gram and TV sets that were tax free.
The
government announced that according to the new bill, a specific tax
would be imposed on each kilo irrelevant of the invoice value. For
example, a kilo of onions would now be taxed at Rs. 6 and rice flour at
Rs. 7. Minister Choksy said that the change was being introduced to
avoid importers getting away with forwarding under-valued invoices.
The
tax on agricultural products is also expected to protect local farmers,
according to the government.
The
government’s decision to impose taxes on TVs was aimed at protecting
the local assembling industry which according to Deputy Finance Minister
Bandula Gunawardena was fledging, but important just the same.
The
opposition however saw hidden agendas in the amendments. PA’s Felix
Perera observed that with the new changes, anything and everything could
be imported to Sri Lanka and the highest tax that could be imposed was
Rs. 5 lakhs. According to Perera, for importers dealing in millions five
lakhs is peanuts. He claimed that with the new changes, the revenue
derived from customs charges would go down. Gunawardena however
countered the argument by
bringing out figures indicating that tax revenue was going up instead.
It
was however JVP’s Sunil Handunhetti who really locked horns with the
government. He brought back the earlier accusation that tax relief and
other reforms were aimed at benefiting businessmen backing the
government. Earlier also, the JVP had charged that certain tax
concessions would help businessmen who finance the UNP election
campaign.
The
JVP was of the view that some of the tax reforms would be beneficial to
companies that were represented by Choksy in tax cases. “The new bills
would be to the advantage of these companies,” Wimal Weerawansa who
intervened when his junior MP was being interrupted by the government
side said.
However,
the Finance Minister was quite equivocal that the new bills would not
apply to the cases that the JVP was referring to.
Despite
the rhetoric, the two bills were passed without a vote and thus, ended
the week’s work for parliament. On Wednesday (5), sittings lasted just
20 odd minutes. With the Supreme Court ruling on the Citizenship Bill,
the debate was postponed. The only flashpoint was when up-country MP S.
Sathasivam protested in the middle of the aisle that his amendments to
the bill were not entertained.
But
compared to what took place just outside the House, the Sathasivam
protest was cotton candy. Students of the closed Sabaragamuwa
University, egged on by the JVP backed Inter University Students’
Federation, were marching towards parliament just as MPs were leaving
the chamber.
They
had converged near parliament after coming all the way from Sabaragamuwa
in hired buses. Police too had alighted from buses coming from far off
places like Kalutara and were waiting to welcome the protesters with
riot gear.
Siege
point
While
the protesters marched towards parliament, and police waited, ordinary
civilians were stuck in a huge traffic block cursing all and sundry.
But
worse was in store. When the protesters reached the barriers, they
wanted to go all the way. No chance, and police baton charged and tear
gassed the 500 or so undergraduates. The protesters, some in robes and
others in Boss jeans ran for dear life.
The
police had however overlooked to stop traffic at a point far enough to
shield the general public in vehicles from the tear gas. Some canisters
landed close to the stalled traffic and the occupants were left to rue
the fact that protesters as well as the police in this country were
idiots.
In
the melee, parliament became a siege point. All access roads were
closed. MPs late for sessions, which had concluded by then after the
extended 20 minutes, were navigating traffic on the wrong side by moving
other vehicles out of the way and taking alternate routes. It seems
members have an aversion to sharing the roads with the voters who put
them in office, not to mention the flashy cars they abuse at state
expense.
But
like what generally takes place inside the seat of democracy, the
protest too fizzled out. After the tear gas treatment, the protesters
retreated to the buses and later in the day representatives met with
Tertiary Education Minister Kabir Hashim and sorted out matters.
Why
neither the protesters nor the Ministry officials had thought of
scheduling a meeting before the morning tear gas fiasco, no one could
explain.
The
tear gas treatment was the second one in succession for the JVP or for
one of its fronts. Just three weeks back, party big guns were given the
water cannon treatment.
The
big question now is whether the same fare will be offered at the joint
JVP-SLFP rally scheduled for tomorrow.
On
Thursday (6), parliament took up condolences.
While
the debates and non-debates were taking place, on the side, TULF Leader
V. Anandasangari made a
special statement on Tuesday denying that he was under any threat.
According to the TULF leader, he took wing to Austria to attend a
seminar soon after the opening of the Jaffna Library was postponed. He
denied that he fled the country.
Paddy
cultivation ruined
However,
the TULF Leader promptly left the country later in the week and did not
take part in the TNA meeting with LTTE
Chief Negotiator, Anton Balasingham.
Opposition
Leader Mahinda Rajapakse too made a special statement accusing that
government policy had ruined paddy cultivation. He said the government
was not in a position to buy paddy at the set price and mill owners were
mortgaging property to meet finances.
Finance
Minister Choksy said that the government had already released Rs. 500
million to buy paddy harvests in 17 districts. A further Rs. 453 million
was needed to buy the full harvest. He also said that state owned banks would assist mill owners.
The
day after the Finance Minister made these remarks, a new study by the
UNDP and the Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, revealed that
farmers in Sri Lanka were the poorest of the poor and a lot of work and
effort were needed to correct the situation.
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Revenue
Protection Order
The
Revenue Protection Order No. 07/2002 published under Section 10 of
the Customs Ordinance
The
resolution covers the Revenue Protection Order No. 07/2002
published on November 6, 2002.
The
Revenue Protection Order No. 07/2002, which is operational from
November 7, 2002 covers the tariff changes announced in the 2003
budget. The salient features of the tariff changes are as follows:
1.
With a view to granting protection to local farmers, specific
duties are imposed on import of onions (Rs. 6 per kg.), dried
onions, green grams (Rs. 5 per kg.), cowpea, rice flour (Rs. 7 per
kg.) and sakkara.
2.
With a view to protecting local industries, tariff lines covering
finished electrical goods which were dutiable at 10% now pay an
increased import duty of 20%.
3.
Intermediate finished goods (such as aluminium bars, rods and
electrical resistors) carry an increased duty from 5% to 10%.
4.
Television receiving sets and solar power apparatus, which were
duty free, are liable to a duty of 5%.
5.
Twenty three tariff lines have been rearranged in order to avoid
anomalies and for easier identification for tariff purposes.
6.
As a revenue measure, all tariff lines, which were duty free have
been made liable to a duty of 2% excluding crude oil and petroleum
products, wheat, pharmaceuticals, textiles, precious metal and
stones, seeds, and printed books, while adjusting the preferential
rate on the basis of different Free Trade Agreements.
These
changes have been effected in consultation with the Tariff
Advisory Council, based on representations made by the industries. |
Dr.
JJ’s quest for good press
Dr.
Jayalath Jayawardena has been having some pretty bad press recently. The
latest has been the controversy surrounding the stock of rice sent to
Jaffna. The stock, which was allegedly below the specified weight, is
now under scrutiny, though Dr. JJ has been quite vociferous about his
innocence. Probably not satisfied with that, Dr. Jayawardena
last week resorted to a hands-on approach to get his views
across. Not that he had not adopted such an attitude before, he loves
the media.
Last
week, when he came across the JVP’s Sunil Handunhetti he felt like
letting his heart out. He related to Handunhetti how the government
agent of Jaffna, C. Pathmanadan had swindled the government by claiming
compensation twice over for a residence.
Addressing
the JVPer as “malli,” Dr. Jayawardena was doing his little
number to get the JVP to raise the issue in parliament. “Why don’t
you raise it as a privilege issue?” was the nonchalant reply that came
the Minister’s way.
But
the JVP rebuttal did not put off the Reconstruction and Re-habilitation
Minister who thereafter proceeded to cozy up to the media.
Soon
after his chit chat with Handunhetti, Dr. Jayawardena was seen in the
company of some Tamil journalists. The Minister was dictating the story
about the wrongdoings of the Jaffna GA word by word.
But
the story is old news. The Sunday Leader reported it on February
16 and the Jaffna GA has already paid whatever amount he over claimed.
The
Ministry discovered the
over payment after it paid the full amount. By which time, Pathmanadan
had stated that he had not claimed compensation before. He lied. But the
Ministry, to be sure could have held back its payment until it had
confirmation, which it received after the payment was made.
The
Jaffna GA has a different take on the story and its leak, which is now
coming from the Minister himself. He told The Sunday Leader that
he is not in the good books of the Ministry after the controversy about
the rice deal broke out and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had
intervened, making life that much more difficult for Dr. JJ.
The
JVP and its media
The
JVP
too has its media backers like all other parties. Recently, a journalist
whose love of the JVP is no secret — he edits news for the pro-JVP Lanka
newspaper — convened a meeting of journalists to form an
organisation named National Media Movement.
When
another journalist commented that all those who are members of the new
do are pro-JVP, the convenor blew a fuse and started lambasting him of
being a UNP backer.
JVP-SLFP
talks hit devolution snag
The
JVP-SLFP
talks have hit a snag of sorts on the issue of devolution of power.
The
JVP took to the streets when the then PA government introduced its own
draft constitution which entailed power sharing in 2000.
The
JVP has so far not aired its views on the power sharing issue, simply
sticking to its line that it is totally against the present peace
negotiations.
Within
the SLFP itself, a section which is not too thrilled of a link with the
JVP have now come out arguing that before any agreement, the JVP should
state its position on devolution of power.
Unofficially
though, the JVP had agreed during its meetings with the SLFP on a
political solution, but neither party is going public with this.
According
to PA MP Dilan Perera, there should be a multi party approach to the
problem. That however seems a long way off. While the JVP and SLFP were
getting closer, there were splits appearing within the SLFP and the PA
as well.
Former
Minister A. H. M. Fowzie is not very happy about the talks with the
Marxists and where they are heading.
Last
week in parliament he told journalists that the time was not right for a
tie-up between the JVP and the SLFP. He charged that the JVP was not
entertaining alternative views. Any JVP-SLFP tie-up would also be
detrimental to the peace process, according to Fowzie. In his view, what
was needed at this juncture was for all parties to come together and
work towards a solution.
But
that would be the last thing on the mind of those participating in the
joint JVP-SLFP rally tomorrow against the peace process.
Under
threat
TULF
Leader V. Anandasangari last week made a special statement in parliament
denying that he was under any threat, and that he had fled the country.
He said that there was no threat from the LTTE or any other party and
that the opening of the Jaffna library was postponed because various
groups were against the opening.
The
Sunday Leader
happened to catch up with TELO representative D. Siddharathan in
parliament, who was not very convinced by Anandasangari’s speech.
Siddharathan
said that according to what he had heard, when the TNA met with the LTTE
leadership recently the indication was that Anandasangari’s days at
the helm of the TULF were limited.
True
to form, Anandasangari gave the TNA meeting with Anton Balasingham the
miss on Friday (7). But it is also true to say Anandasangari belongs to
the rare breed of gentleman politicians and is unmoved by wisecracks.
Siddharathan
was optimistic that the peace talks would not breakdown any time soon,
but he did not share the same sentiment about the success of the
process.
However,
the support that is extended by parties like TELO and EPDP along with
the TNA, has allowed the government to push through legislation that is
politically unpopular in the south, like pension reforms.
According
to the Tamil MP, the support is due to the fact that they do not want to
undermine the peace process in any manner. Such an attitude is a
blessing for the government.
If
not for such blanket support, it would be under increasing pressure from
the combined JVP-SLFP opposition moving to topple it.
Pillow
time
The
cabinet
press briefing can be a boring affair, and journalists and other
officials have at times had difficulty concentrating, especially when
the speakers rant on and on.
So
the other day, when a journalist walked into the briefing with a pillow,
the first reaction was that it was a sign of the times. One wag remarked
that at least now the message would get through, “that if there is
nothing to say, these guys should shut up.”
Sadly
it was not a statement, the poor soul was suffering from back pains and
no there was no change in the talk attitude.
PA rebels take UNP membership
The
PA
rebels S. B. Dissanayake, Prof. G. L. Peiris, Mahinda Wijesekera,
Bandula Gunawardena and the rest will take UNP membership on Wednesday
at a ceremony to be held in Kandy. The rebels are also planning a
massive membership drive and a rally supporting the peace process.
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