POLITICS

Inside Politics

Putting the peace talks
back on track

By Suranimala

After a stormy week which led to panic reactions that the peace talks were heading for a breakdown with the prospect of war, backroom diplomacy and cool heads saw the government and the LTTE by week's end moving towards a compromise for the resumption of early negotiations.

At the very commencement of the peace process, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe warned the nation not to be complacent since there will be many ups and downs during negotiations including breakdowns and that it was of paramount importance to work towards peace through difficult times with a warm heart and a cool head.

But with the ceasefire holding for over one year and progress made in the talks despite stiff opposition from the JVP and PA, the people soon forgot the years that had passed by with roadblocks, bomb explosions and the regularity with which both soldiers and civilians were killed in and out of the battlefield.

Stark reminder

Therefore, the sudden announcement by the LTTE of its decision to suspend participation in the peace talks came as a bolt from the blue with a stark reminder to the people that it was in everybody's interest to sue for peace and avoid the horrors of war and its devastating consequences to the nation.

This decision by the LTTE was in the works for a while due to the government's failure to honour agreements reached at the negotiating table largely as a result of pressures exerted in the south by the opposition as well as sections of the security forces.

For the LTTE, having renounced violence and agreeing to accept a federal solution based on internal self determination, the lack of progress on the ground after 14 months of a ceasefire was making it increasingly difficult to justify their position to the cadres and the families of over 17,000 of their cadres who died for the creation of a separate state.

One of the thorny issues in this respect was the internally displaced people being allowed to return to their homes in the High Security Zones (HSZ).

Thus, at every round of talks, the LTTE delegation pressed their case and the government in turn bought time citing various reasons including the much-anticipated Nambiar report.

And with pressure mounting on the LTTE as well for failure to restore normalcy, Velupillai Prabhakaran was getting restless and finally directed Political Wing Leader S.P. Tamilchelvan to inform Defence Minister Tilak Marapone in writing the urgency of the situation, particularly in view of a government decision to relocate the brigade headquarters to a vast stretch of territory covering the Jaffna municipal area.

Prior to the LTTE making its feelings known on the subject, MPs of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) informed the government of their opposition on the shift, forcing the government to consider alternate locations in consultation with the security forces.

It is in this backdrop that Tamilchelvan came to write to Defence Minister Marapone on March 31, referring to civil unrest in Jaffna due to the developing scenario.

Following is the full text of Tamilchelvan's letter:

Mr. Tilak Marapone,
Minister of Defence,
Colombo,
Sri Lanka.

Dear Mr. Marapone,

A very grave situation of civil unrest is gaining momentum in Jaffna following your government's decision to relocate the present brigade headquarters located at the Gnanam and Subash Hotels to a vast stretch of territory in the Jaffna municipal area consisting of lands belonging to the former town hall, Jaffna municipal council offices, rest house, police department incorporating the Jaffna fort and surrounding areas. The civil and political organisations of Jaffna are alarmed and concerned over the scale and magnitude of the relocation programme in the heart of old Jaffna city in close proximity of two important reputable schools, Jaffna public library, Thiriappah stadium and the new court complex to be constructed in that area.

While we appreciate the decision of the Sri Lanka Army to vacate the Subash and Gnanam Hotels, we are totally opposed to the reoccupation of lands in the Jaffna municipal area and the setting up of a large military complex in the heart of the city. Our delegation at the Hakone talks registered its displeasure and warned the government of massive public protests. On behalf of the people of Jaffna, we urge you to reconsider your decision and find an alternative location outside the Jaffna municipal environment in consultation with the LTTE.

With regards,

Yours sincerely,

S.P. Tamilchelvan,
Head of the Political Section,
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam

The government, however, was slow to react possibly due to opposition in the south and allowed the issue to ride until such time it was given a rude awakening by the LTTE with the announcement of suspending their participation from the talks.

It is thereafter that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe summoned Army Commander Lionel Balagalle and discussed an alternate location, which the Army Chief came up with, stating it will not in any way compromise overall security.

Brigade HQ location

With that done, the Prime Minister, Defence Minister Tilak Marapone, Economic Reforms Minister Milinda Moragoda and UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema took wing to Trincomalee on Thursday, April 24, where discussions were also held with Navy Commander Daya Sandagiri and Jaffna Commander Sarath Fonseka, where once again the location of the brigade headquarters was discussed and a consensus reached.

The following day, Friday, Army Commander Balagalle, Major General Chula Seneviratne, Sarath Fonseka and IGP T. Anandarajah met with Defence Secretary Austin Fernando where a final consensus was reached on where the brigade headquarters was to be located.

With consensus thus received, almost a month after the receipt of Tamilchelvan's letter, the defence secretary was asked to respond with the alternate arrangement which he proceeded to do.

Having prepared the letter in consultation with the Army Commander and the Defence Minister, Fernando handed over the letter April 27 to the Norwegian Embassy for delivery to Tamilchelvan on Monday, April 28.

The full text of Fernando's letter, to which was annexed a map outlining the new locations, is reproduced below.

Mr. S.P. Tamilchelvan,
Leader, Political Wing,
LTTE Headquarters
Kilinochchi

Through Royal Norwegian Embassy

Dear Mr. Tamilchelvan,

Vacation of the High Security Zone (HSZ) of Jaffna city

I wish to draw your kind attention to the decisions taken on the above at the fourth session of peace talks held in Thailand and sixth session of peace talks held in Hakone in Japan.

Consequently, the government identified the lands marked in purple numbers in the enclosed map for the relocation of the 51 division and 512 brigade headquarters in Jaffna against which decision you expressed certain concerns by your letter addressed to the Minister of Defence, dated April 31.

After reviewing the site, the government now intends to shift the above establishments to the area marked as 1-6 in purple and 24, 30, 31, 32, 35 and 1/G in yellow.

Submitted for your kind information, please.

Yours truly,

Austin Fernando,
Secretary
Ministry of Defence

In the meantime, Tamilchelvan had written a separate letter to the Director General, Peace Secretariat, Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke calling for a postponement of the sub committee meeting on immediate humanitarian relief which was scheduled for April 25, once again citing the lack of progress on the ground. The full text of that letter was published exclusively in this column last week.

The LTTE, it thus appeared, was turning on the heat.

Unruffled, the Prime Minister laid the groundwork for his reply to Balasingham by following up Austin Fernando's letter with one by Ambassador Goonetilleke, whereby he showed steps already taken by the government to address the issues raised by the LTTE particularly in relation to funds for rehabilitation work.

Goonetilleke's respose

Accordingly on Monday, April 28, Ambassador Goonetilleke responded to Tamilchelvan's letter on the progress made by SIHRN and the status of the funding.

That letter of Ambassador Goonetilleke was personally delivered to Tamilchelvan by the new Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar on Wednesday, April 30, when he visited Kilinochchi to pay a courtesy call on the LTTE leadership and stress the importance of resuming the peace talks and also the LTTE's participation at the Tokyo donor conference.

Reproduced below is the full text of Goonetilleke's letter.

Mr. S.P. Tamilchelvan,
Head of the LTTE delegation to SIHRN
Kilinochchi

Your letter dated April 23 reached us while the government delegation was preparing itself to attend the meeting of the Sub committee on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs (SIHRN) scheduled on April 25 and 26.

In fact, the key issues highlighted in your letter had been included in the proposed agenda for the scheduled meeting. The government delegation, which met for a pre sub committee meeting had already decided to propose alternative approaches to overcome the temporary constraints facing SIHRN. We were expecting to discuss these approaches with your delegation during the scheduled meeting.

I am confident that you are fully aware of the reasons for the delay in finalising the agreement with the World Bank relating to the North East Reconstruction Fund (NERF), and that the government is in no way responsible for that delay.

Over the last few weeks the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) had been in contact with the World Bank office in Colombo on a regular basis with a view to expediting the resolution of outstanding issues. The World Bank has assured us that all agreements pertaining to the establishment and operation of the North East Reconstruction Fund (NERF) would be completed within several weeks.

The government shares the sentiments expressed by the LTTE in this regard and is sensitive to the fact that donor contributions already committed to the NERF cannot be disbursed for projects approved by the sub committee. In regard to this, the government delegation after extensive deliberation had formulated an interim measure to enable the commencement of approved projects. These measures were to be discussed with you at the sub committee meeting, which has been postponed. In light of this situation, we have requested the facilitator, the Royal Norwegian government, to brief you on this proposal.

You would appreciate the fact that a considerable number of projects would have been approved by SIHRN, had the meeting taken place as scheduled. As the meeting has now been postponed, may I suggest that we jointly request Director, SIHRN to go ahead with the preparation of estimates, etc., in respect of those projects, so that all preliminary arrangements would be in place for them to take off the ground no sooner receiving the approval of the sub committee.

In relation to your comments regarding urgent action on resettlement of internally displaced persons and refugees, may I point out that the formulation of the accelerated resettlement programme for the Jaffna District and the resettlement programme for the Mannar District by the SIHRN secretariat in collaboration with UNHCR, have been completed and was awaiting a decision at the next sub committee meeting.

On the pledges made by donor community at the Oslo donor conference in November 2002, the Director General, Department of External Resources has contacted the relevant donor countries to ascertain specific information on the quantum of funds they wish to provide to NERF. However, the postponement of the sub committee meeting has caused the donor community to raise questions about the resolve of SIHRN to pursue rehabilitation activity, which is likely to cause further delays in securing funds. The government, while regretting this development, will do everything in its power to persuade the donor community to make available resources already committed by them to SIHRN to continue its humanitarian and rehabilitation work.

Yours sincerely,

Bernard A.B. Goonetilleke
Head of the government delegation to SIHRN

With the groundwork thus done, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe on Wednesday, April 30, put the finishing touches to his draft and despatched his response to LTTE's Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham, wherein having addressed the issues raised by the LTTE, called upon the organisation to continue with the peace process without interruption.

Positive developments

Setting out the positive developments in the peace process, Wickremesinghe said, "In the face of these very positive developments, albeit not at the pace which we might have desired, it is extremely unfortunate that the LTTE leadership has decided to suspend its participation in the negotiations for the time being."

"I am, however, encouraged by the reiteration of your commitment to seek a political solution to the question, and in furtherance of this hope that you would at this decisive time review your present stance and continue a partnership which as you have conceded, already achieved considerable success."

In the meantime, while international pressure came to be mounted on the LTTE to return for negotiations, the Norwegians were doing their own shuttle diplomacy impressing upon Balasingham the steps already taken on the issues raised in his letter.

Norway's Special Envoy, Erik Solheim and Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgessen were working one track while new in Colombo Ambassador Hans Brattskar and former Ambassador Jon Westborg another, regularly communicating developments with both parties to the conflict.

In the midst of these developments came another thunderbolt in the form of a threat by government negotiator Milinda Moragoda to pull out of the peace talks following remarks made to this newspaper by LTTE's Political Wing Leader Tamilchelvan with regard to the Washington seminar.

Tamilchelvan was reported as stating Moragoda gave an undertaking in Hakone, Japan that the LTTE would be invited for the Washington seminar, thus implying his failure to do so had contributed to the current impasse.

The fact of the matter was no such undertaking had been given and Moragoda was livid, hence his threat to pull out of the talks until such time the LTTE withdraws the allegation.

The LTTE's response to Minister Moragoda's threat made Monday, April 28; was the first real sign that the LTTE was planning a return to the table at the earliest.

Balasingham that very Monday night telephoned Moragoda and profusely apologised for Tamilchelvan's comments stating it was all due to a misunderstanding over language.

"I apologise for the statement attributed to Mr. Tamilchelvan. I can vouch for the fact you gave no assurance to ensure our participation at the Washington seminar. I know that you can't work miracles in view of the legal constraints attached to the LTTE proscription in America," he said.

Balasingham went on to say there was a misplaced view among Tamil circles that Moragoda had powerful influence in the US and that he could do wonders.

Misunderstanding

"At the same time, language problems give rise to unintended misunderstanding. You are an asset to the peace process and we find you progressive and creative. It will be a disaster if you do not participate in the talks," Balasingham added.

That statement of Balasingham was the clearest indication upto that time the LTTE intended returning to the table.

Balasingham also went on to tell Moragoda he would be coming to Wanni over the weekend and would like to meet him on arrival and personally tender his apologies.

This approach of the LTTE to go so far as tendering an apology was indeed a first and a clear indication of the organisation's commitment to the peace process and Moragoda briefed Prime Minister Wickremesinghe that very night of the development.

Balasingham went one step further and in a letter to The Sunday Leader editor too said the organisation had the highest regard for the newspaper and the clarification issued on the issue was not a reflection of the newspaper, acknowledging at the same time the mistake was of the LTTE due to an unintended language misunderstanding on what happened in Hakone. The editor of the newspaper and Journalist Frederica Jansz were held in the highest esteem by the LTTE he said in writing.

Once again, the very fact Balasingham was interacting with the media in Colombo was an indication of the LTTE wanting to continue with the process, no sooner the government addressed the issues raised in Balasingham's letter.

Be that as it may, Balasingham will on arrival in Wanni meet with LTTE Leader Prabhakaran and take stock of the situation, following which a positive statement indicating the organisation's return to the table and the donor conference in Hakone, Japan is expected.

When that happens, the shock therapy administered to the peace process will see a rejuvenation with even the south realising how important it is to continue with the process to avert a war with all its devastating consequences.

Not all however will be happy, with the opposition already flexing muscles claiming the government has succumbed to LTTE pressure, completely ignoring the pathetic conditions in which the people of the north were living in due to 20 years of war and that the only steps now being taken are to restore normalcy to the affected people.

In fact, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was quite disturbed last week following information that President Kumaratunga could be the source of a possible leak of sensitive documents to the media in a bid to whip up emotions in the south to derail the fragile peace process.

That followed a Sunday newspaper publishing a document purported to be from the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), which was described as their second draft on naval operations.

This document came to be published in the defence column of that newspaper last week and was viewed by the government in the backdrop of the publication of an earlier discussion paper submitted by the SLMM wherein a recommendation was made for the LTTE naval arm to be given equal recognition.

Though the SLMM document was only a paper for discussion and the government had already submitted its counter to those proposals, only the SLMM document came to be first published, leading to howls of protest by the opposition including the President.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe was visibly angry at this development and inquired of Defence Secretary Austin Fernando as to who had access to the SLMM discussion paper whilst also asking his spokesman and ITN Chairman Gyrika Perusinghe why the fact the government had already submitted counter proposals was not notified to the media thereby making the SLMM paper a non issue.

Perusinghe informed the Premier he had in fact informed the media of the counter proposals on Saturday, April 19, after the Hindu newspaper first broke the story on the SLMM proposals. At the same time Defence Secretary Fernando told the Prime Minister copies of the SLMM proposals were only available with the Navy Commander Daya Sandagiri, Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke, Defence Minister Tilak Marapone and himself.

He also said that Sandagiri indicated he had given copies of the document to three of his senior officers.

Sabotage

Whilst the media cannot be faulted for publishing the document, the Prime Minister was furious for two reasons, namely the failure to mention at the time of the publication the government had already submitted its counter proposals which would have effectively diluted any impact the SLMM proposals may have had, as well as due to a suspected selective leak with the intention of sabotaging the peace process.

Thus, when the following week on Sunday, April 27, the same newspaper published in the defence column what was described as the second draft of the SLMM, the Prime Minister blew his top since he himself saw the report for the first time in this Sunday newspaper. And the following morning, Monday, April 28, after the central advisory committee meeting at Temple Trees, the Prime Minister inquired from Fernando how the second draft of the SLMM came to be published in the media even before he saw it.

Explained Fernando - "The newspaper has made a grave error. The published document is not the SLMM second draft as described but the government's revision."

Asked the Prime Minister - "How did they make a blunder like that?"

Said Fernando - "The government's revision was done by myself, Bernard Goonetilleke, Daya Sandagiri and Rohan Perera. Only the four of us had copies and we all knew it was the government's revision. But at the national security council meeting last week the President asked me whether I had the revised proposals of the SLMM draft and I said yes. Then she wanted a copy for herself. I gave the copy in my possession. I thought she was referring to our revision when I gave it, but later realised she was under the impression it was the second draft of the SLMM. By that time I had already given the second document to her."

The inference of Fernando's statement that the President could have therefore been the source of the leak was not lost on the Prime Minister, who simply said, "Now it all falls into place," and walked out of the room.

Despite such cloak and dagger politics, with the return of Anton Balasingham to the Wanni this week where he is expected to be for two weeks in consultation with LTTE Leader Velupillai Prabakaran, there will be an announcement by the LTTE on the withdrawal of their suspension of the peace talks.

And having given the public a scare of a possible return to war following the LTTE's earlier decision, the country will no doubt heave a collective sigh of relief barring of course those hoping for a breakdown of the process as a means of returning to power with the process itself getting a much needed shot in the arm.