ISSUES

"The Sri Lankan armed forces shall continue to perform their legitimate task of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka without engaging in offensive operations against the LTTE".

- 1.3 of Ceasefire Agreement between Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and LTTE

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The successful series of land based military offensives launched by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) a few years ago were codenamed "oyatha alaigal" or "unceasing waves." The Ceasefire Agreement (CA) between the Government of Sri Lanka headed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the LTTE that came into force from February 23 last year has been constantly assailed by unceasing waves of frictitious incidents at sea. Wave after wave of friction at sea threatens to engulf the ceasefire.

The March 10th clash in the high seas between the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) and the "merchant navy" of the Tigers illustrated vividly the fragility of the current ceasefire despite it lasting for more than a year. The past year has been replete with instances of friction in the sea with the March 10th incident being the most serious. It is patently clear that maritime friction is an issue that requires urgent attention if the ceasefire is to continue satisfactorily.

The Tigers have in recent times engaged in troubling rhetoric of a volatile nature after confrontational incidents at sea. Jaffna political commissar Ilamparithy (nee Aanchaneyar) for instance has been blaming the ceasefire for the deaths of the Tiger cadres at sea. He points out in blood-curdling logic that the Tigers are unable to move about in their own seas now.

Earlier the SLN would have never dared to accost a Tiger boat and if it had done so the consequences would have been terrible. But now the navy was exploiting the CA to harass the LTTE. According to Ilamparithy the navy knew that the Tigers were virtually unarmed and that in any case would not retaliate forcefully because of the ceasefire. So it was now very "brave" it was alleged.

Despite the rhetoric there is some truth in Ilamparithi's assertions. The SLN has indeed stepped up its activities after the ceasefire. The SLN has on more than one occasion taken on the LTTE at high seas knowing perhaps that there would be no fighting. Observers of the conflict cannot be oblivious to this 'timidity to temerity' change of mood in the SLN after the ceasefire.

It is also a fact that an unusually large number of frictitious incidents threatening the ceasefire involve the navy. There is strong suspicion that anti-peace elements are using the SLN to sabotage the ceasefire . The unprecedented three year extension given by President Chandrika Kumaratunga to Navy Chief Daya Sandagiri has complicated matters further.

Specific guidelines

The problem is both structural and functional. Specific guidelines of conduct as well as clearly demarcated lines of control have minimised if not eliminated incidents of friction on land. The sea remains an area of potential conflict because the original CA draft failed to incorporate specific guidelines in this respect. Moreover, some provisions relating to the sea are loaded with ambiguity. The most important one being 1.3 of the CA - " The Sri Lankan armed forces shall continue to perform their legitimate task of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka without engaging in offensive operations against the LTTE."

This was a seriously divergent point while Oslo was formulating the CA in consultation with the GOSL and LTTE. The government objected to reports of the LTTE acquiring fresh arms and emphasised the right of the navy to intercept LTTE ships suspected of ferrying arms and interdict such passage.The Tigers refused to accept this saying they wanted unrestricted passage on the seas. The compromise arrived at was to let the general provision about the Sri Lankan armed forces having the right to "perform their legitimate task of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka from external aggression" remain in the agreement. There is no specific provision in the agreement for the navy engaging in "defensive action" by being allowed to intercept suspicious vessels that could be transporting arms to the LTTE.

The LTTE was seemingly "protected" by the provision " without engaging in offensive operations against the LTTE." At the same time the Tigers were not categorically debarred from acquiring arms. There was also the contention that maintaining the balance of power as of at the time of the CA was necessary for the ceasefire to succeed. This entitled both sides to preserve their "strength."

This however was a significant shortcoming in the agreement. The "rules of engagement" governing naval conduct have not been accepted by the Tigers. Neither was it prudent to let the navy exercise 'carte blanche' while interpreting it in practice. There was always the chance of the navy exceeding its right to perform its "legitimate" task and the LTTE forcefully resisting possible SLN attempts to curb it's maritime movement.

Controversy

These columns spotlighted this danger and observed on February 24, 2002 that the "achilles heel" of the CA was the sea. That prediction came dangerously close to fulfillment on February 7 and again on March 10 this year. The incident of March 10 evoked much controversy of a contradictory nature. The LTTE claimed that the ship belonged to its merchant fleet carrying legitimate cargo elsewhere and was not bringing arms into the country. It also alleged that the incident took place 220 nautical miles away from the coast and so was in international waters. The Tigers also said that they were relying on the SLMM to resolve the stand off problem amicably when the navy had attacked and destroyed the ship.

The SL navy on the other hand said the ship had no identifiable markings and was carrying warlike material deemed a threat to the country. Moreover the ship had fired on it and was trying to move away. Four naval personnel were injured and there was also evidence of about 30 fresh marks of .50 half inch bullets fired on the Sayura by the 12, 7 mm guns on "Koimar" or "Koel." Also the incident had taken place 195 miles away from the coast and so within the 200 mile economic zone of Sri Lanka.

The LTTE leadership however took umbrage over the incident and accused the navy of a high handed act aimed at wrecking the peace process. Tiger ideologue Anton Balasingham said initially that the ship was only carrying "fuel" and not arms. The Tigers charged the GOSL forces of two legal violations. One was that as the incident had allegedly taken place in international waters the navy had no right to take action in terms of laws governing the sea. Secondly, it cited provision 1.3 of the ceasefire and emphasised that the naval action was a complete violation of the ceasefire.

The Sri Lanka Navy however maintained that the incident had occurred within the economic zone waters of Sri Lanka and not international waters. In any event the navy asserted its right of hot pursuit. Also the LTTE ship had violated the ceasefire and was carrying "warlike materials." This created an "extraordinary situation" warranting vigilant action concerning "their legitimate task of safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka." Moreover, it was only retaliating defensively as the Tiger vessel fired first.

Significant gesture

In a significant gesture the government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, long accused of mollycoddling the Tigers by the opposition, took a firm stand on the issue. Defence Minister Tilak Marapone in a well publicised reply to S.P. Thamilchelvan's letter of complaint was emphatic that the navy had discharged its duty correctly. GOSL Chief Negotiator and Constitutional Affairs Minister Gamini Lakshman Peiris subsequently endorsed this position at the weekly cabinet briefing.

In spite of Tiger protests it soon became apparent that the LTTE too was not coming  clean  on the issue. While protesting that the ship was a merchant vessel carrying non-lethal cargo the Tigers were initially unable to furnish categorical answers to elementary questions like 'the name of the ship that was sunk; name and date of registration; names of the crew and did they posses certificates required by international shipping conventions; the flag it was flying and in which country it was registered and most important of all, the cargo it was carrying.' Had the LTTE been able to provide precise information on these lines its claim of being an "aggrieved party" would have carried more credibility.

Massive demonstrations

Another point was the LTTE's conspicuous silence about the identity of its members on board the ill-fated ship till March 20. The Tigers organised massive demonstrations of mourning for the dead persons earlier but failed to reveal their identities. Usually the Tigers who make a fetish out of "martyring" fallen comrades as "maa veerar" (great heroes) divulge the real names, place of origin, nom de guerre and official rank of the dead immediately after their deaths. This time it was not so for several days despite the public spectacle of mourning. In a bizarre exhibition the people were being compelled to bemoan the loss of persons whose identities were a mystery.

The LTTE attitude led to much speculation about the identities of the dead cadres. Given the blatantly manifest anger and indignation of the Tiger hierarchy one belief gaining wide currency was that the LTTE leader in charge of arms acquisition, Kumaran Pathmanathan Shanmugam alias KP, aka "Kannadippathan" had been on board. KP , head of the LTTE department known euphemistically as "overseas purchases" is of indispensable value to the movement. Operating under several passports and wanted by Interpol K.P. has been responsible for systematically and regularly replenishing the LTTE arsenal through 'purchases' made in various 'overseas' arms bazaars. If K.P. had perished the loss would truly be irreplaceable for the LTTE.

There were also reports in some Tamil newspapers published abroad about aeronautical equipment and spare parts being in the sunken ship. It was also said that some of those killed were physical science graduates of the Jaffna University sent to Western countries to obtain pilot training and also qualify in aeronautical engineering. If these reports are correct it would mean that the personnel and cargo were connected to the LTTE's nascent air wing known as "Vaan Puligal" (Air Tigers). It was also said that the ship's skipper Vijayan was a favourite of LTTE Leader Velupillai Prabakharan.

Merchant vessel

Balasingham however denied publicly that KP had died. Instead he said that some senior and experienced members of the Sea Tiger division - three of Lt. Col. rank - had been killed. "It is the loss of those on board the ship rather than the loss of the ship itself that is worrying," said Balasingham in a press conference at Kilinochchi. He refused to divulge details of the cargo on board. The admission of at least three senior Sea Tiger leaders being killed illustrated the gravity of the LTTE's loss but eroded credibility concerning its assertion that the destroyed ship was just a merchant vessel.

Then on March 19 evening the LTTE released "officially" the names of Sea Tigers killed in the incident. The names of the Sea Tigers with their nom de guerre followed by names at birth are: Captain Silamparasan (Ranjan): Velauthampillai Jeyaranjan from College Road, Aaliawallai, Vadamaradchy east, Jaffna. Second in Command Sudarnan: Karunanantham Sarvananthan from Kallappadu, Mullaitivu. Chief Engineer Ambikaivanan: Thavarajah Pulendran from Moolai, Jaffna. "Kadalodi" (seaman) Elilkannan: Arulseelan Druslass from Karanthan, Neerveli, Jaffna. Posan Navaneethan (Sinthu): Selvaratnam Jehan from Gananpandithar Road, Kokuvil West, Jaffna. Kadalodi Ilamparithi. Krishnan Jeyanthan from Alaveddy North, Jaffna. Chief officer Ilamporai: Velayutham Karan from No.33, Sivapragasam Road, Vannarpannai, Jaffna. Third Officer Megan: Ramachandran Ravichandran from Fifth lane, Pankuda, Trincomalee. Second Engineer Thanikaimaran (or Thanendran): Thuraisingam Kirupan from Kallaraivathai, Mareesankudal, Ilavalai, Jaffna. Third Engineer Amuthan: Selvaratnam Jeevaharan from Maravakuruchchi, Pooneryn Cadet Thuyavan: Francis Chandra Sarvananthan from 39-2 Thiruvaiyaru, Kilinochchi.

The belated release of details was obviously aimed at dispelling the circulating speculation particularly about KP. It was also intended to reinforce the position that the ship was only a merchant vessel and not an arms ship. Some details contradicted what Balasingham had earlier told Tamil newspapers published in Jaffna. Reports however said that the killed crew members were experienced men with a long history of manning Tiger supply vessels.

Pressure

Whatever the truth in these reports, the LTTE displayed much anger about the incident. Balasingham told the BBC that there was pressure within Tiger ranks to boycott the scheduled sixth round of talks in Japan. LTTE Supremo Prabakharan in a calculated gesture deliberately avoided a meeting with visiting Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minster, Vidar Helgessen on the grounds that he was busily engaged in a crucial central committee meeting.

Later Balasingham announced that the LTTE will be participating in the Japan talks and raise the ship issue there. He predicted that this issue will most likely dominate the agenda. There were also reports that the Tigers were likely to walk out of a session to register their protest. Balasingham also told the press that the LTTE would focus on streamlining the ceasefire accord implementation procedures to prevent incidents of this nature in the future.

Saner counsel however seems to have prevailed and the talks proceeded without any major mishap. A positive outcome at Hakone was the decision to formulate procedures without amending the ceasefire. These would supplement the CA and lay down rules for maritime movement. The monitors' role would be enhanced in this respect in the future.

Although the peace talks continue the high seas incident and consequent postures of both sides illustrate that the situation can be quite volatile. What is saddening after more than a year of the ceasefire is the knowledge of its fragility. Instead of mutual confidence being established the warring sides are as estranged as ever. The focus is on scoring brownie points about the letter of the ceasefire agreement being violated or not violated while its spirit has been irredeemably harmed. Realisation that drawing satisfactory procedures governing future maritime movement was the need of the hour is commendable. Only this could prevent another debacle leading perhaps to a  collapse of the ceasefire. What is more important however is for both sides to observe the letter and spirit of the CA.

Japan's new diplomacy and the Lankan peace process

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The ongoing peace process facilitated by the Land of the Midnight Sun in the former pearl of the Indian Ocean received a tremendous boost after the Land of the Rising Sun also lent its weight in a significant manner to the search for peace. Apart from hosting the sixth round of the Oslo facilitated talks between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and Liberation of Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Japan, the Asian economic giant will be playing a constructive role in the peace process.

This participatory role was personified in a sense when Yasushi Akashi, one of Japan's most senior diplomats with considerable experience in leading United Nations efforts in Cambodia and Bosnia, joined delegates from both sides and Norwegian diplomats led by Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgessen, to formally open the talks in the hot spring resort of Hakone on March 18. On March 19, Akashi joined the negotiating team and facilitators to discuss the progress of the Sub-Committee on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs in the North and East (SIHRN). The SIHRN is spearheading efforts to resettle almost a million displaced people and refugees in the north and east.

Strong political force

The hosting of a round of the Sri Lanka peace talks marks a major shift by Japan from its traditional aid policy to become a stronger  political force in South Asia, AFP quoted diplomats  as saying.  Japan had earlier even declined to extend reconstruction aid to Sri Lanka until the warring parties reached a final political settlement to the conflict. But Japanese diplomats in Colombo said that policy has now changed. "We want to help consolidate the peace process.... and help rehabilitation and reconstruction work even before a final settlement," Japan's Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Seiichiro Otsuka, said. 

"The talks in Japan will be keenly watched by the international community before committing large sums at the June aid meeting," an Asian diplomat in Hakone this week told AFP. Japan's main concern at the talks is the issue of humanitarian aid and reconstruction because the peace talks are expected to lay the groundwork for the international donors' meeting Tokyo will host in June, Kyodo News Agency quoted Japanese officials as saying.

Japanese diplomats have been attending meetings of the SIHRN in Wanni in the past few months. A delegation of the Infrastructure Development Institute of Japan (IDI), led by Senior Consultant and Director of Planning Department of IDI, Yoshiyo Yabe, undertook a fact-finding mission in the North Eastern Province from February 26 till March 6 to study rehabilitation and development plans for the region. 

On Tuesday, March 18, Akashi hosted a luncheon for the negotiators and facilitators at another location in Hakone, located in the foothills of Mount Fuji. As the LTTE team was unable to attend the meal as the members were preparing for the talks later that day, Akashi was scheduled to host the Tiger delegation to lunch on Thursday, officials said.

Japan's participatory role has been an irritant to Sri Lanka's giant neighbour India. At one stage New Delhi indicated its displeasure over Japan being included in the list of countries involved in peace monitoring. Norway got out of that problem by restricting the Monitoring Mission to non-controversial Nordic and Scandinavian countries. Later Indian Foreign Secretary Kanwar Sibal visiting Colombo late last year expressed quiet concern over an increased role for Japan in Sri Lanka. New Delhi suspected an Islamabad-Tokyo nexus. 

On January this year the well-informed Indian newspaper The Hindu carried a news story that "India would like Japan to restrict its role in Sri Lanka to reconstruction and rehabilitation and not to extend it to problematic areas as playing 'mediator' or 'facilitator' in an already tortuous peace process."

The Hindu said that this point had been conveyed to the Japanese Foreign Minister, Yoriko Kawaguchi, during her visit to New Delhi (after visiting Sri Lanka). The Indian position was that Japan was free to extend whatever help and assistance it wanted, but should not form a fourth corner in the negotiating process - in addition to the GOSL, the LTTE and the Norwegians.

The paper further said "India, it would appear, is also aware that Japan wants to enhance its international role at a time, when like New Delhi, it is keen on entering the United Nations Security Council as a permanent member. Given the restrictions on the armed role that Japan can play and the fact that suspicious North-East Asian neighbours watch its every move closely, Tokyo, perhaps, feels that a country like Sri Lanka would be an appropriate nation to play the 'Good Samaritan.'  But, for its part, New Delhi is clear that an activist role in the peace process by Japan is not going to be helpful in the region. Given the fact that the peace talks have found a 'venue' in Thailand, having one round of talks in Tokyo in March does not make too much sense.

Blank cheques

Japan, for its part, has often complained that it is asked simply to 'issue cheques' after the event is over since other countries may point out that its international role is not commensurate with its economy. Japanese sources made this point very recently. And, in the case of Sri Lanka, Tokyo doesn't simply want to be shelling out the cash for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the island nation, but be seen to have a role in facilitating a peace settlement."

Japan's sentiments seem to have been addressed comprehensively now. Apart from the sixth round of talks another donor conference pledging aid for rebuilding Sri Lanka too is to be hosted by Japan in June. Japan itself will be providing much finance to bolster peace in Sri Lanka. The proposed conference on Sri Lanka will denote the first time Tokyo has promoted aid before an official peace settlement is reached between warring parties. In January last year, donors gathered in Japan to pledge US $ 1.8 billion  in aid for the rehabilitation of Afghanistan.

Crucial factor

On February 13, Akashi announced plans for an aid package of about US $ 270 million for reconstruction in northern Sri Lanka. He is also pushing for the dispatch of Japanese civilian police and other specialists to the island.

The demonstrated 'Yen for peace' by the Sri Lankan protagonists has much to do with the goal of gaining Japanese Yen substantially. The prospect of Japanese aid was a crucial factor in the LTTE attending talks in the aftermath of a sea clash resulting in the destruction of a Tiger ship. Earlier it wanted to boycott the sixth round of talks as a mark of protest. Fear of causing offence to Japan made the Tigers rethink their stance it is felt.

Japan for its part was not hesitant in brandishing 'aid' as  an instrument to force the pace of peace in Sri Lanka. The BBC stated that Sri Lanka has been told that it risks losing huge amounts of international aid if peace negotiations fail to progress. The warning came from the Japanese Special Envoy to Sri Lanka, Yasushi Akashi, at talks being held in Hakone, Japan the BBC said.

In an interview Akashi said he stressed to both sides the need to demonstrate "sincerity and commitment," the radio said . "In the absence of some specific, tangible progress an outpouring of generosity from the international community cannot be expected," he was quoted. Peace talks are now in their sixth round since a ceasefire was agreed in February last year, and Akashi warned that donor countries expected better compliance with that accord before a major aid conference in June,  BBC stated.

The importance of the Sri Lankan talks to Tokyo was underscored by the appointment last September of Yasushi Akashi to act as a special envoy in the peace process. Akashi is the head of a high-level 16-member Advisory Group on International Cooperation for Peace (AGICP), which reports directly to the Chief Cabinet Secretary, Yasuo Fukuda. Akashi has made four visits to Sri Lanka since his appointment in September. Tokyo's relatively low-key intervention in Sri Lanka is part of what Akashi referred to at the Tokyo Press Club in December as "a new phase of Japanese diplomacy."

Adding further weight to Japan's involvement, Foreign Minister  Yoriko Kawaguchi visited Sri Lanka in January, met with government leaders and toured the war-devastated northern town of Jaffna. Kawaguchi, the first foreign minister of an industrialised country to visit conflict-torn Jaffna , met leaders and experts on the ongoing peace process.During her visit, Kawaguchi also offered low-interest loans to build power generating facilities, roads and agricultural development in the rebel-held north and east of the country.

"Japan will actively engage in efforts to resolve regional conflicts toward the establishment of peace by permanently resolving conflicts such as  Afghanistan, Indonesia's Aceh Province, Mindanao in the Philippines and in Sri Lanka," Kawaguchi told  Japan's parliament, the Diet. Referring to Sri Lanka "Official development assistance is indispensable to consolidating the peace process here," she said.

Tokyo based Sri Lankan Journalist Suvendrini Kakuchi has in a report in the IPS quoted experts saying that "a successful shift in foreign-aid policy would help maximise the impact of Japanese aid even with the financial constraints Tokyo is facing." According to her Japan's aid budget in 2001 stood at US $9.65 billion, down 27.2% from the previous year and giving to the United States the position as the world's top donor that Tokyo used to hold. A further 10% cut is estimated for fiscal 2002, which ends next month, with the Foreign Ministry reporting that funds will decrease another 5.8% for the fiscal year 2003. The cuts reflect the country's poor economic performance - half a percent gross domestic product growth recorded for 2002.   

Commenting on Sri Lanka Kakuchi says that " Statistics for Sri Lanka show that while Japan provided some US $461 million - 69% of overall aid  in 2000 - grants comprised only 39% of that amount. Between 1999 and 2002, just US $25 million of Japanese aid reached areas in the devastated north and east of the country, despite their growing humanitarian needs. Total aid from Japan was some US $1.15 billion during the same period."

Hisashi Nakamura, a well-known expert on development assistance, explained at a recent seminar in Tokyo; "Promoting peace will call for spending in ravaged areas to support the rehabilitation of refugees, rebuilding schools and hospitals and mine-clearing, in contrast to expensive infrastructure projects."  

Analysts like K. Ratnaike writing in the WSWS feel that "behind the fa‡ade of conflict resolution and financial aid, Tokyo is seeking to carve out a larger role for Japan within the region." Since he came to office in 2001, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has sought to more aggressively assert Japan's economic and strategic interests. He has in particular pushed to end the constraints on the deployment of the military overseas, in Asia and beyond.

Pacifist clause

Under the so-called pacifist clause of the Japanese constitution, the government is prohibited from using its military except in self-defence. Tokyo has already seized on UN peacekeeping operations as a convenient pretext for stretching the constitutional limits. In the 1990s, Japan dispatched non-combat troops to Cambodia to take part in an international force supervising a UN-sanctioned peace deal. There are currently 700 military engineers and officers stationed in East Timor as part of the UN peacekeeping force there. Significantly, Tokyo's AGICP committee recommended last December that the government introduce legislation to allow for the more ready use of Japanese troops in multilateral operations backed by UN resolutions. 

Tokyo's professions of concern for peace in Sri Lanka and elsewhere are also a useful device for overcoming resistance at home and overseas to the deployment of the Japanese military, says Ratnaike. "There are still bitter memories throughout Asia of the suffering inflicted by the Japanese military during World War II and the brutality of its colonial rule in China, Korea, Indonesia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia."

The Japanese Navy is already involved in supporting US and British war ships that have been patrolling the Indian Ocean as part of the US efforts to prevent Al Qaeda members fleeing from Afghanistan. Speaking in India in January, Japan's Foreign Minister Kawaguchi highlighted the growing naval cooperation between the two countries in securing "maritime traffic in the sea lanes across the Indian Ocean and of the Strait of Malacca deserved increased attention."

Peace initiatives

Tokyo also appears to have chosen the focus for its peace initiatives carefully to match the same broader strategic interests. An editorial in the Japan Times commented at the time of the aid meeting on Aceh: "Aceh Province occupies a strategic point... (and that) stability in the region... has a close bearing on Japan's national interests." Aceh lies at the northern tip of the Strait of Malacca, and as the editorial noted, is Japan's largest supplier of natural gas.

An editorial in the Asahi Shimbun made a similar point about Sri Lanka. "The small island nation of Sri Lanka is of tremendous strategic importance because it lies in the primary Indian Ocean shipping lanes of big oil tankers. Its relations with Japan have traditionally been friendly," it informed its readers.

At this stage observes Ratnaike " Japan has made no suggestion that it is seeking closer military cooperation with Sri Lanka. It is clear, however, the island has the potential to serve not only as a base for Tokyo's expanding naval operations in the region but also its economic interests in South Asia. Japan is already the largest donor to all seven countries in South Asia. It accounts for 45% of all foreign aid to Sri Lanka. The region is a growing market for Japanese exports and direct investment is also rising. In 2001-2002, Japan sold $US 576 million worth of goods to Pakistan and $US 2.1 billion to India. While still small compared to China, Japanese direct investment in India in 2002 amounted to $US 14.5 billion."

"It is the defence of these material interests that are motivating Japan's involvement in the peace process in Sri Lanka and elsewhere," argues Ratnaike. Whatever the merits or otherwise of this viewpoint there is no doubt that Japan's new diplomacy has entered Sri Lanka in a big way via the peace process. We have come a long way from the time Anandatissa de Alwis said that Japan gave us "Rupavahini" to compensate for J.R. Jayewardene's famous "hatred does not cease by hatred" speech more than 50 years ago at San Fransisco. 

Baghdad dominates Diyawanna

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti, Our Lobby Correspondent

Even the Iraqi war with its far-reaching consequences cannot make our legislators take their role seriously or act with a sense of responsibility. On Thursday morning, when the US attack on Iraq was officially announced, the opposition cut a sorry figure - attempting to score petty points by urging the UNF to denounce the US for its unilateral decision to attack Iraq, condemning the government for its pro-US foreign policy, making the scribes feel as if in the eyes of the PA, the UNF had some sinister hand in the attack. In this milieu, forgotten were the thousands of Sri Lankans who may have to languish consequent to a war they have nothing to do with.

Given the seriousness of the occasion, the antics of the likes of Nimal Siripala de Silva failed to provide the galleries with comic relief, though his comments were more hyperbole than accurate. The senior PA member spoke with the authority of a correspondent reporting from Baghdad, leaving most to wonder what past karmic force made Sri Lanka breed legislators of this brand.

De Silva prematurely condoled with the 'tens of thousands who have already died,' in the senseless war, 'particularly the women and children,' putting the BBC and CNN far behind in gathering information.

Parliament showed a spillover of the Baghdad drama with opposition salvos being fired in earnest when Commerce Minister Ravi Karunanayake, the man the PA loves to hate since his pole- vault to the UNP, presented urgent legislation, the Articles and Services (Temporary Provisions) Bill that sought to maintain regular supplies of essentials to the nation during the period of war.

The Minister saw no point in even debating a bill addressing a contingency. Assuring the House of supplies for three months, he said the Limited Validity Act was being brought to prevent unscrupulous traders from taking advantage of the situation.

Covertly supportive

But Karunanayake's comment that he wished the "war would end when the combined forces complete their target" drew Nimal Siripala de Silva's fire, who made it a point to claim that Karunanayake, like the rest of the UNF were covertly supportive of the US attack on Iraq, and the provisions of the bill were momentarily forgotten.

"The Minister is happy about the combined forces attack," started he, and up jumped the burly Minister snapping at de Silva that his statement was being misconstrued and an important bill was being ridiculed by nonsensical utterances.

De Silva critiqued that the Supreme Court has left only the shell of the proposed bill after declaring it unconstitutional, and that this was the Price Control Act in another name.

"The competent authority cannot seize stocks sans obtaining a proper magisterial order. Even if he does that, does the Ministry have the network and the manpower to collect goods and distribute? This is one of the unattainable pipe dreams of the minister," scoffed the MP.

Here was a government unable to gather the paddy harvest on time and ensure immediate distribution, attempting to do miracles with all essentials. De Silva's argument was that the bill was toothless, and practically impossible to implement sans specific financial allocations, infrastructure, administrative structures and a distribution network to make it work.

Industries Minister Rohitha Bogollagama found the opposition reaction a mind boggling one as they lost sight of the purpose of the legislation.

"Our role today is not to discuss the merits and demerits of the war, but to cater to a situation that may arise due to the war and secure supplies for the people. None of us are here to endorse war, but think of the plight of the masses if this legislation is not put in place," appealed the Minister.

Switching from supplies to the graver concern of migrant workers, Bogollagama stressed that the welfare of over 600,000 Sri Lankans serving in the Middle East should be looked into.

If Bogollagama's wish was for sensible speeches and action, Wimal Weerawansa, the arty group leader of the Janatha Vimuthi Peramuna who used the occasion to express his anti-US sentiments, followed him. Secondly, his lack of trust in the Minister.

The man rode his hobbyhorse with glee. Enjoying his kill, Weerawansa noted that the UNF was enthusiastically giving publicity to a so-called gift of an 'ancient' fighter aircraft to Sri Lanka. " It is a piece of aviation history dating back to the '60s," he said amidst opposition laughter, and sniped that the US at this rate might wish to donate wheat flour stocks from the '60s.

"UNF is so servile to the US that this cabinet might even relish outdated 'punnaku' if it comes from the US," lambasted Weerawansa.

The new bill, he predicted would pave the way for a few racketeers to suck the blood out of an already burdened nation. "The Minister was like Sando Harris, full of rhetoric, television appearances and impressive statements and stunts. When it came to delivering, it was another matter like the Munda Gas and the slashed prices of essentials that could be perhaps brought at the quoted prices, only at the Karunanayake mansion.

"Let's see how this Ministry uses the crisis situation to fatten a few corrupt men," challenged Weerawansa - and threw a further challenge to the Premier, demanding a 'whimper of a protest' against the US attack.

Minister Karunanayake immediately stood up to defend the absent Premier, claiming that the official position was stated at the cabinet, and that urged both parties to the  conflict should comply with the UN resolutions.

The opposition ensured certain things throughout the debate from de Silva onwards. Most identified themselves with the Muslim cause, expressed support to Iraq, condemned the UNF for its pro-US foreign policy and lauded Sirimavo Bandaranaike's non-aligned policy and continued with Karunanayake bashing to their collective hearts' content.

Full of praise

As such, it was no wonder when the solitary MEP legislator and its Leader Dinesh Gunawardena praised President Kumaratunga to the high heavens for her non-aligned foreign policy, implying that governments like the UNF were part of the current problem.

Assuring food supplies for three months and rice for an entire year was the newly appointed Agricultural, Technology and Harvesting Minister, Hemakumara Nanayakkara.

The question of food shortages could not reduce the glow on Nanayakkara's face in the aftermath of being made a minister after a political drought that postponed his swearing in. The opposition, he noted should accept the truth that maha season has yielded a remarkable harvest and the country has produced well beyond national consumption. Rice being the staple diet, there was no need to fear, but the opposition he charged, was taking the side of black market operators and unscrupulous traders - hence the condemnation of a bill that sought to prevent errant trading.

Another recent addition to the ever-expanding UNP list of portfolios, Migrant Labour Welfare Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena thought that the opposition was being unfairly critical of the government. If the government did not introduce protective laws of this nature, the joint opposition would accuse the UNF of slumbering in the face of a crisis, and now that the government was doing something, they were being criticised for no reason.

Assuring the House that Sri Lankan missions in the Middle East have been alerted and regular reports were pouring in,  TV Lanka and Sirasa have already distributed a leaflet containing vital information throughout Iraq's main districts.

"We have no control over the war, but  attempting to have control over the situations that may arise here causing difficulties to the masses," said the Minister, who said that he was hopeful that the Sri Lankans would be allowed to reach the Saudi border which has been declared war-free.

Young Mahinda Amaraweera, a PA member from the deep south was in a mood to tear the Minister apart, which he did with relish. Launching a huge personal attack on the Minister, his choice of personal staff and the crooks he claimed were flourishing within the Consumer Affairs Ministry, Amaraweera wasted all his time targeting Karunanayake,  whose only response was to repeat himself outside without the cover of parliamentary privilege.

Likening the Minister to 'Abilin' of Kopi Kade fame, Amaraweera screeched that the Minister too was a talebearer and a liar, as evidenced by the arrival of Munda Gas to relieve the masses from the Shell Gas mafia.

More to the point was S. Sathasivam of the PA, who raised the pertinent question of the effect on the tea market if the war is prolonged. The Nuwara Eliya member wished to know how the crashing of the plantation sector could be averted, when tea prices drop consequent to the war.

If anyone showed his disgust over the unfolding scenario in the House itself, it was Karunanayake's newly appointed deputy, Jayasundara Wijekoon who seemed scandalised by the sheer politicking inside.

"If we do, we are condemned and if we don't do, we are still condemned. The war seems to create a political platform here," lamented the national list member.

Making a clear departure from the rest, the pint-sized member noted that the real problem was the economic policy that did not support a self-sufficient system, instead created an import-dependent culture. "This is the crux of the problem," noted the Deputy Minister.

Crocodile tears

The din increased as the debate drew to an end, and most of what the Parliamentary Affairs Minister A. H. M. Azwer said was largely lost. As the attack on Muslims continued in the Gulf, Azwer took the JVP to task as men shedding crocodile tears for Muslims."

"You as Marxists don't believe in religions, and are playing to the gallery with rhetorical expressions of overwhelming love for Muslims. We pray for peace as Islam stands for peace," shouted the silver haired minister, while an amused JVP group watched him.

The Bush and US bashing was expected, but what was unexpected was the thrust the opposition took, despite not opposing the bill. The lack of opposition support to muster two thirds and the prolonged debate seemed to have dampened Minister Karunanayake's spirit.

Concluding, he said that the bill served a contingency purpose, but the opposition needed to make a show of it. The bill sought to prevent hoarding and black marketing. "The opposition relished the fact that the Supreme Court has struck off many things, forgetting why I requested two thirds support in the House. The judiciary interprets what we propose, but the ultimate legislative function lies with parliament," declared Karunanayake.

Only the days to come would prove how effective the bill serves as a deterrent to errant trading and ensuring fair supplies, constrained as we are by the sheer lack of finances, infrastructure, distribution networks and manpower to see plans are realised.

JVP boasts while student faints The JVP prefers to cut a picture that it is very much different from the other political parties. JVP MPs are always mindful that they emphasise their main interest is in the party and not in self centered schemes. That was what was on Nihal Galappaththi's mind when he was addressing a group of school children from his electorate Hambantota visiting parliament. He told the students that while all other political parties were interested in fattening their lot, the JVP was paying attention to the betterment of the country

Lofty ideals, but while Galappaththi was rattling on, a student was lying on the side feeling faintish. Her friends were looking for water in the parliamentary corridors. But the MP was more interested in his speech.

The children had woken up at 4 a.m. to get to Colombo to see the august assembly that at times resembles a bull pit. The organisers had forgotten to arrange breakfast. Luckily lunch was made available in parliament.

It is all in the cement contract

The Upper Kotmale Hydro Power Project has caused a rift between the CWC and the UNP. The disagreement is between Power and Energy Minister Karu Jayasuriya and CWC Leader Armugam Thondaman. In public it is over the environment that all the bickering is taking place. However according to the JVP, the main point of disagreement is not nature, but something much more mundane and man made. MP Anura Disanayake recently observed that all the misunderstandings would be sorted out if someone sorted out the cement contract for the project. Another incident of who gets what, according to the JVPer.

Premaratne readies for another jump

Remember Ediriweera Premaratne, the former monk turned PA minister, turned PA rebel, turned dissenting voice among the rebels. It was he who wrote to the Prime Minister about the bad side of the peace process and then released the letter to the pro-JVP Lanka newspaper. Not stopping at that, he went to courts in an attempt to stop the other rebels from taking UNP membership.

Well, the story last week was that Premaratne would appear on stage during the next joint SLFP-JVP rally, in all probability lambasting the government and the peace process. The rally is likely to take place close to his home base.

War in the Gulf and Muslim members

When US missiles smashed into Iraq hours before parliamentary sessions commenced on Thursday, there was expectation that Muslim members would come out hard against  George Bush and Tony Blair.

Quite to the contrary, the debate was a mild affair. Most of the Bush/Blair blasting was done by Nimal Siripala de Silva and Wimal Weerawansa, and even then there was more Ravi Karunanayake bashing.

The Muslim MPs remained outside the limelight. Even the ones who spoke, like M. Hisbullah from the NUA sheepishly avoided making any clear comment. While avoiding the issue altogether, he wanted the government to take a harder stance on the US. And we thought it was during times of trouble that the Muslim brotherhood was at its strongest. As events proved in parliament it certainly is not the case at least in Sri Lanka.

Headache for scribes

The war in Iraq created some unnecessary headaches for journalists working for state media institutions in Sri Lanka.

With the government's obvious intention not to antagonise the US, they were at a loss as to how to report the war. One journalist was waiting till higher-ups with closer links to government decision making bodies used the word 'war' in the present context before putting it on copy.

Others were practicing self censorship, a habitual practice for those in state media. "We have been in the game long enough to know what to write and what not to." True to form, speeches made condemning the US attacks were included in body copy without giving much prominence.

The opposition was alleging that there had been instructions to state media units not to go anti-US. There was no evidence to prove the claim.

However, the influence of government members is acknowledged, not only in state media but even in private institutions.

A minister had recently pleaded his way into getting a copy about his misdemeanors out of a Sinhala daily. A journalist was suspended from a state owned English daily recently for reporting a meeting between a minister and the president.

The meeting took place and the journalist was reinstated, but only after staff members protested to the editor and the chairman.