'wait and see' policy of donors
Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema
implementation of the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA)
government's economic policy as stated in their Rata Perata
manifesto is now in question, as multinational donor agencies have
aired serious concerns over the UPFA's proposed economic thrust.
According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Country Head, Jeremy
Carter, "the UPFA government cannot do everything stated in their
pointed out that any new government that assumes power should decide on
its priorities, adding that they should also consider previous
commitments, promises and the situation in reality in doing so. Till
then, the IMF would "wait and see."
UPFA's sunshine manifesto carried pledges that the masses wanted to
hear, but the feasibility of its deliverance is another question. The
million-dollar question at this point is from where would the government
find the necessary funds to implement its pledges? With it arises
questions as to how the government plans to increase revenue and operate
without running a large deficit.
its manifesto, apart from spelling out a new economic order for a strong
national economy, it has also stated a set of immediate relief measures
that would help the masses. This, the party has promised to implement
within in six months. The pledges include concessions for public and
private sector employees in constructing new houses and security of
employment for home guards, etc., along with guarantees to address the
issue of salary anomalies of the armed forces and police personnel
coupled with enhanced welfare benifits.
relief to cultivators, action is to be taken in order to conduct a
further survey of unpaid loans to state and private banks by farmers due
to loss of crops or unexpected low harvest. It has been pledged to waive
off balances on a priority basis taking into consideration their income
levels. The reduced fertiliser subsidy is also to be restored and
special measures of relief such as seeds and agro-equipment at
concessionary rates would be supplied to cultivate crops identified as
of national importance. The pledges also include a guaranteed price
scheme for paddy and other crops. Tariff concessions are also to be
introduced for agricultural implements without harming local production.
of milk for primary school children is also to be implemented.
for relief for fishermen, solutions have been promised to their
problems, particularly for those employed in deep sea fishing - measures
to be taken with the assistance of the Indian government that would lead
to the introduction of a special relief loan scheme for the purchasing
of fishing boats and equipment.
notable pledge is the continuance of the Samurdhi programme in
accordance with the vision and programme that commenced in 1995.
Samurdhi benefits will be granted on a broader identified scale to
of certain essential items are also to be cut down according to the
manifesto. The prices of infant milk food and medicine,
are to be reduced.
consumer protectionist programme is to be introduced for essential foods
pledge that definitely earned votes for the UPFA was the ending of
graduate unemployment. According to the manifesto, an urgent programme
is to be formulated to solve the problem of graduate unemployment. A
national policy ensuring employment after graduation is to be
formulated. Employment opportunities for 25,000 graduates are to be
provided within three months in a wide range of government services,
another pledge that is raising a few eyebrows.
other important pledge was employment for non graduates, 5,000 school
leavers are to be trained as field officers in the agriculture sector,
live-stock development and marketing, and in the prevention and control
of alcohol, tobacco and drug use. They will also be trained in special
welfare programmes for women and children. Another 10,000 school leavers
are to be trained as tourist guides under an established scheme. An
accelerated skills development programme for 25,000 school leavers will
be put in place with the assistance of the private sector, the NDTF and
Samurdhi Banks. Such training according to the UPFA would equip them for
employment in the private sector.
pledge to immediately correct salary anomalies in the public service and
the promise to initiate corrective actions to solve the problem of
prevailing pension anomalies too helped the UPFA to build much
confidence among the masses in the run up to the elections.
these immediate relief measures mentioned in the manifesto are to be
implemented within a period not exceeding six months and the question
now is how the government plans to fund these projects without running
into large deficits that would result in the fluctuation of interest
rates in the country coupled with the depreciation of the rupee.
in case the government plans to merely borrow money from lending
agencies, they would have to think again as the donor agencies are
adopting a wait and see attitude and also feel that the government still
has to decide on its work programme and prioritise issues.
went on to say that the government's commitments are yet not very clear.
"The important stage would be to decide on a new strategy," he
said. He explained that a country's budget is really about choices and
finding means to achieve higher revenue than the previous year.
opined that if a government plans to expedite a recruitment drive and
increase salaries of public servants, they should first figure out ways
of increasing their revenue. "A government could increase its
revenue in several ways and broadening its tax base is one such
way," Carter said. Savings and finance is another aspect of
increasing revenue. However, Carter noted that in case the government
wishes not to engage in the privatisation of public property, it would
further lessen the finances the country would have otherwise received.
Once the country receives a notably high revenue the next question is
how to spend or how much they wish to spend.
IMF representative also noted that the country couldn't run large
deficits, as it would only harm the country's economic framework.
"There is no infinite supply of funds and the government has to
prioritise its work and make difficult choices," Carter added.
for the balance US $ 3.5 billion of the US $ 4.5 billion aid package
promised at the Tokyo donor conference, Carter said that the grants that
were allocated during a period of three to four years would not be
affected in any way. He further noted that certain ongoing projects
would continue to be funded through the aid money adding that the rest
would depend on the peace process.
from the peace process, Carter also said that the funding would also
depend on the reforms the government plans to introduce.
the government's stance is that the present policy of relying on
committee systems to formulate and implement policies has reduced the
efficiency of government due to the lack of ownership and involvement by
the implementing agencies. To remedy the situation the UPFA government
has pledged to set up a National Council for Economic Development (NCED),
which would be a permanent secretariat with the highest level of
political authority, in order to formulate and implement national
economic policies. The NCED is also expected to promote public-private
partnerships in policy formulation and is expected to be a conduit for
regular dialogue with the government.
notable feature is the UPFA's stance of non-privatisation of public
utility institutions including state banks. A new tax policy is also to
be implemented in order to minimise the tax burden cast upon the masses
UPFA government's economic policy shows drastic changes in economic
reforms and if the said relief measures are to be implemented, the
country's revenue base would have to be increased, and fast.
World Bank earlier decided to hold back US $ 2.45 million in TA
operations before the general elections as it would be difficult for
them to proceed with the funding if the Sri Lankan government engages in
a major recruitment drive immediately after the elections.
to The Sunday Leader, ADB Country Head, John Cooney maintained that they
would wait for the government to decide on its workload and prioritise
them before discussing funding programmes.
to Financial Analyst Alastair Corea, the government should first decide
on sources to fund their pledges without disrupting the other markets in
deficits could damage the country's economy," he said adding that
so far the government has not stated clearly how it plans to fund its
explained that the common assumption would be to borrow money, adding
that to increase spending in one area another area would have to receive
fewer finances for survival.
opined that the government would in such a situation have to find
alternate sources to go about. He also noted that the country runs a
fairly high debt ratio with revenue that is also not high. As such, the
only solution is to either introduce higher taxation schemes or cut down
in other areas of expenditure.
with large deficits would only be disastrous to a country's economy as
the interest rates and dollar rates would fluctuate," Corea said.
to The Sunday Leader, General Secretary, UPFA, Susil Premajayantha said
the party is still not in a position to clearly speak of the
implementation of the pledges, as they have still not formed the
government. "Once the government is formed the pledges will take
off ground," he promised.
asked how the party plans to go about implementing its pledges, Premaj-
ayantha said that they have already made arrangements to implement them
without running large deficits in the country's economy. "First we
have to go into the Treasury and have a look at the funds available and
then if the funds are not enough we would still go ahead with our plans
as we will make necessary arrangements at that time," he said.
noted that there are countries ready to help the government, adding that
they could also rely on credit lines like the one the PA had with India.
UPFA plans to find the necessary sources to finance its pledges through
borrowings from other countries among others.
Lanka's economy sailed through in choppy seas
when the country recorded a negative growth rate in 2001, which
was minus 1.5 per cent. The per capita income recorded at US $ 865 in
1988 by 2001 was only US $ 826. In 13 years the per capita has dropped
by US $ 39. Countries that were lagging behind Sri Lanka made great
improvements while Sri Lanka kept experiencing the results of economic
growth rate that stood at minus 1.5% in 2001 increased to 4% in 2002 and
it is now estimated that it had grown even further in 2003 to 5.5%. It
was earlier projected that the 2004 growth rate would be 6% and it is
yet to be seen whether the country would actually reach that target.
ongoing peace process increased investor confidence and direct
investments, which were US $ 171 million in 2001, increased to US $ 230
in 2002. However, it is estimated that direct investments for 2003 would
be US$ 226 million as political instability took center stage during the
latter part of the year. Interest rates too were doing well and the
12.6% recorded in 2001 was reduced to 9.8% in 2002 and it is estimated
that it had gone down even further to 7.5% in 2003. As for total
official reserves, in 2001 it was US $ 1289 million, US $ 1705 million
in 2002 and in 2003, it was US $ 2178.4 million.
the dust finally settles on the elections, the United People's Freedom
Alliance (UPFA) emerged victorious by securing the highest number of
seats at the 2004 general election whereas the UNP, with 70 seats
emerged as the single largest political party.
winning a total of 105 seats and victorious, it is largely what is
dubbed a JVP victory than a PA victory, with the JVP itself securing 41
it came to preference votes too, the JVP candidates did the party proud
with Wimal Weerawansa receiving the second highest number of
preferential votes of 237,185 in the Colombo District and also becoming
the candidate with the second highest preferences.
third highest preferences were also polled by a JVP candidate - Wijitha
Herath who received 215,540 from the Gampaha District beating UNP's
Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya and UPFA's Anura Bandaranaike.
Prime Minister and Leader, United National Front (UNF), Ranil
Wickremesinghe received the highest number at the 2004 election, polling
329,524 preferential votes.
UNF received a total of 82 seats including 11 national list slots and
emerged victorious in the Badulla, Colombo, Kandy and Nuwara Eliya
Districts whereas all other districts barring Wanni and Jaffna Districts
in the Northern Province were secured by the UPFA.
Colombo, the UNF received nine seats while the JVP captured three and
the PA received five. The Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) won three slots.
Gampaha, the PA won six seats while the JVP captured three. The UNF
received a total of six while the JHU received two.
Kalutara, JVP received two seats with the PA winning four. The UNF
captured three and the JHU one.
Kandy, the UNF captured five seats, JVP captured two, the PA received
three while the JHU and the SLMC secured one each.
Matale, the PA captured four seats while the JVP won one seat. The UNF
won two seats.
Nuwara Eliya, the JVP, PA, UNF and the Upcountry People's Front (UPF)
captured one seat each. The Ceylon Worker's Congress (CWC) won three -
the highest number of seats secured by a party in Nuwara Eliya.
the south, the UPFA emerged extremely strong - largely due to the JVP's
strong base that swung opinion. In Galle, the JVP and PA received three
seats each while the UNF received only four.
Matara, the JVP received two while the PA captured three. The UNF also
won three seats.
Hambantota - the district where the JVP is strongest - the Marxist party
received two seats, the PA three while the defeated UNF managed to
secure two slots.
the Northern Province, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) held sway with
most other political parties being reduced to insignificance. The TNA
recorded a resounding victory by securing eight seats in the Jaffna
District while the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) captured only
Wanni, the TNA emerged victorious again by securing five seats. The UNF
too managed a single seat.
Batticaloa, the TNA captured four seats while the SLMC received one.
Digamadulla, the JVP captured one seat while the PA received two. The
SLMC received two seats in its home base while the TNA and UNF captured
Trincomalee, the TNA captured two seats while the JVP and SLMC captured
the Wayamba Province, representation was equally divided. In Kurunegala,
the PA managed six seats while the JVP captured three. The UNF captured
Puttalam, the PA captured three seats while the JVP two. The UNP won
Anuradhapura, the PA received two seats whereas the JVP and the UNP
secured three seats respectively.
Polonnaruwa, the PA and UNF both captured two seats each while the JVP
the Uva Province too, it is the JVP that dominated the UPFA. In Badulla,
the PA received two seats while the JVP secured one. The UNF emerged
victorious with five seats.
Moneragala, the PA and UNF received two seats each with the JVP
receiving only one seat.
Sabaragamuwa too, the UPFA's victory was crowned by the JVP's
the Ratnapura District, the PA and UNF received four seats each with the
JVP capturing two. In Kegalle, the UNF secured four seats while the PA
received three and the JVP two.
life span for minority govt.'s
governments in parliamentary democracies are conventionally considered
to be unstable and ineffective aberrations from the principle of
parliamentary election that just concluded has brought about a situation
in Sri Lanka where no single party could command a clear majority in
parliament. Today, for the second time in the history of Sri Lankan
politics President Chandrika Kumaratunga swears in a minority
government. The first time Sri Lanka saw a minority government was in
1960 that collapsed just after three months.
July 1960, the then Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake assumed office with
fewer seats than his opponents from the United Left Front (ULF).
the time of electing a new Speaker the UNP proposed Albert F. Peiris
from Naththandiya, who was twice Speaker of parliament previously. But
the combined opposition proposed veteran Marxist T. B. Subasinghe's name
for this post.
UNP, given its first opportunity, failed to succeed in exercising its
powers. The party was defeated for the first time in the election of
subsequently the throne speech delivered by the then Governor General
Oliver Gunethilake was also defeated and it was Senanayake's turn to
decide what should be done.
a true democrat recommended to the Governor General that parliament
should be dissolved and a fresh election called for. Accordingly,
parliament was dissolved after just three months of its existence and a
fresh election was conducted. The ULF led by the late Sirimavo
Bandaranaike won the election and assumed power. But after five years
the same Dudley Senanayake again defeated the ULF in 1965.
analysis of over 350 postwar governments, political analysts show that
minority governments are neither exceptional nor unstable, but in fact a
common feature of parliamentary democracies and frequently perform as
well as, or better than, majority coalitions.
questions are posed as to whether the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA)
could survive heading a minority government.
to former Parliamentary Affairs Minister A. H. M. Azwer, no minority
government could survive for a long time. He says if a money bill is
presented to parliament and if it is defeated, the Executive President
must call the opposition leader and request for the formation of a new
was in the good old days we had people like Senanayake who had the
courage to walk up to the Governor General to recommend dissolution on
the basis he lacks the majority. But nowadays politics of Sri Lanka is
deeply rooted in intra-party rivalry and personal ambition of
politicians. So it is unlikely that we could expect a repetition of what
Dudley Senanayake did those days," he said.
SLMC General Secretary, Hassan Ali says any minority government could
weaken the very fabric of a nation. He says he doubts whether the UPFA
government could go on for another six months without any hiccups.
many criticise minority governments by presenting the argument that they
create deadlock within government and prevent changes. Others however,
they view minority governments as beneficial for creating a more diverse
government that reflects more than one viewpoint.
deal with a situation where no clear majority appears, parties either
form a coalition government, ad-hoc alliances or come to loose
agreements with other parties to stay in office.
common situation is governance with 'jumping majorities,' i.e. that the
cabinet stays as long as it can negotiate support from parliament
majorities which well may be differently formed from issue to issue,
from bill to bill.
alternative arrangement is a looser alliance of parties, exemplified by
Sweden. There, the long governing Social-Democrats have governed with
more or, mostly, less formal support from other parties; in the mid 20th
century from Agrarians, after 1968 from Communists, and more recently
from Greens and ex-Communists, and have thus been able to retain
executive power and (in practice) legislative initiative. This is also
common in Canada where parties can rarely cooperate enough to form a
coalition, but will have loose agreements.
these agreements may be more formal while still falling short of
creating a coalition government. In the Canadian province of Ontario the
Ontario Liberal Party formed a minority government from 1985 to 1987 on
the basis of a formal accord with the Ontario New Democratic Party (NDP)
in which the NDP agreed to support the Liberals for two years and for
that period vote with the government against motions of no confidence
and vote with the government on budgetary legislation in exchange for
the passage of certain legislation and other measures proposed by the
NDP. The NDP, however, remained an opposition party and did not take
seats in the cabinet so this was not a coalition government. This is
also one example of how a party that does not have the greatest number
of seats can form a minority government with the support of smaller
parties as the Liberals had several fewer seats than the Ontario
Progressive Conservative Party.
the Westminster system's first past the post electoral system, with only
one elected representative per constituency, minority cabinets are rare.
This is because the riding system heavily biases the vote towards
increasing the number of seats of the top parties and reducing the seats
of smaller parties. A party with less than 40 per cent of the popular
vote can often win an outright majority of the seats. Nations like
Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom are thus usually governed by
parties that control over half of the seats in their legislature.
a minority situation the head of the largest party is still asked to
form a government. They must then either form a coalition with one or
more existing parties, or they must win enough support from the other
parties or independents to avoid no-confidence motions. Because of
no-confidence motions minority governments are inherently shortlived and
frequently fall before their terms expire. The leader of a minority
government will also often call an election in the hope of winning a
stronger mandate from the electorate. In Canada, for instance, most
minority governments last less than two years.
governments are more common in countries using proportional
representation systems, where it seldom occurs that one single party
wins a majority of their own. For instance under Israel's purely
proportional system between 1949 and 1992 no one party ever controlled a
majority of the seats. These countries are thus usually ruled either by
coalitions of parties, or by minority cabinets. Countries in Continental
Europe and Israel all have proportional representation and rarely have a
single party that controls a majority of the parliament.
like a horse
my dear self-appointed-mother-of-the-nation, did you ever think the reds
would wipe you out like a lipstick smear, when you decided to go to the
polls? Methinks you might have miscalculated the numbers a tad. But then
who hadn't. Ranil poor darling, was reeling like a demented top. Turning
like an inebriated moth. Twirling like a whirling dervish in heat.
Nevertheless, we must give the chappie a modicum of credit. At least the
greens still stuck on to more seats than you blue chaps could. What I
always say is, if you play musical chairs to the tune of the bally
working classes, be prepared to have the putuwa pulled away from under
you. And this is precisely what has happened to the chair. The leaf has
beetled all over it. Of course almost everybody knows that the betel
leaf is carcinogenous and serves humanity best when spat out of the
system. But obviously you were not in the know. Then again your PhD was
in international relations not medicine. So how could you know?
lightly over your ignorance for the nonce, how about the audacity of
these low JVP proletariat
types? Even defeated your Mallo in your own seat of power in Gampaha.
That's the trouble with the bally martyred proletariat darling, they
seem to want so much. Give them an inch, or two-point-five centimetres
if you prefer, and they take a mile, or one-point-six kilometres if you
like. For two years you
were accustomed to a laid back sort of bloke who when given a mile was
loath even to take a millimetre. So I can imagine your sense of
complaisance when dealing with the red poops of the bally nincom
variety. And the upshot of it all? A bunch of upstarts in parliament.
what. From all
accounts however, upstarts though they may be, the chaps are having no
end of trouble with starting anything. Rightly or wrongly, a goodish
chunk of the misguided masses voted for the red chaps and got 39 of them
into the house. In fact one or two or may be even three Colombo seven
aunties dripping with diamonds and boredom, voted Wimal in as the
preferred stock. This show of preference does not seem to have yet
injected the incompetent upstart with any courage. Running scared.
That's what they are.
about it. A posse of pock marked picketers who have spent their adult
lives not to mention their impressionable childhood years, gulping
kasippu, shouting rude slogans and striking, will now find it hard to
take responsibility for the country and do a job of work. As you are
always finding out dear, running a country is not about winning an
election. Now that Weerawansa and Goonetilake are coyly fluttering their
eyelids, rubbing their respective left toes against their right ankles
and refusing like two blushing schoolgirls from Dompe Maha Vidyalaya, to
take any ministries, we are having, as an American intelligence expert
might say, a 'situation.'
in the cheek the fellows are nominating unknown JVP members to take over
the many ministries they are wanting. I mean to say, darling if you have
any power over them at all (I doubt you do), you should advise them that
they can't come on to the cricket field, win the toss, and then suddenly
decide to send in their second eleven. Some of the people in paradise,
(those very people who can be fooled some of the time), may have voted
the poops in. Having wiggled themselves in, they cannot shirk their duty
towards their voters, by being fugitives from responsibility and
preferring to stay on the sidelines with a microphone to criticise and
shout slogans. We understand that slogan shouting and picketing is their
level of competency but hey, they asked for the vote! Now take the bally
half-witted mandate and run the bally country. I have to say darling if
it was Arjuna who had asked for a runner I could have expected as much
without batting an eyelid. But Wimal looks as fit as a fiddle. Let's
hope he doesn't do with the fiddle what Nero did or worse still what
many seem to do at band camp.
that a large serving of the sods have been dumped into the House by the
Diyawanna Oya to mingle freely with the hakgedi types, your first
meeting on April 22, will be eagerly watched by me darling.
see dear, now that the working classes have infiltrated the blue party
and taken it over, you no doubt are slowly beginning to understand the
master plan behind this marriage of yours. Having reduced you to a
number lesser than what you had when you were in opposition not so long
ago, I doubt that even those dodo heads taking down dictation at the
daily propaganda sheet of yours can call it a 'landslide' victory. Then
again, they did, didn't they? Call the most well hung election result in
years, a landslide victory for you. Now what was it I called them. Oh
yes.Dodo heads..the poor Richard-heads no doubt use the New Revised
Sorbonne Dictionary edited by the renowned B.M. Sucker.
mind darling. My advise to you as always is take your vitamins and get a
good night's rest. Not that poor Mahinda Rajapakse can take my advise
eh? The sod can't rest his weary head on a down pillow at Temple Trees
despite being made Prime Minister. Forbade him to so much as let his
toenail cross the threshold didn't you? Wanted it all spick and span for
when you abolish the presidency and come in as PM in four months time
did you not? Pulled a long face you did dear as you swore him in. It was
all caught on candid camera. Not half as long as Kadi's mug though as he
stood sulking in a corner. It says not a little for Kadi's self control
when he pulled the southern beau Mahinda towards him - and reluctantly
hugged him Mahinda without once giving in to the temptation to wring his
live as they say in interesting times. Well may be not Malik who will
now get back to his knitting needles. No doubt the professional pandang
karayas will drop the has-beens like a sack of rabu and start making
fondue for the proletariat. But you ole girl I welcome with open arms.
You give me so much choice material to write on. Ranil was such a bore.
of course, the bally house by the oya is hung like a horse and I may as
well tell you dear, that most people are having nightmares.
some 6,020 candidates representing 24 politcal parties and 192
independent groups having vied for seats in the 13th Parliament of Sri
Lanka, the outcome has been shocking to many a parliamentarian with over
50 being voted out including 10 ministers.
those who suffered stunning defeats that cost them both their
constituencies and parliamentary seats are former Southern Region
Development, Ananda Kularatne, Samurdhi Minister, R.A.D. Sirisena, North
West Region Development Minister, Jayathilake Podinilame, Human Resource
Development Minister, Education and Cultural Affairs Minister, Dr.
Karunasena Kodituwakku, Irrigation Minister, H.G.P. Nelson, Minister
Assisting Wanni Rehabilitation, Noordeen Mashoor, School Education
Minister, Suranimala Rajapaksa, Minister Assisting Foreign Affairs, Lal
Dharmapriya Gamage, State
Transport Minister, Piyasoma Upali, Paddy Cultivation Development Minister, D. M. Bandaranayake
and Commerce and Consumer Affairs Deputy Minister, Jayasundara Wijekoon.
three PA chief ministers fell by the wayside while only Chief Minister,
Western Province, Reginald Cooray managed to gain entry to the House.
The defeated chief ministers are Mohan Saliya Ellawala (Sabaragamuwa),
H.G. Sirisena (South) and A.M. Buddhadasa (Uva).
addition to the portfolio holders, some 37 parliamentarians also lost
their parliamentary seats this time.
losers in Colombo are Lilantha Perera and Jayantha Kategoda from the UNF
and Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra and Chandana Kathriaarachchi from the
UPFA, two arch critics of the PA forming an alliance with the JVP.
Gampaha, the key losers were onetime ministers representing opposing
sides - Reggie Ranatunga from the UPFA and Wijeyapala Mendis from the
UNF. Pole-vaulter Athula Nimalasiri Jayasinghe and Olitha Prematiratne
from the UNF too were big losers as were UPFA's senior member Neil
Rupasinghe and Sarana Gunawardhane.
Kalutara, UPFA's Tudor Dayaratne was defeated along with UNF's Lakshman
Ratnapura, UNF lost three members, Ajith Kumara Meddegama, Piyadasa
Abeynayake, and A.A. Wijetunga while from the UPFA, Chief Minister,
Sabaragamuwa, Mohan Ellawala and Asoka Jayawardena were defeated.
the south too there were several defeats. In Galle, Ven. Baddegama
Samitha Thero, UNF's Ananda Abeywickrema and Jayantha Jayaweera lost
Matara, a heavy loser was Chief Minister, Southern Province, H.G.
Sirisena, former UNF parliamentarians H.R.Wimalasiri, Justin Galappatty
and UPFA's H.R. Piyasiri.
the deep south, former deputy chairman of committees and UNF candidate
Siri Andrahennadi suffered defeat.
Kurunegala, UNF's Anura Gopallawa and UPFA's Somakumari Tennakoon lost
their seats while in Puttalam, Sugath Tissera of the UNF failed to
secure his slot.
the central hills too, many suffered defeats including some political
Matale, both the UNP and the UPFA recorded losses with Sanjeewa
Kaviratne (UNF) and Bandula Yalegama and D. D. W. Wickremaratne (UPFA)
suffering collective defeat.
Nuwara Eliya, UNP heavyweight and a former Women's Affairs Minister,
Renuka Herath failed to gain entry, as did S. Sathasivam and Kumara
Dassanayake of the UPFA.
Rata had a few losers. UPFA District Leader, Anuradhapura, H.B.
Semasingha failed to win a place in the house while UNF's Polonnaruwa
parliamentarian, Sydney Jayaratne and UPFA's Ananda Sarathkumara
Ratnayaka suffered humiliating defeats this time.
Badulla, UNF's Upali Samaraweera and K. Velayuthan both lost their
places whereas in Moneragala, UPFA's Wijith Wijemuni Soyza and S.A.R.
Maddumabandara were among the losers. Former
Commerce Deputy Minister Jayasundara Wijekoon and Ananda
Kumarasiri too failed to make it this year.
the Eastern Province, in Trincomalee, M. K. D. S. Gunawardhane of the
UPFA lost his seat as did A. Vinayagamoorthy of the TNA who shifted base
from the north to the east. In Batticoloa, two strong candidates - TNA's
Joseph Pararajasingham and UPFA's A.H.M. Hisbulla both lost.
Jaffna in the Northern Province, from the EPDP it was only party leader
Douglas Devananda who secured a place in the 13th Parliament. A
significant loser there was beleaguered leader of the TULF, Veerasingham
Anandasangaree who contested as an independent candidate. In Wanni,
PLOTE Leader, Dharmalingam Sidarthan suffered a humiliating defeat.
number of candidates at this year's general election was the highest
recorded since independence. In the year 2000, some 4,943 candidates
joined the fray while in the year 2001, the number of candidates stood
at 5,477 whereas some 6,020 contested in 2004.