Inside Politics UPFA's dirty tactics to swing MPs By Suranimala  While the events following the government's defeat on the Speaker's vote in parliament compelled President Chandrika Kumaratunga last week to hurry a compromise with the JVP in relation to the Mahaweli portfolio, shocking conspiracies were also afoot to secure a simple majority in parliament for the purpose of forming a constituent assembly and abolishing the executive presidency.

The entire exercise of  calling for a snap general election at the expense of stability in the country and weakening the SLFP was to achieve the specific objective of abolishing the executive presidency to ensure continuity for Chandrika Kumaratunga at the helm of governance in the country, but the election results failed to realise that goal, compelling the President to look at other options.

New strategy

Initially, the thinking at President's House was to proceed with the constituent assembly formula notwithstanding the lack of a clear majority in parliament but the defeat over the Speaker's post has seen a shift in focus, primarily to secure a simple majority in the House as a first step.

The JVP for its part is also very keen to have the executive presidency abolished since the Marxists know only too well it has no stake in that office whereas upon abolition it will truly hold the remote control of the government with its parliamentary strength.

Thus both the JVP and the SLFP have resorted to measures unbecoming of any party claiming to be democratic and adopted strategies that make the Watergate scandal look like a prayer meeting of the cardinals in the Vatican. Mind you, this from a government that pledged to introduce a new political culture to the country.

And the drama over the two Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) monks lured by the JVP and SLFP is the least of  it with a scandal of unprecedented proportions leading upto President's House no less now threatening to shake the very foundations of the new government following this bid to obtain a simple majority by hook or crook.

The scandal caught on both video and audio tape and in the possession of this columnist is now being studied by a team of lawyers before a final decision is taken to go public. Suffice to say all the ingredients that make a blockbuster movie - a five star hotel, forged identities, secret bills, false confessions, sex, blackmail, bribery, hidden cameras and top politicians - all feature in this sordid real life drama which brings out the worst in man and woman merely in the pursuit of power.

Desperation

In this context, events leading upto the desperation shown by the UPFA itself makes interesting reading and is a pointer to the levels the new government will stoop to remain in office.

Right until the election of the Speaker on April 22, both the UPFA and the JVP were confident they would clinch the post, having lured two monks from the JHU and a member from the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) to do the dirty, paving the way thereby to go in for a constituent assembly.

In fact, on Wednesday, April 21, when the issue was discussed by the President with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and Commerce Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, it was said there was no cause for worry with Minister Mangala Samaraweera handling one aspect and the JVP the other to ensure victory.

The question of inviting Norway to resume peace talks was not even on the agenda at the time given the hardline position of the JVP on the issue and the TNA's 21 votes were not a factor at the time.

And that very Wednesday night, Samaraweera who celebrated his birthday with a bash at the official residence of the Ports Authority Chairman, when asked by several MPs including Sripathi Sooriyarachchi on their chances of success the following day, were told not to have any worries.

The Minister told his MPs they had to only be present and vote, with the government assured of victory by two votes.

However, when the voting the following day saw a tie, panic set in and Prime Minister Rajapakse at an informal meeting with his colleagues Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, Mangala Samaraweera, Nandana Gunatilleke and Wimal Weerawansa said the government must withdraw from the contest and propose the name of a JHU monk.

He said the UNF will insist on all their members showing the ballot before casting at the next round thus forcing the member who spoilt his vote to vote for W.J.M. Lokubandara.

Insistent

But JVP's Propaganda Secretary, Weerawansa was not easily swayed and insisted staying in the race.

He said having a JHU monk as Speaker would be worse than Lokubandara and insisted, D.E.W. Gunasekera be kept in the race.

Disagreeing, both Rajapakse and Fernandopulle said the government will definitely lose if the MPs are asked to show the ballot and it would therefore be safer to appoint Lokubandara with the blessings of the government.

Responded Weerawansa - "No, we can win and must contest."

Retorted Fernandopulle - "But if they win, don't blame the Prime Minister. It is you who is insisting on this approach." Weerawansa however stuck to his guns on fielding Gunasekera and had his way only to see the UNF MPs voting by showing their ballot which saw the UPFA in uproar preventing the vote.

In a bid to break this deadlock, the Prime Minister walked upto the JHU Spokesperson and Kalutara District MP, Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero and asked whether the JHU cannot vote for the government nominee to end the standoff only to be given a barrage of criticism on the UPFA's conduct.

Said Rathana Thero to the Premier - "How dare you make such a request having lied to us? You came and met us and said the government had nothing to do with the two missing monks. Today the government brought them to the House and they voted with you in violation of a party decision to abstain. Is this the new political culture you promised to introduce? When the President met us she swore on the Lord Buddha and said the government knows nothing about the missing monks. Don't come after us now."

Given this outburst, the Premier promptly withdrew and told his colleagues the monks will be voting with the UNF and the government should withdraw its candidate to avert certain defeat but once again, the JVP insisted on a contest.

At the same time, the President was also on the phone at regular intervals with her ministers, giving names of SLMC and UNP members and urging they be lobbied. By this time several members were also highly disturbed to observe Samaraweera in the lobby talking critically of the President over the telephone.

Despite these developments, the JVP kept insisting the government fields its candidate and an exasperated Prime Minister finally told Weerawansa he will not take responsibility for a defeat and that Weerawansa should do so before the President.

In the meantime, a highly agitated President also gave the game away in her bid to persuade the monks to vote with the government by informing JHU's Udaya Gammanpila - who was with the Premier - over the telephone that it was the JVP and a single SLFP member, C.B. Ratnayake who were responsible for the case of the missing monks and not the SLFP as a party or herself.

Norway called in

But the end result being defeat, the President promptly changed gears and decided to invite the Norwegians to resume the peace process despite earlier claims by the President and UPFA members of their "bias" and being "salmon eating busy bodies." The idea was to neutralise the 21 TNA votes for the next round on May 18 when the post of deputy speaker comes up for election.

And on Sunday, April 25, the President also convened a meeting of the SLFP central committee to arrive at a compromise formula on the Mahaweli issue, with Mangala Samaraweera a conspicuous absentee. Neither was Minister Fernandopulle present having heard in the grapevine, he was to lose the government whip's post to Nimal Siripala de Silva.

Be that as it may, having taken high ground on the JVP issue, the President could not be seen eating humble pie and caving into the Marxists in the face of defeat  and accordingly the self-proclaimed actress strode in for the meeting all fire and brimstone.

Said Kumaratunga - "I am not prepared to settle this issue according to the JVP agenda. Don't think that you as SLFPers can also dance to the JVP tune and get away with it. This is the SLFP central committee. Decisions taken here will be in the SLFP's interest and not JVP's."

With that said, Kumaratunga told the members as long as she is alive, she will never allow the SLFP to disintegrate irrespective of the strategies the JVP adopt.

"I said right along not to work in a way the SLFP's identity is lost but some of you did it. They took the people closest to me and did it," the President said, at which point Tourism Minister Anura Bandaranaike walked upto his sister, whispered in her ear and left the meeting.

Undeterred by this distraction, Kumaratunga went on to say the JVP played a key role in the UPFA's electoral victory and she would accordingly honour the agreement reached on the portfolios.

Added she - "But they never asked for the Mahaweli Ministry. I had fixed a meeting with the JVP for 6 p.m. today but will have to postpone it for tomorrow. I have given several options to the JVP but if they insist on Mahaweli, they will not get it."

Options

The President thereafter went on to outline the options stating the first would be to appoint a JVP deputy under a SLFP minister with the second being to give the portfolio after taking away some of the key divisions including the armoury.

With that said, the President with a side glance added for effect - "Denava mama armoury eka munta."

"If they love agriculture so much, they can have that part of the Mahaweli portfolio linked to the Agriculture Ministry. I will take irrigation out. They also want that. So they can have the agricultural parts of the Mahaweli Ministry linked to the Agriculture Ministry. That is my last option. If they don't agree, no further options will be given," she said.

The following day, Monday, April 26, the JVP team comprising Tilvin Silva, Wimal Weerawansa, Nandana Gunatilleke and Anura Dissanayake met with the President where the options were once again given, whereupon the JVP team informed Kumaratunga, the party's politburo had earlier taken a decision not to accept only part of the ministry and as such would have to once again revert to the politburo for a final decision.

No sooner the meeting ended, an emergency session of the JVP politburo was convened with JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe presiding and the issue thrashed out.

Interestingly, while several opinions for and against accepting the portfolios were trotted out by the members, it was General Secretary Tilvin Silva who finally clinched it for Kumaratunga as a tactical manoeuvre.

Silva argued that it was in the interest of the JVP to sustain this government and build its base particularly in view of the upcoming provincial council elections.

He said all JVP candidates fielded for the Wayamba provincial elections emerged victorious and the party should not upset the apple cart until a similar result is achieved in all the other provincial councils as well.

The General Secretary went on to say the JVP could work on its agenda and push their case after the provincial polls are concluded from a position of even greater strength.

Compromise formula

Following Silva's comments, the JVP politburo agreed to accept the compromise formula of the President to carve out the agricultural divisions of the Mahaweli Ministry and link it to the Agriculture Ministry under a JVP minister.

And at the first ever cabinet meeting attended by the JVP trio the very day they opted to remain mere observers save on one occasion when Anura Dissanayake spoke out.

That was in relation to a proposal to provide the former prime ministers with housing, transport and office facilities, a proposal which first came during the UNF regime with a view to providing accommodation for former Premier Ratnasiri Wickremanayake.

At that time Wickremanayake himself studied the cabinet paper and made his own amendments providing for a cook as well.

However JVP's Dissanayake objected to the cabinet proposal stating it would only provide Ranil Wickremesinghe with facilities to plot and plan the government's ouster. The proposal was thereafter shelved.

Thus having sorted out the problem with the JVP, the UPFA started working round the clock to muster 113 MPs to form a constituent assembly and the President started personally speaking to UNF and SLMC MPs to woo them into the fold.

For, the President realised, while she would be in a position to invite the minority parties to join the government with portfolios and other benefits on offer, she would be hard put to get their support for the abolition of the executive presidency or changing the PR system.

To achieve that objective, the President knew only too well she had to lure individual members numbering at least seven to make up a simple majority that will help the move towards a constituent assembly.

Ironically, one person doing the bidding for Kumaratunga was none other than a man presently in custody, Sri Lanka Telecom Chief, Thilanga Sumathipala.

Sumathipala having failed to get former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to use his influence to get the case against him dropped by the Attorney General tried to woo the JHU monks, also without much success.

Sumathipala's power politics

And now he is playing the old game of power politics offering numbers to a desperate President who has not called for his removal as SLT chief either, despite the man still being in custody. And the silence of the holier than thou Arjuna Ranatunga and over 40 SLFP MPs who signed a petition to the Supreme Court is also deafening.

In fact, Sumathipala has personally called a few UNP MPs and offered to take them to meet the President with promises of a bright future. Among the MPs he spoke to were one each from the districts of Kandy and Kurunegala.

Sumathipala had told the Kurunegala District MP, Dayasiri Jayasekera he could arrange for him to meet the President and secure a good position, an offer the member declined.

Jayasekera had told Sumathipala he should not commit such sins to fulfill his personal agenda.

"What could the Prime Minister have done to help you? You were charged because the Attorney General felt there was sufficient evidence for a case. Now you want us to betray the party because you have a problem. Don't do it. We have to think of the country, not individual interests," Jayasekera told Sumathipala.

To make matters worse for Kumaratunga, the opposition has been able to zero in on its member who voted with the government on the Speaker's vote thanks to a television cameraman having zeroed in on the rejected ballot paper.

The rejected ballot paper

The rejected ballot paper, where the vote was cast for 'W.J.M. Goonesekera' had the number 414 and was one issued to an opposition member with SLMC membership.

Subsequent investigations indicate the corresponding ballot on the fourth vote, number 864 from the opposition, was cast in favour of D.E.W. Gunasekera. That is the same minority member.

It is these developments that have compelled the government to rush through the job of enlisting opposition MPs to crossover, adopting even scandalous methods to swell the numbers before May 18.

The video taped evidence which surfaced as a result of this exercise if made public in fact would for all time not only drive the persons involved in the underhand tactics to political oblivion but also social outcasts in the circles they move in.

That apart, in a bid to ensure the numbers stay in favour of the UPFA, Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar has made his own contribution by stating in India according to a report published in the Island newspaper the government will recognise the LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamil people for the purpose of negotiations, which is in direct contradiction of the UPFA manifesto.

The simple strategy of the President is to get the peace process started and neutralise the TNA in parliament, and to do so recognising the LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamils and accepting to negotiate the interim administration proposal become paramount and that Kumaratunga is now prepared to do for tactical reasons.

That is why the President's invitation to the Norwegians went out only after the Speaker's vote was not in favour of the government, a tactic not lost on the LTTE when assessing the bona fides of the government.

But these developments have once again put the JVP under pressure given their earlier stance which, unlike Kumaratunga, the party is not prepared to change overnight due to the credibility factor as well as for fear of losing their base to the JHU.

Thus, despite Anura Bandaranaike claiming the Norwegians were invited after clearing it with the JVP, the Marxists say otherwise and Wimal Weerawansa has now reportedly written to the President querying the basis on which the Norwegians were invited.

Now with Kadirgamar stating the LTTE will be recognised as the sole representatives of the Tamils, the JVP has come under further pressure by the JHU which has queried the Marxists' position on it, factors which the JVP cannot dismiss by simply being critical of those positions in view of their being part of the government.

It is particularly so now with the JVP having accepted cabinet office and being collectively responsible for all government decisions, a fact the JHU has driven home with effect.

JVP's strong arm tactics

But the danger in the emerging scenario is a tendency on the part of the JVP to adopt strong arm tactics to bulldoze its way notwithstanding accepted rules and norms as observed following the defeat on the Speaker's vote.

Tactically, the defeat helped the JVP to push Kumaratunga into a corner and extract its pound of flesh on the Mahaweli portfolio but the threat issued thereafter to force W.J.M. Lokubandara to resign by surrounding his house and the UNP headquarters is what is frightening.

This threat smacks of a tendency to move towards a dictatorship and the UNP was quick to draw the attention of Speaker Lokubandara to the threat on Thursday, April 29 with notice that a breach of privilege motion will be forthcoming this week.

The UNP meanwhile after much soul-searching last week where the leadership came under criticism for the style adopted in government has decided to make far reaching changes to its organisational structure with a view to meeting the challenges ahead and defeating the government within six months.

Given this politics of confrontation and a hung parliament, governance for Kumaratunga, leave alone getting the executive presidency abolished, is going to be a nightmare and one that the LTTE too will closely study before deciding whether a fresh lease of life will be given to Kumaratunga by resuming peace talks early.