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A
question of survival
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Is
the marriage on the rocks?
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By
Dilrukshi Handunnetti
The
peril of marrying the country's second and third largest political
forces merely for electoral gain last April decisively prevented the
country from having two separate political ideologies to choose between.
For opting to say that, the critics were dubbed as anti United People's
Freedom Alliance (UPFA) elements and therefore anti proletariat.
Such
position was seen as a desire to perpetuate capitalistic rule for all
time and the detractors were called lackeys of the ruling class out to
prevent the resurgence of the working class, the commoners.
Erosion
But
it is not the critics who are finding fault with the coalition today,
but constituent partners themselves who are falling by the wayside as
the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) resorts to its customary
populist measures causing serious erosion in the traditional base of the
Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). They finally had to meet President
Kumaratunga en masse and lament over their plight and the rapid loss of
political ground experienced by them.
A
key constituent party in the UPFA, the JVP on May 27 issued what was
seen as the first warning to the PA leadership over breaching the
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) reached between them.
Chief
among the grouses was the non-appointment of a high-powered committee to
evaluate appointments to public institutions and to approve government
policy, which is yet to be created, after two months of coming in to
government.
The
other is President Kumaratunga's unilateral appointments to public
institutions which in certain cases impinged upon the MoU. The agreement
between the parties clearly states that defeated candidates would not be
appointed to any top-level government posts in a demonstration of
committed and honest governance.
However,
JVP General Secretary, Tilvin Silva last Sunday wrote to Kumaratunga
questioning some of the stances adopted by the PA leadership. The
four-paged letter was seen as an expression of 'political
disenchantment' which the JVP also sought to place in the public domain
and to support a self-corrective course of action by Kumaratunga.
The
letter was a follow up to JVP's politburo meeting on Thursday (27) where
grassroot members reportedly accused the leaders of making the party a
mere appendage of the PA and toeing the line at a time when the PA was
fast emerging as the sole decision maker in the Freedom Alliance.
The
following day, May 28, at a special meeting with Prime Minister Mahinda
Rajapakse, the JVP collective expressed their displeasure over
Kumaratunga's style of governance that did not appear to resonate with
the wishes of the people who voted them to power.
Complaints
According
to highly placed UPFA sources, the JVP has bitterly complained to the
Premier that the special committee headed by UPFA President Nandana
Gunathilleke and its General Secretary, Susil Premajayanth had not met
even once after coming to office though appointments were being
continuously made. A key JVP member told The Sunday Leader that it was
pathetic to watch those who fled the country before the election coming
back to claim high posts, a charge flatly denied by the PA.
In
heaping the blame on the PA, the JVP does understand the need to win the
people over and have them supporting their various stances. Despite
Kumaratunga's disapproval for making a coalition problem a public
secret, the JVP believes that its political survival depends on such
'acts of transparency.' Among the appointments they oppose are those of
Ariyaseela Wickremanayaka as chairman, Livestock Board and Shalitha
Wijesundera as a director, Civil Aviation Authority. Wijesundera is a
defeated Gampaha District candidate.
Explaining
further, a key JVPer said that the party's position is that even if the
PA did not care about the commitments made to the people during
elections, the JVP certainly did. They claim being embarrassed by the
continued bad governing practices, as the people would soon view the new
government, despite the Marxists' presence as an extension of the UNF.
"It
is important to demonstrate that we are different and our comments, at
last after forming the alliance are different," said the source,
adding that Kumaratunga is able to appoint only the secretaries to
ministries by virtue of powers granted by the constitution.
On
Monday (31), Kumaratunga decided to hold a crisis meeting with the
coalition partner with a view to ironing out differences, but the lady
apparently threw caution to the wind as she sought to belittle the
allegations levelled against the PA leadership.
Discussions
During
a five hour long discussion which was delayed by two hours due to the
President's delay in arrival, the PA leader demanded to know what the
JVP's actual problem was, something that did not go down well with the
JVP members who felt that they have been slighted enough by making them
wait, in addition to appear nonchalant over the criticisms raised
against her.
However,
there was a silver lining in the discussion that took place. The two
parties discussed the possibilities of commencing peace talks, an issue
on which both parties reached the greater understanding.
Kumaratunga,
according to sources had said that she had no intention of continuing
with the 'adhoc' peace process initiated by the UNF, but only wished to
"consider" the ISGA proposals put forward by the LTTE for
purposes of talks. The JVP that publicly opposes the ISGA and went on
protest marches against it being considered the basis of future
discussions on peace had many queries about the model of discussions the
PA leader was considering.
While
the discussions were in progress, Presidential Adviser Kusumsiri
Balapatabendi and Peace Secretariat Chief, Jayantha Dhanapala were both
ushered in to further explain the matter. Dhanapala, an internationally
famous UN diplomat who is now heading the government's Peace Secretariat
provided a brief outline of how the peace talks are likely to be
structured.
The
Norwegian role in the peace initiative once more came under attack by
the Marxists who felt that there was a need to draw Oslo's attention to
the spate of killings by the Tigers in the recent past and the enormous
truce violations that have taken place during the past two years.
Unhappy with Norway's singular role as " peace maker," the
reds have proposed that a 'co-facilitator' be also introduced and the
two countries proposed were India and Finland, with opinion being tilted
in India's favour, though a final decision was not taken.
But
it is not the JVP's willingness to fall in line with the peace process
that became a revelation, but its willingness to accept an expanding
cabinet of ministers. The stunning backtracking took place just a day
after making a hue and cry about the cabinet being 37, which in terms of
the MoU should be confined to 35.
Kumaratunga
stood her ground and claimed that both the President and Prime Minister
are included in a cabinet by virtue of being constitutionally guaranteed
positions and therefore should be excluded when counting the 35
ministers. Further, she argued with the Marxists that as two ministers
have already resigned to contest the forthcoming provincial council
elections as chief ministerial candidates of the UPFA, the problem no
longer arose.
Strangely,
the JVP opted to concede the need for expansion in order to have the
Ceylon Worker's Congress (CWC) on board. Kumaratunga seemed determined
to show her parliamentary majority on Tuesday, June 8 when she invited
CWC Leader Arumugam Thondaman for a discussion. The JVP, having shouted
until they were blue in their faces to get the cabinet to settle on 35
members alone, probably agreed thereby putting the UPFA's survival and
its need to prove a majority in the House before commitments made to the
people.
However,
the JVP did win the first round with regard to the appointment of the
promised high-powered committee to approve policies and make
recommendations for high state posts - one of its main demands.
Speaking
to The Sunday Leader, a senior JVP member criticised that the nonstarter
committee was a huge political embarrassment to the JVP and its
functioning would ensure smooth sailing for the government that is very
necessary as provincial hustings draw near. "We promised that there
would be transparency and suitability when making appointments to key
public posts. We have selected heads for departments and other
institutions that come under JVP-held ministries, but waited without
making them simply to honour our previous commitment of adhering to a
process that we ourselves advocated. We had to take the flak as
constituent partners while having done no wrong," he noted.
Besides
President Kumaratunga, Maithripala Sirisena, Mangala Samaraweera, Nimal
Siripala de Silva, Tilvin Silva, Nandana Gunathilleke and Wimal
Weerawansa attended the meeting.
Going
public
But
Kumaratunga, prior to the meeting, did her politically retaliatory act
by responding to the JVP General Secretary in a curt note in which she
claimed that she saw no reason for the JVP to address her through the
media. She nevertheless released her own response to the media. But the
JVP's stance is that the people had a right to know what was ailing the
new government and the fact that the Marxists were only keen on having
Kumaratunga mend her political ways.
Kumaratunga's
letter to Silva, sought to impress the point that as a coalition, the
respective parties would inevitably encounter difficulties from time to
time, though such did not merit going public with it.
Openly
baiting, the Chief Executive has snidely thanked Tilvin Silva for his
advice, but wanted more specifics on what caused such extensive worries
to the Marxist party to send her a four-paged open letter.
Kumaratunga,
responding to the criticism that virtually all SLFP members were holding
some portfolio or the other in the UPFA, had claimed that they all fell
within the 35 limit and therefore the particular complaint was
unfounded.
Just
hours before Kumaratunga met her political allies, she also met up with
the SLFP organisers at President's House where they had nothing but a
litany of political woes to place before her and to question the
prudence of the formation of an alliance that seems to be adversely
impacting the blue camp.
She
arrived late, and the meeting was in full swing, chaired by Mahinda
Rajapakse and Maithripala Sirisena who gave a sympathetic air to their
collective complaints.
Kumaratunga,
in all fairness to her was not the most eager to form the alliance,
which was advocated by a pro-JVP group within the SLFP ranks. She
delayed its formation and even warned the party ranks that the SLFP
would be eventually made to suffer if this political alliance is formed.
At
the organisers' meeting, Kumaratunga had to deal with the barrage of
issues ranging from the SLFP organisers' inability to campaign at
village level due to the stiff competition offered by the JVP and to
lack of funds.
A
former deputy chairman of committees and former Kegalle parliamentarian,
Lalith Dissanayake has fired that the JVP was attempting to take control
of the entire coalition.
He
had reportedly claimed that as a lawyer, he had education and felt he
had a contribution to make in some capacity and condemned the JVP for
pressurising the government not to appoint defeated candidates to top
posts.
He
was supported by many others including a former Kandy District MP Wilson
Kuruppuarachchi, Ananda Dissanayake and members representing Raja Rata
who felt that they had no leg to stand on due to the JVP's political
machinery.
"We
have dug our own political graves," Kuruppuarachchi has reportedly
claimed, a statement many agreed on as they explained their
difficulties.
The
President has advised the SLFP organisers to get the JVP members support
for development of the areas and to work as a group and not with
individual scorecards in hand. "The problem is largely your own
reluctance," she had declared.
Many
organisers have complained that they could not match the JVP's strategy
in campaigning. They have bitterly complained that the JVP was making an
issue of the preference warfare as the Marxists campaigned for the party
and not for individual candidates which made matters worse for the SLFP
candidates who have to compete amongst themselves to secure a slot.
"There
is no way to prevent the JVP from gaining a majority in each council and
the south would be a one horse race," many told her, according to
UPFA sources.
Working
together
Intervening,
Kumaratunga had advised to work together and to learn from the JVP of
what the SLFP lacked and to improve. "It is your efficiency and
experience that would be pitted against their novelty and the freshness
of approach. So, show that you can deliver. As constituent parties, they
have their needs and we have ours, but now that we are a team, work
together we must," she had insisted.
Meanwhile,
with the CWC bargaining for two key portfolios in the government to lend
its support, was baffled by the silent withdrawal by Ports and Aviation
Minister Mangala Samaraweera from the role of facilitator.
Accommodating
the CWC to secure a parliamentary majority would require the government
to have a quick reshuffle, hand over two important ministries and most
of all - to compromise on vital pledges made to the public from the UPFA
platform just two months ago. Samaraweera who met up with Thondaman to
plant the first seeds of supporting the UPFA just weeks ago and wooed
him at a dinner is currently maintaining a low profile as the CWC is
setting its eyes on his own portfolio.
The
CWC had demanded the portfolios of Civil Aviation along with Hemasiri
Fernando as its secretary and Estate Infrastructure. In addition to
portfolios, the CWC, naturally watching minority political interests
sought an undertaking from the President that both the executive
presidency and the proportional representation system would not be
scrapped and that the Upper Kotmale hydropower project would be
immediately halted - all for their willingness to make the UPFA a
government with a simple majority in parliament.
The
talks finally collapsed on Friday and Thondaman informed Opposition
Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe he will not cross the floor of the House.
Achievement
However,
a senior government member stressed that there were within the CWC as in
the case of the SLMC, members who were willing to work with the
government.
"We
really need not worry over numbers anymore," he said confidently.
While
the entire scenario unfolds itself, it is the rhetoric filled Marxists
who are caught in the UPFA's survival dilemma. Having opposed the
increase in the cabinet, the JVP has now decided not to air a whimper of
protest over the portfolio offer to the CWC.
Which
also brings us to the next question of the concept of collective
responsibility, in case the JVP prefers to treat it as non-existent.
For
the first time, the Sri Lankan populace has decided to install the JVP
in a governing coalition, a great achievement for a 33-year-old
revolutionary political force that even had to remain underground from
time to time.
While
ginger group behaviour is possible for backbenchers we also accept
constituent parties to thrash out issues and to redirect the course of a
government. But by doing so, there cannot be convenient backtracking as
they did with the move to increase the cabinet ministers to 38. There
cannot be public whip cracking whilst continuing to enjoy the perks and
privileges accorded to them for being part of the status quo. Merely
airing opposition cannot make them heroes, but action should follow.
The
Marxists should bear in mind, they are no longer the red-cap clad slogan
shouting crusaders in opposition giving vent to feelings, but a
responsible constituent partner of a coalition government, which binds
them irrevocably to the decisions made and are in the making.
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