27th June, 2004 Volume 10, Issue 50 |
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Letters |
'Stowaways'
left high and dry!
The
authorities are quick to punish lawbreakers - without focusing on the root
cause or a way to solve the problem. These youngsters again are jobless and
in addition moneyless too. Unless the country provides them with some means
to survive, can we really blame them if they stoop to theft or drugs to
survive? After all, as Prophet (Sal) said, "Hunger is the root cause of
most evils." A
country which boasts 70 cabinet ministers - with all the perks added on,
cannot brush off the responsibility of offering some mode of survival for
jobless youth. It is not as if we don't have avenues to employ them
fruitfully. Our roads are in need of repairs, hospitals are neglected,
schools are dilapidated and we need manpower to rectify all of them.
Thousands of young men are twiddling their thumbs, and out of frustration
smoking cigarettes and ganja for want of something to do. Why not employ
them to repair our roads, schools and hospitals? If we think hard enough, I
am sure we can find donor countries to pay for the development of the
infrastructure while giving employment to the youth. Will
the politicians and authorities, instead of bickering about petty issues,
turn their efforts towards the development of the country? Dr.
Mareena Reffai
Sandanaya
plays Migel by day The
headline of this write-up is the anglicised version of the colloquially
satirical Sinhala proverb, which needs no interpretation to the average Sri
Lankan. Nevertheless, its sub-text is to metaphorically deride the duplicity
of the character of unscrupulous people, particularly those engaged in
politics who take a very high moral ground publicly on issues just for the
consumption of hillbilly voters for winning over their support at elections,
with an ulterior agenda of doing something entirely contrary to such
rhetoric, when they are back on the saddle of power. Once they have been
elected they are not at a loss to cite tonnes of fabricated alibis for
justifying the volte-face they make of the very same policies they espoused. This
is exactly what is unfolding right now of the performances of the Sandanaya
comprising mainly the SLFP and the JVP which presented itself to the people
at the election as paragons of political virtue. The occasional murmur of
disapproval they make to the politically eunuch prime minister and issuing
of mild press statements are mere facades to show the people that they
remain faithful to their original policy stances. Didn't they launch much
more violent and aggressive campaigns using the tools of agitation in their
Marxist political repertoire on the very same issues when they were in the
opposition? Perhaps, since the last election, they might have attained a
higher plane of political maturity which has convinced them that the
lukewarm and moderate protest on such issues would augur well for themselves
as well as the country. Practising hallowed principles is not as easy as
preaching them. The
solemn promises made by way of policies in Rata Perata, the rhetorical title
given to the Sandanaya's election manifesto have been stealthily turfed out,
giving itself the liberty to implement a set of policies of an entirely
different hue; hence the performance of the Sandanaya being compared to the
proverbial character of Migel by day and Dhaniyel by night. Besides,
given the palpable duplicity of the policies poised to be implemented in
lieu of those which were solemnly declared in the Sandanaya's manifesto
called Rata Perata, it now merits more aptly being redesignated; 'Api Perata
- Rata Passata' (i.e. our survival and interests are of prime importance and
then follows the interest of the country). To put it very simply, it is an
unadulterated political fraud perpetrated on the hillbilly voters who
gullibly swallowed it, believing in the utter falsehood about the dealings
of the UNF government in the process of the implementation of its peace
process. The
Sandanaya as voters would, no doubt, vividly remember, made outright
condemnation of the UNF's performance, particularly with regard to the way
it handled the peace process, with a pseudo commitment made to replace it
with a more sublime and enlightened policy in this regard in the avowed
'best interests' of the country. The following were, inter alia, the major
policy areas of UNF, which were subjected to vehement criticism by Sandanaya
with a solemn undertaking given to correct, remedy and reverse them when
they have turned the table:- alleged illegality of and the flaws in the
peace agreement entered into between the UNF government and the LTTE,
re-negotiation of the peace agreement as Sandanaya may deem fit,
unacceptability of the recognition of LTTE being the sole representative of
the Tamils in the negotiation process, the outright rejection of the ISGA as
the basis for future negotiations, for the Sandanaya was of the view that
ISGA would lead to the ultimate division of the country, discarding
Norwegians as facilitators in the negotiation process, and unwarranted
concessions claimed to have been extended to the LTTE by the UNF, with undue
and disastrous exposure made of national security. Other
major promises made to be implemented within a time frame of three months
were:- An
across the board increase of 70% of the salaries of public servants Taking
immediate steps to bring down the soaring cost of living Generation
of 300,000 new employment opportunities for the unemployed However,
the Sandanaya has now made a convenient U-turn on all the above issues which
were subjected to ruthless criticism and has reconciled itself with the fact
that the fascinating paradigms of policies held out to the people have
miserably turned out to be nothing but promises of cloud cuckoo land having
no prospects of being materialised. The enlightened and pompous new approach
the Sandanaya promised to launch by opening a new chapter on the peace
negotiation process had hopelessly collapsed forcing the Sandanaya to
humiliatingly follow the same old paradigm of the peace process followed by
the UNF government. Instead of having browbeaten the LTTE as boasted at the
election, the Sandanaya has had to eat proverbial humble pie at the hands of
the LTTE, by agreeing to comply with all its terms, despite the fact it
originally took the position that it would commence negotiations with LTTE
on its own terms. The
sad irony of the circumstance is that the UNF in the opposition has
apparently abdicated its democratic responsibility to its constituency. It
has an obligation to expose the duplicity and the malafide of the Sandanaya,
and the way it has been backtracking all what it stood for in soliciting the
vote of the people. Whilst the UNF is in deep slumber, Sandanaya has taken
the liberty of breaking the proverbial earthenware in the abandoned house. Kay
Dharmadasa No
pie in the sky promises by Ranil As
the clich goes, people get the leaders they deserve. So I keep hoping all
those loud promises and big grand plans that the UFPA made to the masses
will be delivered. In Ranil, we had a pragmatic leader who saw reality for
what it was. Not something to make grand pie in the sky promises with. The
rupee remained relatively stable and now it is over Rs. 100. After three
months in office can this government list its significant achievements
besides limiting the size of the cabinet? On
national security is it doing anything different from the UNP government?
Ranil was able to meet Bush and Blair both of whom are two of our most
important foreign partners for aid and trade. He was able to outwit LTTE's
propaganda machine in the west by showing a degree of flexibility ensconced
in reality. I
feel sorry for people in Sri Lanka for electing anyone based on short term
whims and fancies without looking at the long term prospects of development
and peace. Grand plans cost money and money comes from Western donors. We do
not have oil or other significant natural resources to make us a nation like
India. We are chronically dependent on handouts. Those who dish out the cash
expect responsibility and good governance. Mano
Ratwatte Discrimination
on grounds of religion I
am a Burgher, a practising Catholic, married to a Muslim. We have a
daughter, who is four years old. I was educated at a prominent Catholic
Girl's School in Colombo 4, and maintain active membership in the OGA. On
April 24, the date announced for issue of application forms for admission to
nursery grade. I stood for several hours in a queue to obtain a form. I
was astonished when the nun issuing the forms refused to give me a form,
saying she had been instructed to refuse Muslim applications. This is
religious discrimination at its very worst. It is a denial of my daughter's
fundamental rights, as well as a contravention of the UN Convention on
Children's Rights. I
feel it is grossly unfair and immoral to penalise my child on religious
grounds. It is especially galling as it is common knowledge that there are
numerous Muslim and other non-Christians in all classes at this school. This
refusal of admission to school on religious grounds is an evil practice
which should be terminated immediately as it can further antagonise the
Muslim minority in the country. Angry
Old Girl Constitutional
crisis - a way out There
was a constitutional impasse or gridlock in the recent past. Or was it a
deadlock? The situation is likely to continue in spite of the keenly
contested election of April 2. The Executive President will continue may be
for another year or as she claims for another year thereafter. The UPFA with
106 seats may not be able to garner the support of the three major minority
parties unconditionally. If the UNF manages to get a sufficient number to
form the government along with the minority representatives, it will be
facing a more hostile executive president. The
JRJ constitution, if viewed narrowly has prevented the smooth functioning of
the government when the parliament and executive presidency are in the hands
of two opposing parties or groupings. Is it a diabolical machination to
perpetuate a stalemate situation or is it a blessing in disguise? The
national question has been the plaything of almost all the political parties
is the country. It is an issue that has to be sorted out. It has to be
sorted out not by the government in power alone, thus paving the way for the
opposition to capitalise on it from the other side. It is something that has
to be taken out of the adversarial theatre and held aloft as an issue which
has to be sorted out not only by consensus between the two major alliances
but also with the active participation and meaningful input and satisfaction
of the affected minorities. The
gridlock imposed by the constitution which does not permit any group to get
the clear two third majority to amend it has to be viewed as a rational
basis for all the players to open their eyes and sit at a forum to iron our
the differences and forge a meaningful solution. If viewed as a rational and
humanitarian issue, it is not that mind-boggling. What
has to be accepted in the first place is the equality of each and every
citizen in the country, irrespective of creed, caste, ethnicity, or any
other differentiating or discriminating label. If this is accepted
sincerely, every effort should be made to ensure its practical realisation.
This calls for legal sanctions, legal restrictions and other constitutional
guarantees. The basic idea embodied in article 29 of the 1948 constitution
could be further embellished to ensure that no legislation that endows an
unfair advantage on a community should be permitted. In the same way, any
disadvantageous provision that adversely affects any community should not be
allowed. What
is required is the desire to live together and not the domination by a
permanent numerical majority or an articulate or even armed minority. There
is no justification for dominance purely because of the preponderance of
numbers. This calls for affirmative action with retrospective effect spread
over a reasonable period. The
minorities should not be driven to take to force of arms to win their
legitimate place in the polity. The former should not crush the latter. The
latter should be treated on par with the majority in the sense of equality
as human beings and not as voting cattle that can never make or break
governments. R.
Suntharalingam Malays
betrayed once again? The
new UPFA government formed under the leadership of Chandrika Kumaratunga too
has ignored the Malays despite the many requests made directly and also
through the print media. Their appeal was to appoint a Malay as a member of
parliament to represent the Malays. It was heartening to hear the President
mention the Malays as a distinct race and to give them due recognition in
all her election speeches. She had also nominated a Malay candidate in the
national list. She is a prominent educationist. However, for reasons unknown
this candidate has not been considered for entry to parliament. In
the past it was the SLFP that gave due recognition to the Malays and
appointed Malay members on two occasions to the parliament. There are nearly
70,000 Malays living all over Sri Lanka and around 25,000 of them are
settled in Colombo and its suburbs. Surely a fraction of them at least would
have voted for the success of the UPFA, if not all. This was solely because
of the impact made by the Malay candidate in the national list during her
election campaign. In
the past, no Malays were considered in the appointments to government
institutions. The Muslims of Sri Lanka don't constitute the Moors alone.
This fact should be realised at least now and the President should consider
the Malays as a significant group that are contributing to the economy and
the general welfare of the country. On
the other hand, the UNP has ignored its stalwarts to accommodate minority
communities like the Memons and Colombo Chetties and Parsies (of course, the
fact remains hidden whether it was done for monetary gain). Now these
insignificant groups have representation in parliament, thanks to Ranil! If
the UPFA intends to fulfill the hopes and aspirations of the people as
promised in its election manifesto, the Malays should be given due
recognition, prioritising the women. This would certainly bring fruitful
results at the next provincial council elections. Mohamed
Sadikeen Samsudeen
On
May 23, we were awakened to the shocking news that our neighbour, Hema de
Soysa had suddenly passed away. We were stunned as Hema seemed to be in the
pink of health and was always endeavouring to keep fit. Adding to our
astonishment was that this exercise-enthusiast had died virtually at the
foot of his treadmill, at home. Hema
was one of Sri Lanka's illustrious sons. I had the privilege of knowing him
closely for almost half a century. He was my senior at Peradeniya University
in the mid 1950s. I really didn't know him then, though I had heard of him
because of his fledging romance with a fellow student from the north, a
romance that bloomed into a life-long marriage; in those Peradeniya days,
the romantics were among the stand-outs in the campus. Hema was thus a
bridge-builder between the communities, a son of Nawalapitiya soil who came
to enjoy nathaswaram drumming as much as he did the Kandyan. Soon
I came to know Hema as a colleague at the Central Bank of Ceylon, then as
fellow-students at the London School of Economics. Next we interfaced in the
Ministries of Finance/Planning and finally in Washington when Hema joined
the IMF in 1973. Hema's
contribution to economic policy-making in Sri Lanka was impressive.
Successive finance ministers were quick to see Hema's unique public finance
skills and commandeered his services on his return from the London School of
Economics, and Hema served as director of economic affairs at the Treasury
for more than five years, beginning in 1968. It's a tribute to Hema's tact
as well as his professional skills that his advice was sought after and
valued by Finance Ministers of varying political hues, from SLFP/LSSP to UNP.
I recall, for instance, that Hema's voice was pivotal in scrapping the bank
debit tax which was proving to have harmful effects, including increased tax
evasion. A defining characteristic of Hema was that he was no push-over and
he held steadfast to his professional convictions. I once asked him what he
had learned from working at the Treasury. He said to me that he realised
that economic policy-making is, as in politics, the art of the possible, and
as he put it "taking two steps forward and one step back." Sri
Lanka eventually lost this public finance expert to the IMF, where he
advanced rapidly with his Sri Lankan experience and hard work propelling him
to progressively higher levels of responsibility, and eventually to the
position of division chief. Hema retired from the IMF about five years back,
but only in name. Soon he was back in the saddle as macro-economic adviser
to the government of Gambia, a position he held at the time of his death. Hema
had a taste for the finer things in life and didn't miss out on luxuries
such as vacations to exotic places, and prized events such as the Olympics
and Sri Lankan cricket test matches. Hema was equally known for his
charitable disposition, such as his contributions to putting a number of
children through school in Africa. Though
Hema had passed the proverbial 'three score and ten' milestone, his demise
came too early in view of his youthful vigour which so characterised him and
the many years which appeared to lie ahead. I know that he had plans to
return to Sri Lanka and give of his rich life-long experiences, but death
had to intervene. So Sri Lanka lost one of its distinguished and liberal -
minded sons, and we in Washington lost a devoted family-man and trusted
friend. Nadaraja
Ramachandran
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