INTERVIEWS

PA-JVP alliance will never be a reality"

"Both the UNP and the SLFP as national parties enjoy a characteristic of having not only majority Sinhalese as members of their parties but also enjoy support from minorities of this country. The JVP on the other hand is a parochial Southern based party and is also a regional party than a national party. So if the SLFP, or for that matter the PA, were to form this alliance with the JVP, either the JVP would have to sacrifice their political platform and ideology or the PA would have had to do it," he told The Sunday Leader in an interview.

Following are excerpts;

By Wilson Gnanadass

Q: Is the UNP ready to face an election? The opposition charges that with the present cost of living it is unlikely that the people would extend the support they offered at the last election?

A: Yes. As a well organised party and a party which has delivered quite a lot in the last two years, we are confident and are ready to go before the people at any time. Provincial elections are of course due early next year starting with the Wayamba provincial election and continuing with the other councils. So in any case we have started getting ready and we are confident of winning all of these provinces.

As I mentioned earlier substantial progress has been made on many fronts starting with the ceasefire and the relative political stability that Sri Lanka has enjoyed in the aftermath of the talks. On the other side, the economy has started moving again in a positive direction with growth registering almost 5.5% in the first quarter of this year. The rupee has been keeping its value against major trading currencies, international reserves have increased, the stock market has had a significant upsurge, exports have increased, foreign remittances have increased, foreign direct investments have increased, the budget deficit has been contained, the public sector has not been expanded, production of agricultural commodities especially paddy has been increasing and this year we are expected to deal with a surplus.

So with this happening, prices have also been brought under control and people of this country know this and they also know that we can't perform miracles within two years especially considering what we inherited. The international community has also endorsed our sound macro economic policies and the sound management of the economy by responding with record foreign direct investment and the donor community responding with a record amount of aid to Sri Lanka at the last Tokyo conference.

Q: How do you view the collapse of the proposed SLFP-JVP alliance? Did the government anticipate this?

A: I always felt that this will never eventuate because the PA, in particular the SLFP in the PA being a national party like the UNP, would never be able to form an alliance with a parochial extremist party like the JVP and keep their national base. Both the UNP and the SLFP as national parties enjoy a characteristic of having not only majority Sinhalese as members of their parties but also enjoy support of minorities from this country. The JVP on the other hand is a parochial southern based party and is also a regional party than a national party.

So if the SLFP or for that matter the PA were to form this alliance with the JVP, either the JVP would have to sacrifice their political platform and ideology or the PA would have had to do it. Knowing the JVP, it is unlikely that it would ever compromise on such  issues specially when it comes to the talks with the LTTE and the flexibility which any government hoping for a solution out of the talks would have to display.

There was also the issue of bad blood between key personalities in the PA and the JVP who for historical reasons would not have been able to tolerate each other for too long. I also could not see the PA and the JVP coming to an agreement on economic policies because the PA is now more on common ground with the UNP than with the traditional left to which the JVP subscribes.

There is also the problem of factions being created within the PA as a result of the JVP preferring to champion political interest of certain chosen personalities in the PA as against others. So all these really form the final decision of deciding to terminate the talks towards an alliance. As far as we are concerned we did not panic or interfere in anyway since we knew that this would not be a reality. And in any case even if it was possible the PA would have lost heavily to the JVP as a result of getting into this alliance which would have been advantageous to the UNP vis a vis the minorities in the country as well as those who have experienced the dark period of the 1971 insurrection and the chaos which took place during the 1987-1990 era.

Q: Once again the LTTE has refused to participate at the talks with the Japanese envoy to review the aid programme. What does it indicate to the government?

A: There is still time to work towards some form of participation but this does not mean that the LTTE has removed itself from the process altogether. They want certain things done before participating in talks of that nature. And that is what is being discussed between the government and the LTTE at present in the context of the interim council proposals.

I have always maintained that the road towards peace is not a smooth road to travel on and there is bound to be hiccups on the way. But the most important thing is to face these hiccups and stay on the road. That is where commitment comes in and also professionalism. Conflict resolution is not easy and when we look at international experience a few countries which have been successful in enjoying durable peace out of a civil conflict have shown true commitment, sincerity and professionalism which is what Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is showing.

Every time the LTTE refuses to participate in initiatives of the international community they have to in turn answer to the international community. So I don't think we should get too excited about such temporary developments and on the contrary we should keep working towards creating and developing a conducive environment through confidence building measures so that both parties will be able to keep negotiations going until a final solution is possible.

Q: How important do you think is the LTTE's participation at the talks with the Japanese Special Envoy for the resumption of the stalled peace talks?

A: I think it is very important. Because if peace talks are to be truly representative of the people who are involved in the conflict, the main actors must be in the play. The greatest achievement of our government has been that while we have kept the ceasefire going, the LTTE is still continuing to meet government representatives in one form or the other and they have not abandoned the process of talks. They have temporarily withdrawn but not withdrawn completely.

We have also witnessed a positive development on the LTTE side where they are now talking about federalism rather than a solution based on a separate state. So it is important that the main actors on both sides of the civil conflict continue to meet and talk to each other directly and it is also important that the two main parties in this country work together towards seizing this opportunity in the interest of all Sri Lankans as this may be the last opportunity we will get towards ending the war and restoring durable peace in this country.

Q: How do you think the government can go ahead with the development programmes if the LTTE fails to participate at the talks?

A: The government has clearly stated that the money earmarked for the reconstruction and development of the war affected areas will be done with the LTTE participating in the process. So there is no question about taking unilateral decision. As I mentioned earlier this kind of situation requires patience, professionalism and commitment towards the entire process.

As far as the south is concerned, the government along with other political parties will embark on an accelerated growth strategy. In any case we are confident that the money that we received in Tokyo will be used efficiently for the benefit of the entire country.

Q: Do you think the LTTE's refusal to participate would also hamper development work in the north east?

A: I don't think the LTTE has refused to participate in the reconstruction and development efforts in the north east. What they have been saying is that a proper structure should be put in place so that such efforts are sustainable. It is in this context that both parties are now getting ready to discuss the interim council framework. So I don't think we should come to hasty conclusions. It is still early days and we are confident that the people of the north and east would also enjoy the benefits of the support and goodwill given to Sri Lanka by the international community in Tokyo.

Q: The LTTE has still not sent its proposals to the government. If these proposals cannot be accepted by the government, then what would happen?

A: What the government has sent so far has been only a draft framework proposal. The LTTE from what I understand is going through quite a comprehensive consultation process in responding to the framework. The details to be embodied in the framework should really be a result of the two parties sitting down and talking about it.

We are confident that talks will commence shortly and with the support that we are getting from the international community towards this end I feel that agreement will be reached so that the immediate needs of the Sri Lankan citizens living in the war affected areas could be addressed systematically without delay.

Q: The failure to appoint an individual to the Bribery Commission has paved the way for more corruption and bribery. Why hasn't the government appointed anyone?

A: Well it is not the government which has to appoint someone to the Bribery Commission, but it is the Constitutional Council, which has to recommend to the President the appointment of a suitable person. From what I understand, this is being done. What the government has done meanwhile is to get agreement at a party leaders meeting chaired by the Prime Minister to bring forward some key amendments in parliament to the Bribery and Corruption Act, which would increase the number of commissioners from three to five and to also ensure that correct personalities are chosen to this very important office.

While the government has shown its commitment towards embarking on appropriate legislative measures to strengthen the Bribery and Corruption Act, the Constitutional Council must now act on filling the vacancy so that no disruption takes place in proceedings to this very important commission.

Q: A series of trade union protests initiated by various political parties take place almost on a daily basis. Most of the protests are related to violation of labour laws. What are you doing about it?

A: I have seen through parliament some key labour reforms which would put Sri Lanka more in conformity with international labour standards. Sri Lanka is also the only country in South Asia which has ratified all of the eight core ILO conventions. I have also directed all of the officials in the Labour Department to ensure that national labour laws and international labour standards are implemented fully and not compromised on.

We have entered into a very healthy working relationship with the BOI thereby ensuring that the Labour Department has access to BOI areas and that the BOI respects and acknowledges the role of the Labour Department in implementing national labour laws islandwide. There are many other important initiatives we have taken to ensure that those who are violating the labour laws are dealt with speedily so that we would not be found fault with by anyone for not respecting and implementing the laws of the land.

Comprehensive training program-mes, use of modern technology, transparency and accountability, are being enforced to ensure that the Labour Department discharges its role vis a vis the labour laws of this country.