POLITICS

SLMC tests new initiatives

M. L. M. Hisbullah,      Raul Hakeem,       M. L. M. Athaullah

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti  While efforts are underway to breathe life back into the stalled Norwegian-sponsored peace initiative in the new year, the premier Muslim political party in the country, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) is determined to be heard as a 'key stakeholder' in the process.

On January 1, SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem dealt a political bolt from the blues as he demanded an "interim constitution" which he called the "only way out of the depressing political scenario." At a large media gathering, Hakeem declared it as the only possible way to reach a consensus between divergent and polarised views of different stakeholders.

Secondly, the SLMC also announced its willingness to go it alone at the forthcoming provincial council elections without latching onto the UNF of which it is a constituent party. It seems that the SLMC is keen to test new initiatives in its attempt to articulate the concerns of a community that has so far been left out of the peace platform. This would undoubtedly also test the popularity of the SLMC's incumbent leader.

Demand to be heard

However, the demand to be heard is nothing new for the SLMC, which has advocated tripartite initiatives since the time of their founder leader, M.H. M. Ashraff. As SLMC Secretary General, M.T. Hassen Ali said, "The days of simply asking for a separate administrative unit for Muslims in the Eastern Province are decidedly over. It is a decisive time for the Muslim community and one which calls for courageous decision making."

With time, the SLMC despite being the premier Muslim political party in the island was made to feel like a bystander in the peace stakes. Even its leader, Rauf Hakeem attended peace talks only as a government representative, which was not acceptable to the large majority of the Muslim community.

Hence, for Hakeem, it is not just a question of safeguarding Muslim political interests through bold initiatives, but also a matter of political survival and safeguarding his leadership. The more sauve and cosmopolitan Hakeem has never had it easy since Ashraff's death. In the first instance it was a legal tussle for the then general secretary to prove his leadership which split the party. It split a second time ideologically with M.L.M. Athaullah forming a rebel group that declared independence despite being in the UNF coalition and seeking Hakeem's ouster.

Lacking grassroots touch

The eastern block within the SLMC, extremely powerful and seeking a vibrant political leadership that is on par with that of their late leader, does find Hakeem lacking the grassroots touch. While the Athaullah faction alleges that Hakeem and his band of loyalists are not in touch with the eastern political reality, it is a call that Hakeem cannot overlook. Hakeem does know that it is the very foundation of SLMC politics and could prove politically suicidal for him to overlook the aspect.

As observers claim, overlooking the significance of the eastern block was Hakeem's biggest political faux pas. The easterners could not care less whether he had political clout within the UNF as the man who paved the way for the UNF to come into power or his bargaining abilities for more portfolios. And the pressure is immense.

Hakeem seeks to establish himself

In mooting that all Muslim political groupings come together, Hakeem is finally seeking to establish himself as the de facto Muslim political leader and consolidate his position within the party at the same time. Then again, there are the snags such as his willingness to accept a merged north east and accommodating the Muslim demands within such a framework. It does not wash with the hardcore eastern-based Muslims.

While Hakeem loyalists are comfortable with a merged north east which came into being under the 13th Amendment of the present constitution, the Athaullah faction has so far only opposed such, and in parliament only a few months ago, Hakeem was called a traitor for accepting "so little."

As M.L.M. Athaullah himself asserts, "That would not be a solution, but the beginning of another problem." It is a viewpoint that he has articulated for a long time. The only change in his militant political stance today is the willingness to discuss matters with the SLMC leadership to pursue possibilities of presenting a collective Muslim opinion before the country and the international community.

To present the collective voice, Hakeem needs to bring the identified and unidentified factions within the Muslim political diaspora together. And this he attempts to do by mooting a set of counter proposals he zealously guards, which he feels addressed all the concerns of the Muslim community. True to the style of minority politics, he holds the carrot out to the public and declares that they would be made known only at the time of provincial council polls.

Besides the vital proposals either make or break his leadership itself, Hakeem has also been covertly advocating that the country gears towards the introduction of a fresh constitution. "It is a call for constitutional transition," asserts SLMC's General Secretary, M.T. Hassen Ali. It is also one that could be formulated in keeping with the Oslo objectives, the SLMC feels.

According to SLMC sources, the thinking behind the new proposal is to ensure that none of the administrative units in the country would be made vulnerable or isolated.  The new scheme, they feel, would ensure that all communities throughout the country would be made secure. To prevent the interim constitution from becoming a sore thumb, the party also proposes that it be incorporated into the interim council proposals that have been released.  "Otherwise it is going to be an ad hoc measure," stated SLMC officials.

Muslim insecurities

Their leader's personal leadership crisis apart, the SLMC collectively knows that moderation and diplomatic silence could possibly make them losers in the eyes of the community and make the community extremely vulnerable in the event an interim administration is granted to the LTTE. As M.L.M. Hisbullah of the National Unity Alliance (NUA) told The Sunday Leader, the insecurities of the Muslims have only been on the increase since the LTTE gained so much of political power under the existing Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), something that needs to be corrected if the Muslims in the east are to feel safe again.

However, the idea of an interim constitution to facilitate the interim administration is not being rejected by the Muslim community. "Checks and balances are a must. If an interim administration is set up under the interim council proposals, it is only prudent to have an interim constitution too," explains an eastern based Athaullah faction parliamentarian.

It is the premise on which the SLMC intends campaigning at the forthcoming provincial elections. By then, the SLMC is also willing to discuss their counter proposals more openly which deals with the concept of self rule.

On Thursday, Hakeem admitted that the Muslims too are seeking self-rule in the areas that are predominately Muslim populated. "There would be shared rule with the centre in a merged north east," he declared.

In this backdrop, what emerges clearly is the Muslim community's disappointment with the UNF administration. They do understand that any final solution requires parliamentary assent by a two third majority. Practically, it also requires both the Prime Minister and the President to work together, a position the SLMC has been continuously advocating.

Unhappy

Besides the political concerns, there are other issues that affect the community. The SLMC is clearly not happy with the current administration of the north east. They feel that the Muslim community, for all the support it has shown towards Sinhala majority governments, has gained very little when it comes to social security.

"The east is not just a hotbed of violence; it is also breeding poverty, dissipation and displacement. The social concerns are enormous," claimed the SLMC General Secretary. It would be prudent for the government to understand that 8% of the population could not be traded off for 12% only and that feelings of vulnerability often lead to unhappy endings.

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