INTERVIEWS

"LTTE proposals not the basis for talks"

Former People's Alliance parliamentarian, Arjuna Ranatunga, whose election office at Kotte was attacked, last week, said he is disturbed that violence is taking control of society. Blaming the United National Party (UNP) for the attack, Ranatunga who obtained over 98,000 votes at the last election in Colombo District said his vision for the city is to develop the infrastructure that would include constructing flyovers to ease the existing traffic congestion. "Colombo's traffic is horrible. We need to have overhead bridges," he said. Describing himself as a 'friend' of Tamils, he says a future government should have a strong document to start negotiations.

He believes the interim administration proposal of the LTTE cannot be accepted as the basis for talks. He also says though he is willing to talk to the LTTE in his official and personal capacities he cannot accept the LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamils. "Then how about other Tamils and other Tamil parties?" he questioned.

Following are excerpts; 

By Wilson Gnanadass 

Q: What is the thrust of your campaign for the election?

A: My aim is to carry out a non-violent campaign right throughout. It was unfortunate that my office at Kotte was attacked last week. Until the attack took place my campaign had been good. I am disappointed that violence is once again taking control of society. To mention about my campaign I must say it has been very positive so far. I keep receiving support from a cross section of society. Immediately after my office was attacked the youth of my party got a little agitated. They too wanted to respond to the attack in the same manner but I put a stop to it. I calmed them down and told them we must go ahead with our vision. This is what I am trying to say. Some politicians may not realise the consequences of such actions. But they just do it. It is very sad.

Q: Why do you think people should after just two years vote the new alliance - UPFA - to power?

A: Initially I opposed anybody criticising the UNF government because I believed that the UNF government should be given its full term to carry out its own programme. So we allowed the party to govern the first year without any major interruption. But during the second year we saw a lot of areas where criticism was needed. And we started to pinpoint them to the UNF. But later we realised that the UNF government never bothered to pay heed to our views. For instance the peace talks.

I strongly believe Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe should have invited one or two from the PA too to talk with the Tigers. Then the other mistake was not bothering to inform the nation about the progress of the talks. Besides, the greatest mistake was to keep President Kumaratunga in the dark. So this angered most of our supporters and members and then we thought that a change is necessary. The other thing is the privatisation programme. I understand privatisation is necessary for economic growth, but not the way the UNF has been doing it. We can't always be profit oriented, but be service oriented as well. This is from a political viewpoint. Otherwise from the social viewpoint, I am personally sad that the value system is fast eroding in Sri Lanka. Our politicians are doing nothing about it.

I must mention that the electronic media has contributed to the erosion of social values to a great extent. In the good old days the youngsters were told to respect elders, but nowadays we do not see this happening in Sri Lanka any more. I feel I must try to fight for the resurrection of the lost culture in Sri Lanka. This is my only vision and I think through my political life I could achieve it.

Q: But there were also charges of corruption under the PA regime. Then why did not the President dissolve parliament at that time in her capacity as the head of state?

A: I am not saying for once that there was no corruption under the PA regime. The PA regime did not rule the country without any corruption. But that is past. Just because the PA was involved in corruption we cannot ignore another party in governance also getting involved in corruption.

Q: What are your plans for the Colombo District in general and Kotte in particular?

A: In my electorate what I found out was that the people want peace. So firstly, I want to see how I could offer that by way of creating a peaceful atmosphere. In Kotte, a whole lot of youngsters are without jobs. They are idling. They waste a lot of their precious time and finally get involved in anti social activities. The increase in these activities by jobless youth has become a major threat to society and decent residents are worried about it. So I want to focus my attention on this issue first. I also found out that there is no playground for them. I think we must create playgrounds for the youth to get involved in physical activities rather than wasting time and smoking ganja. If I take Colombo in general, I think the city is too congested and we have more vehicles with a few roads. Every new government only makes promises to develop the infrastructure but nothing happens. I have decided to push for the development of infrastructure by constructing flyovers. We must have overhead bridges like other countries to ease the congestion.

Q: Are you in favour of a future government talking to the LTTE to solve the ethnic crisis and what is your position with regard to continuing the peace process by having a dialogue with the LTTE?

A: Yes of course. We need to talk to the LTTE. They are the key players and we must meet them. This is reality and whatever party comes to power must be able to do it. I believe the peace process should go on. I am all out for peace. I am a great believer in discussions. Problems cannot be settled if the rival parties or the warring factions refuse to sit and hold decent talks. Though we term the present crisis as an 'ethnic crisis,' I strongly believe there is no enmity between both the Sinhalese and Tamil communities.

I have a whole lot of Tamil friends here and abroad. When I go to London I live with my Tamil friends. I like them a lot. The so called ethnic problem was created by power hungry politicians. It is their own product and the younger generation had to suffer as a result. Successive leaders in this country have used this tag 'ethnic conflict' to come to power and nobody could deny this. So I think there is a greater understanding among both communities now and I don't see any reason why we cannot sit down and talk out our problems for the betterment of our own future and the future generations.

Q: In that respect are you in favour of negotiations with the LTTE on the strength of the interim administration proposal?

A: I think we cannot agree to start any future negotiations keeping the LTTE proposals as a base. The problem is that the government must have something concrete in its hands to offer the LTTE. After all it is the government that should be in a position to dictate terms to other parties. It does not mean that we have to throw the LTTE proposals. Perhaps we could give consideration to some of the facts in it. But a legitimate government must have in its hands a strong proposal to commence any type of talks. This is what I say.

Q: You were one of the leaders of the Patriotic National Movement, which called for the interim administration proposal of the LTTE to be thrown to the dustbin. Now how do you justify your action?

A: Well at that time I supported it, simply because the government did not have a document to commence any talks. But what I am saying is that the government should have a stronger document to start negotiations. Then of course we could consider whatever proposals put forward by the LTTE. I am a patriot, but I don't agree to the hardline Sinhala Buddhist views. I love peace and I love all the communities. I want to see all communities living in peace and with equality.

Q: Would you accept the LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamils?

A: No.

Q: How do you justify the dissolution of parliament by President Kumaratunga?

A: The discussion for the dissolution took place I think about six months ago. I have already said earlier why the people should vote back the PA to power. So for this same reason President Kumaratunga thought it fit to dissolve parliament.

Q: Sri Lankan society has become extremely violent in the recent past and politicians have played a major role in directly contributing towards this end. What do you think can make the politicians understand that they should refrain from doing this?

A: I think from time immemorial our leaders from  both the major parties failed in their duty to punish politicians when they were caught doing something wrong. Our political culture is also a dirty one. For example when one leader of a party throws out a member due to some charge of corruption the  leader of the rival party welcomes him with a bouquet. Now in my view this is deplorable. This should not take place in our country. When one leader throws out a person, the other party should also not take him/her into the party. Then only the member who violates laws or engages in corrupt practices would realise that there is no place for him in society. In Sri Lanka it is different. A politician who steals today is seen in the other party tomorrow. I am trying my best to change this dirty culture.

Q: In this backdrop would you support the Cross Over Bill if presented to parliament?

A: No I will not support it. Politicians should not be allowed to cross as and when they want to. There must be discipline for the politicians first and then the whole country would be disciplined.

"Present MoU not valid, new
one should be signed" - Karuna

In a dramatic turn of events, one of the most feared guerilla movements in the world, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has been divided into two by its Eastern Commander, Muralitharan alias Col. Karuna who recently broke ranks. Having rebelled against the Wanni leadership for alleged discrimination against the cadres and the people of the east, Karuna appeared relaxed and prepared to take on fresh risks at Minagam Village in Illipadichenai. In an interview with The Sunday Leader, the LTTE’s beleaguered Eastern Commander called himself a ‘man of peace’ with no wish to return to war.

He also said that the Eastern Province couldn’t be considered as part of an exclusive traditional Tamil homeland due to its unique ethnic configuration.

He also took broad swipes at the Wanni administration for violating the truce while using the Eastern Commander as a convenient cover and pledged that there would be no more truce violations in the region under his command.

The dissident also said that a fresh Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) should be signed following the defection and that he should be allowed to lead a separate delegation if and when peace talks resume.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti In Illipadichenai, Batticaloa

Q: What was the nearest cause that led you to break away from the LTTE?

A: There are two main reasons behind my defection from the LTTE.

Basically, I do not like war. I have also had sufficient past experience to gauge the mood in the north when preparing for war. At such times, the northern command would order me for more troops. All along, it had been a case of the east being called upon to provide the necessary soldiers to the north to wage war.

This time it was no different. I do not know the rationale behind preparing for war in this peaceful backdrop, but however the northern command asked me to send soldiers there. My instant reaction was to turn down that unfair request. I objected to it because I felt it was uncalled for.

The second reason was the continued discrimination and the abject neglect of the LTTE's eastern wing and the region as a whole. The people of the east and the soldiers themselves never got the treatment they deserved from the Wanni administrators.

On the question of discrimination, all you have to do is to take a good look at the structure of the Tamil Eelam high command. There are more that 20 divisional heads in this liberation movement of ours but northern leaders largely dominate it.

Then of course there was the issue of unequal distribution of resources between the north and the east. In a sense, we were often left with the crumbs that fell from the north.

Q: If there was continued discrimination against the people and the cadres of the east, did you make any attempt to make representations to the Wanni leadership prior to the sudden defection?

A: Yes. I have been making repeated representations to no avail. It has been the form for years. Such requests often went unheeded.

However, it has to be understood that things are very different today. When you speak of the times of war and times of peace, comparisons are not possible.

It is only when things begin to settle and normalcy returns that people are able to think of other issues such as being discriminated against, etc. During times of war, concerns are entirely different. When waging war, all our efforts are concentrated on the war effort and everything else is given secondary importance or no importance at all.

Only now, with normalcy returning do the people begin to think of improved conditions of living, more infrastructure facilities and refuse to put up with the discrimination that has been going on. I can tell you that it is not a sudden decision. I have been making this request for a very long time. But all of that proved futile.

Q: You said you do not like war. It is an interesting comment because it is none other than the Eastern Commander who has been dubbed a war monger and portrayed as the most vocal of LTTE leaders in expressing opposition to the initial signing of a truce between the government and the LTTE. The general impression is that you are one of the most ruthless LTTE leaders who refuses to consider anything else but a military option?

A: It is certainly not true. Does it mean that the south believes that we happen to love war very much? That I am a man committed to waging war only?

Q: What I meant was that you are supposedly keener on waging war than negotiated peace?

A: When you asked me the first question, I gave you two reasons for my wish to break free. There is also a third factor - the continued violations of the truce.

As you know, I was the Eastern Commander of the LTTE, well versed in the art of waging guerilla warfare. That was my strength as well. But by using that, the Wanni administration often wished to portray me as a cruel person and a warmonger.

But in truth, the elimination strategies are largely the work of the LTTE's Intelligence Chief, Pottu Amman who is operating from the Wanni. It is his unit that indulges in all these truce violations despite the existence of a valid MoU. There were so many perpetrations.

But as you know, I am the commander of this region and hence answerable to all the parties concerned. Whenever violations occur, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) would question me as to why it continues to happen here. They would want to know why violations are rampant here.

Every time they questioned me, I was unable to tell the exact truth. I am the de facto Eastern Commander and I remain responsible and answerable for the violations as well. All along, it was the work of Pottu Amman's intelligence unit. This situation also contributed to my decision to go away.

Q: You apportion complete blame to the northern command and Intelligence Chief, Pottu Amman for the truce violations. Are you disclaiming responsibility for all the violations that had been taking place so far?

A: That is correct. I violated no truce.

Besides making the east a region of truce violations and general chaos, I firmly believe that by doing so, they also tried to portray me as a warmonger hell bent on going back to war.

Q: In the present circumstances, is there a serious threat to your life emanating from within the LTTE ranks?

A: Since I made a just request based on the aspirations and expectations of my people and my soldiers, fear of death will not deter me from this fresh journey. Death means nothing to me. Even if that happens, the outside world would come to know why I was eliminated and get the true picture of what is really going on here. That would also prove the real object of the Wanni administration to the outside world.

Q: Were some 30 odd cadres from the north dispatched to capture you in your hideout?

A: Anything is possible. But living amongst my people and my soldiers, I have nothing to fear. But I have heard that a group has been sent to get me.

Q: There is a truce in existence and hence guns from both sides have fallen silent. In your present predicament, have you considered the possibility of seeking protection or some measures of security from the Sri Lankan government or any other source?

A: There is no need for me to resort to such measures. I have no need for any external assistance. Already, we are strong enough.

We are the people who regained the land and saved the people in the north. The Wanni administrators are alive today due to the supreme sacrifices made by our soldiers from the Eastern Province. Since the time of the IPKF, it is we who provided bodyguards to the leaders there and ensured them of their own safety.

That is why we fail to understand, despite all our sacrifices as to why the Wanni administration is unable to accept a just request from this end. The Easterners largely carried out the war effort and their needs should have been addressed long ago.

Q: Did you feel this way for a long time and seized the moment when you realised that this was the best moment to declare yourself free?

A: My decision did not stem from a deliberate plan. The immediate reasons were the ones I gave you. But I was not planning on any defection, I can assure you. We were asked to send more soldiers from the east to the north once more. I immediately objected to such a demand. It was an inevitable situation. I had to lodge my protest by defecting immediately.

Q: What exactly was your reason for refusing reinforcement?

A: That to me was a clear indication of the north harbouring intentions of resuming war. As I said before, I did not think it is correct and I refused to fortify the Wanni base.

Q: With a serious split between the northern and the eastern command, how would it affect the low ranking cadres who might get confused by the tussle? How would they even know whose orders are valid now?

A: We do not detect any signs of such confusion evident in our soldiers. They are extremely happy about the decision I took. They too agree that there is no reason at all to send any of my soldiers to the north, particularly at a time when there is a truce and the war has come to a halt.

They have no wish to go to the Wanni and simply perish there. I can tell you that my soldiers are the happiest people today because of this decision. Just look around and see for yourself. They need not be sacrificial lambs.

They are now leading a normal life and their minds are free of thoughts of war.

If I may give you the statistics, for 2,270 soldiers from the east who have died for the cause, there have been only two deaths reported from the north.  Just look at the contrast and the level of sacrifice made by the eastern soldiers? 

Q: What kind of numbers do you command? How many have pledged allegiance to the eastern command?

A: I have well over 5,000 cadres with me. They are strong and loyal.

Q: So there is no question of a possible reconciliation between the northern and the eastern command? Are you determined to remain free of northern rule?

A: We rule out any possibility of such reconciliation. According to you, who wishes for reconciliation?

Q: The northern command has invited you to return to the fold and an amnesty has been offered? Would you consider it?

A: It is not the prevailing mentality over there. They said that an amnesty is being offered. With that amnesty, I could start leading a private life.

There is no need for me to consider any such amnesty. I am no culprit. I simply made a just request on behalf of the people and the cadres.

We are no longer under their control. Therefore it seems a ridiculous suggestion from the north, which is only aimed at clipping my wings.

Q: You said you were instructed to lead a private life. Does it mean that you were requested to leave the country?

A: Yes. It was an offer like that.

Q: What were the conditions of the amnesty offered?

A: I think the very decision to offer an amnesty to me is a huge joke. Pirapaharan himself knows about me. It is he who knows me best, my capacity. Most of the time, it is I who gave protection and saved him from many a desperate situation. He knows how far I could pursue my cause. He knows the strength that is available in the east.

 Who gave that ridiculous amnesty idea to the Wanni leadership I do not know. All I can say is that Pirapaharan knows me, and knows me very well. He also knows whether I would accept such an offer or not.

Q: You attributed truce violations in this region to LTTE's Intelligence Chief, Pottu Amman. Statistics prove that violations of the truce are rampant in the Eastern Province. How would you explain the high rate of MoU violations as the LTTE's Eastern Commander?

A: I can promise you one thing - this very firmly - that there would not be any more truce violations taking place in the Eastern Province. The reason is that the very people who were unleashing all types of violence throughout this region will be prevented in the future.

Q: Since the handing over of nomination papers, two non-TNA Tamil candidates from the UNP and the EPDP were killed in Batticaloa. The north has been quick to dub the Eastern Commander as the perpetrator in the aftermath of your defection?

A: I know my name is being linked to all types of incidents the Wanni leadership can think of. This is no surprise.

All I can say is that this is a unique characteristic of the Wanni administration. On many occasions, my name was used as a cover for their barbaric acts. I am ready to go public with the truth. That is their style. But the near future would show you that my character is different.

If I am the regional leader, you will see how things would improve startlingly in the next few months here. The world would soon know.

Q: Would you clearly state whether you were sacked by the northern command or whether you willfully quit?

A: It is one of the most ridiculous suggestions that I have heard in a long time. It is a helpless and weak effort by the northern command to undermine the eastern command.

Actually, we have already declared ourselves free from the northern administration long before the Wanni rulers issued that hilarious declaration. There is nothing there for us to go back to.

We have no wish to be under their administration - a matter made very plain to the Wanni leaders. It was after our breaking away only that they declared me as expelled along with the cadres that continue to support me.

There is no logic in what they say. How can they expel someone who has willfully taken a decision to call it quits? After that, they cannot exercise any control over me or the cadres I command.

For official purposes, we also informed the Norwegian Embassy about our decision to part ways. The very night we decided to break free, we kept the truce monitors informed that we are no longer under the northern command and are a separate group henceforth.

Q: Now that you have declared yourself as a free man, what are your future plans? Would you wish to form a political party or some other liberation movement?

A: I don't see any need for such a separate identity. Names don't really matter. We shall remain as in the past - the LTTE wing of the Batticaloa and the Ampara Districts.

At the same time we are largely interested in the development of the area. We are interested in cultivating these areas and providing infrastructure. You can see that this is a largely underdeveloped area. We have more developmental goals in our minds than to undermine others.

At the same time, we are compelled to maintain the cadres here. Not because of any other reason, but merely to protect ourselves from the Wanni administration.

Q: What is your response to the alleged arrest of some 16 of your loyalists in the Wanni area following your defection? Are they under house arrest?

A: There can be possibilities. The eastern soldiers who are now in Wanni are largely being disarmed and it is expected that those who pledge support to me would naturally run extra risks in the days to come.

Q: It is also said that your decision to defect was largely supported by some external forces? It is said that you are backed by India's RAW?

A: I can clearly tell you that any external force did not prompt my decision. I have no such links. This is an internal decision that was not taken at the behest of any external force. We make our own decisions.

Again, it is the northern command that is coming up with these theories. They are saying this because they have nothing else to say. There is no justification they could offer for my decision to break away as they know that the Wanni administrators were unfair by the east all along.

The only force I have is the support base I enjoy among the easterners. Our aim is to serve their aspirations. We are accused of many things but these are baseless allegations by disgruntled parties. The truth will come to light soon enough.

Now there is a separation between the north and the east. We are no longer under the same command. It will remain like that.

Q: I can see that there are a large number of youngsters playing within your camp area. The LTTE has officially declared that there is no recruitment of children and those who have already become members of the organisation are being rehabilitated through a UNICEF initiative. How could you explain the presence of such young cadres here?

A: I can assure you that they are not as young as you think. They are well over 16 years of age.

I will not say that it did not happen before. The situation was very different when we were at war. There is no need for me to bring in underage persons into the movement.

Q: Are you still having recruitment drives? Some of those faces, despite what you say look very young?

A: No. They are not so young. There is also no need for me to recruit soldiers, as there is no war effort currently.

Q: You have officially defected from the LTTE. Does it at least make you feel morally bound to the already existing truce or do you think that it should be renegotiated?

A: I think it is only fair that a fresh MoU be signed in the present circumstances.

In the south, the defence portfolio has passed from the government to the opposition led by the President. Here, the LTTE camp is having two big factions. We are all at cross-purposes. My personal feeling is that there is no MoU right now. Things have changed so much. As such, we must work on a new MoU, taking into consideration the present realities. Whoever is eligible to lead the south can sign it from there, but here there are two sides today.

Q: Does it also mean that you would demand the right to lead a separate delegation in the event of peace talks resuming?

A: Most definitely, yes. I think the two factions within the LTTE today are at cross-purposes. It is only fair that I lead a delegation representing the eastern region.

'Muslim unity is crucial'

As the hustings draw near, Sri Lanka's premier Muslim political party, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) has come up with the demand for self-rule by the Muslims in Muslim dominated areas in the event of a permanent merger of the north and eastern provinces. In an interview with The Sunday Leader, SLMC Leader and Ports Minister Rauf Hakeem declared that a grave restructuring of the peace process should take place in order to ensure that the community's interests are no longer overlooked when pursuing peace. Hakeem also suggested that the SLMC would pressurise any future government on the need for community-oriented devolution as a means of resolving the ethnic conflict.

Excerpts: 

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti 

Q: What prompted you to shift your political base at the last moment?

A: As a party leader, I have the discretion to shift to any place.

There were serious challenges posed to the party from Digamadulla. Since I took over, the internal power struggle within the district had intensified. The infighting amongst some members of parliament and candidates has weakened the party at a national level. These problems largely emanated from politics in Digamadulla. Thus it was high time that the leadership moved to its base in order to straighten the party and also to see whatever dent has been created by last minute defections would not affect the party's electoral prospects.

With my entry, the campaign has gained momentum and I am certain that we would be able to win this district without any doubt.

Q: According to your detractors, despite being the SLMC leader, your presence in Digamadulla is being objected to?

A: Definitely not. In fact it has had a beneficial effect. It has given the campaign a boost. The party cadres feel encouraged because the leadership has moved to the party's very base.

I have stepped in at a time when last minute treacherous defections have seemingly created the impression that the party has lost ground in its main base. The leader's decision to fight the rebels has served as a morale booster to the party cadres.

People feel that in our election meetings, we are finally dealing with criticisms and allegations that have been unreasonably levelled against the leadership. It has now given confidence to the people and corrected whatever loss of image we have suffered as a result of the recent defections.

Q: But, the question of non-acceptance is largely related to the fact that you are not from the east and hence most have difficulty in accepting you as the de facto Muslim political leader as opposed to your founder leader M. H. M. Ashraff?

A: Though I am originally not from the east and derive my roots from elsewhere, it is the people from the east who endorsed me as the SLMC leader.

In fact, when there was co-leadership in the SLMC, it was the very people of this area who installed me as the sole leader. Despite those circumstances, I have to admit that there are parochial, regional mindsets. As far as the party is concerned, our party has national appeal. And its leadership enjoys respect and reverence from party cadres and therefore there is no question of any "rejection" on grounds of me being a non-easterner.

Q: Your chief opponents, NUA Leader Ferial Ashraff and SLMC defector M. L. M. Athaulla are also contesting from the same district. Will not your entry eventually lead to split the Muslim votes in Digamadulla?

A: I have stepped in here to stem the slide as far as the Muslim vote bank is concerned.

 Even during the last elections, Ferial Ashraff did contest from outside. The fact that a handful of former members of parliament crossed over had never affected our vote bank in the past. In fact, at every election, despite crossovers and defections, the SLMC has increased the number of seats.

If you look at the statistics, in 1989, we came in with four seats. In 1994, we had two people at cross-purposes with the party leadership and there were last moment defections. At the 1994 elections, despite all that we increased the seats to seven.

Thereafter, after the demise of our late leader M. H. M. Ashraff, in 2001 we increased it to 11. This despite four defections.

At the next election, once again persons like Ferial Ashraff and various others split the party in the middle. Yet, we increased our seats to 12.

My reading of the situation is that people do not appreciate last minute defections. People want to see principled politics, not the bartering that takes place. If they truly wished to leave the party due to some plausible reason, they should have done it long before the dissolution.

People do defect. But when members defect following dissolution usually has an adverse impact on their own political futures and not the party. We will be able to prove this point once more when the 2004 electoral results are announced. The country's politcal history has proved that defectors do not generally survive.

Q: Given the backdrop of volatile politics coupled with some last minute defections, what kind of victory do you expect the SLMC would record?

A: We will definitely win 15 seats. I am confident of that.

Q: Despite how you feel about the electoral success of the defectors, you did give a rallying call to all SLMC factions that proved futile?

A: It was not my call but an effort made by the Federation of Mosques. It also was supported by the College of Theologians of the Eastern Province together with the Colombo business community. They all facilitated the effort to bring all these dissenting factions together.

The pressure was on the defectors to come under the SLMC banner and the symbol. It is important to demonstrate the unity of the Muslim commuity at this juncture. Hence the effort.

These are crucial times indeed. Particularly because there is wide across the board unity among the Tamil community when pursuing their politcal rights. Keeping in mind the future prospects at the peace talks, it is important for the Muslim community too, particularly the northeastern sector, to show solidarity and that was the basis on which we held discussions. We will go along with the facilitation of the pressure groups that acted with a lot of responsibility. We discussed with all sincerity, but finally they felt very disappointed for the way in which the defectors behaved - very deceptively-giving the impression that they were prepared for a compromise whereas all along they have had secret dealings with the UPFA. They did not care about the Muslim political strength, driven by their desire to get re-elected.

Their singular intention was to try and secure their seats. But the people are thoroughly disgusted with the cut throatism they have displayed. They will be punished accordingly.

People are very angry and feel that they have been badly let down.

Q: In the event the UNF comes back to power and an agreement is formed with the TNA, are you willing to be a part of such a coalition?

A: It is clearly out of the question. In fact, our MoU with the UNF is based on certain principles that largely pertain to the next round of peace talks. There are four principle components in that MoU and one of them is that the Muslims, led by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) would be allowed to lead an independent and separate delegation at the net round of peace talks and there onwards.

Similarly, any solution to the resolution-either interim or final has to be based on community oriented devolution of power in the northeast. Then, there is the issue relating to an equitable share for the Muslims and other communities in the reconstruction and rehabilitation work with the funds pledged by the donor community.

Then the right of return for the Muslims has to be addressed. They have been evicted and this right has to be guaranteed and fortified. Many of these issues, the TNA, as it appears is at cross-purposes and are not comfortable with.

There are matters regarding which we share common ground with the UNF.

If the UNF wishes to bring in another partner to from an administration for the sake of obtaining a majority, it is also incumbent upon the UNF to convince them on these conditions on which the SLMC has joined.

If they were going to have any truck with the TNA without sufficient undertakings on the four issues that we have highlighted, we certainly would not be a part of such a government.

Q: According to your MoU with the UNF, is it incumbent upon the UNF to work in consultation with the SLMC when taking political decisions hereafter?

A: Yes. If they are to form a government bringing in any outside party other then those parties that have joined the UNF before elections, the UNF must decide with the concurrence of the SLMC.

Q: Would you not consider joining the UNF as long as they shared a coalition with the TNA even within a national government set up?

A: That again is another issue on which we have agreed. In the event of the UNF wanting to form a national government with the other political parties represented in parliament that should be once again with the consent of the SLMC. But I do admit that would require more accommodation.

Q: You have often stated that despite being a government negotiator, you have nevertheless maintained that the peace process that continued was "flawed." Are you at this juncture, suggesting some restructuring of the peace process when it is resumed?

A: Most definitely, this process demands restructuring. Right now the stakeholder identification has to be acknowledged as being faulty. It should be corrected because here is another community that deserves recognition.

Q: Despite all this, you have remained a member of the government delegation at the peace talks?

A: Yes, I have been with the dialogue process since the very beginning. But, despite being a member of the delegation, I have been agitating that the structure of the peace talks should be necessarily changed - particularly when it comes to a separate Muslim delegation.

In fact, I got bilateral agreements with the government and the LTTE. The Prime Minister has endorsed the need for the participation of a separate Muslim delegation. Norway had confirmed at the recent discussions we had with them that the written MoU we have signed with Velupillai Pirapaharan in Kilinochchi would be honoured. They have unequivocally stated that at the next round of peace talks, I would be entitled to a separate Muslim delegation.

All of these guarantees so far were observed in the breach and that caused serious concerns and convulsions within the Muslim polity. To some extent, the rebels used these factors to pursue their own parochial politics. That's also part of the reason for the present disunity.

But I am sure that people who understand principled politics would appreciate our endurance and foresight. They would know that we did not jeopardise the peace initiative but acted with maturity and responsibility. Despite all the misgivings and setbacks, the SLMC will play a leading role in obtaining the just rights of a community that has been thoroughly neglected when it came to politcal aspirations.

Also, there is the question of a possible merger of the north and the east.

We have always said that it should only be a conditional merger. Merger can only be made permanent if they also recognise the right for autonomy as far as the Muslims are concerned. We would certainly go along with the idea provided that definite, autonomous arrangements are created so that there is Muslim self-rule in the areas dominated by the aid community. We will not settle for less.