POLITICS

PCs - A falling system

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti  Hours before the Provincial Council (PC) election campaign officially closed on Wednesday (7) to elect members to six provincial councils, Colombo was rocked by a suicide bomb attack that occurred inside the Kollupitiya police station killing four policemen and injuring 10 others. It gave lie to the false sense of security the south has been lulled into believing and showed how tumultuous the country's political climate really is.

Carrying the results of a falling system

The suicide attack arguably may not in anyway be directly connected to the PC poll except that the day was considered significant enough to try and send shockwaves down the collective backs of a new government still unable to initiate a peace process. But it was a gruesome reminder of the root of the problem and sought to prove that nearly 17 years after the establishment of provincial councils as a means of power sharing - the J. R. Jayewardene government's solution to the ethnic conflict - it has proved a dismal failure. We are it appears, where we started off, worse off and stuck in the deep abyss of an unresolved conflict.

Failure

Little wonder that the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the run up to the poll has been urging that the PC system has largely failed, the creation of which was vehemently opposed by the same party as a measure adopted to separate the country. Despite being key contenders in the PC tussle this July, JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe throughout the campaign advocated the abolition of the PCs as they have proved redundant and a burden on the country's strained finances. While it was described as an ineffective white horse, the Marxists somehow did not delve on their own criticism of the system that power sharing would eventually pave the way for separatism.

Analysts believe that yesterday's poll would largely demonstrate the disenchantment of voters over the prevailing system and the electioneering process itself - two factors that have got manifest in the marked decline in the number of applicants received for postal votes for the July 10 contest. The decline, according to sources is a significant 50%, a fact supported by Chairman, PAFFREL, Kingsley Rodrigo who adds that the same pattern would soon be evidenced in the voter turn out at any forthcoming election as well. Three months after the April general election, it appears that the people have already lost interest.

Public disenchantment is also aided by the fact that most political parties conducted weak politcal campaigns that failed to capture the imagination of a burdened public. Not only are the voters tired, even the contestants themselves seemed weary of facing a poll that came in quick succession. Running for provincial office also requires massive finances and the campaigns are only fractionally less expensive than a general election cmpaign.

The political fatigue was best reflected in the low key campaigning undertaken by almost all political parties. The JVP, known for its vigorous campaigning strategies too largely concentrated on local issues than an elaborate campaign this time, though they stepped up their campaign in the south where the party stands a significant chance of taking over the reins of the important provincial administration.

If anyone is going to cash in on the current politcal scenario, it would be the JVP. Effective propagandists, their campaign was largely to inform the people of the evil deeds committed by the previous regime and how hard the newly elected government has been working to reverse the order, to curb corruption, resuscitate the economy and prevent the sale of national resources.

The JVP, assured of another opportunity to expand its political base further, is aiming at higher goals with this electoral success. It was none other than JVP General Secretary, Tilvin Silva who recently claimed that the PC polls were crucial for the JVP to make further inroads in local politics.

According to JVP sources, the party also stuck to the previous tactic of fielding three candidates in most districts and two in others to ensure that the majority of candidates would secure victory.

"It is a strategy that has paid off at national level and at the Wayamba poll last month. The JVP stands a good chance of ruling one province, the south where the party's base is strongest," explained the source.

Further strengthening

The party, also seriously considered the option of going solo. Senior JVP sources said that the party general secretary informed the politburo that it was too early to make the move and urged that the provincial contest be used to further strengthen the party's base before the JVP emerges as the most formidable political opponent to the UNP and the second largest political party in the island.

Yet, the party that galvanised the public against the system itself calling for the rejection of the "Pala Baba" system has for the moment, decided to field players and bury the hatchet momentarily. If you cannot change the system yet, be a part of it appears to be the thinking behind the JVP which is poised to increase its foothold in provincial politics.

It is the JVP's strength that lends the UPFA the confidence that it is going to be a cakewalk for the government.

"The recently concluded Wayamba provincial poll set the pace. That election was also declared one of the most free and fair held so far. We have done our best to grant relief to the public and have taken rectifying actions where necessary. The UPFA is currently riding the crest," says Power and Energy Minister and General Secretary, UPFA, Susil Premajayanth.

He also believes that all the parties to harness budding politicians at provincial level put the election to good use. "They have a bright future. This is just the kind of outlet they require to get trained," he added.

His enthusiasm notwithstanding, the SLFP, the largest constituent party of the UPFA is likely to suffer a further erosion of its traditional political base to the JVP. While the reds undertook a campaign independent of the alliance, the SLFP was far more restrained in electioneering.

Irrespective of a predicted low voter turn out, the UPFA is set for a considerable political victory, a victory also aided by the main opposition UNF which did not even appear to be running for office.

Having conceded defeat before the race proper began by opting for a low-key campaign and even not putting forward strong candidates, the UNF is likely to suffer more political indignities when the results are announced. The party lost some 700,000 votes in April largely to the newest political addition, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and requires to do considerable work to regain the loss.

No revamping

Ironically, the UNP lost the significant number of votes in the Western province, its stronghold. It is for the very same province that the party has failed to name a chief ministerial candidate, a decision according to UNF sources too, has delivered a blow to the campaign.

It is not just the UNF that has recorded a failure in this area. The UPFA ran without a chief ministerial candidate for the Uva Province. While both parties gave the same lame excuse that the best performer would be appointed as chief minister, the fact remains that campaigns fall part often when there is no strong individual candidate to spearhead a campaign.

The criticisms in the UNF is that it did not even bother to field the best possible teams in each of the provinces, having concluded beforehand that the poll is beyond them. The party, following the bitter April defeat has not revamped it well enough to undertake a strong campaign at grassroot level, another drawback that affected the UNF's recent campaign.

Nevertheless, the UNF does consider the polls as an opportunity to consolidate the party once more at village level and as a launch pad for many a young politician. The party also appointed a nine-member committee headed by M. H. Mohomed to restructure the party and to come up with fresh strategies to face the provincial hustings better.

A fresh political party that is largely a collective of SLMC defectors was registered just before the election. The United Democratic Alliance (UDA) contested the poll in selected areas and is largely active in the Western Province at the moment though it has little chances of electing members.

Besides the question of how each of these parties fared at yesterday's poll, there are more pertinent questions that beg answers.

The UPFA has failed to hold the poll in the north-east, the very provinces that have been clamouring for power sharing for which purpose the PCs were originally introduced. From the very outset, bickering and political pussyfooting denied the north-east a provincial administration, adding to the collective disgust of civilians living there and fuelling flames.

Key maladies

And it is these very same regions today that are once more like simmering volcanoes with the people having no opportunity to give expression to their political will and elect members of their choice. Though far from perfect, these people including hundreds of refugees did exercise their franchise at the April 2 election after two decades of strife.

The other aspect that needs looking into is, that while power devolution is mandatory to resolve the conflict, whether the PCs in the current format could deliver. While being a heavy burden on the exchequer that cannot afford the burdensome institutions that are weak in delivery, but high in maintenance cost, it appears that the only positive attribute in the system is that it provides a threshing ground for junior politicos.

Sadly, the people are being driven towards the conclusion that these are dismal failures as far as serving the people go, but they also show a drastic trend of sharply decreasing expenditure as opposed to revenue generation.

According to the World Bank report of 2003, the PCs only mange to paint a dismal picture.

"Limited scope of resource allocation, inadequate power to mobilise resources, high dependence on central government for finances and a lack of a strong institutional framework for regulation and monitoring," have been the identified key maladies ailing the system.

Practicality

In this sense, not only has the system failed, but successive governments too have failed the very purpose PCs were created for.

The provincial councils may have decentralised power on paper, but it is well known that the people still have to depend too much on the centre to have their matters attended to. It has always been a case of waiting for approval and funds from the central government. Even the overlapping functions only added to the confusion and provided an opportunity for officials to simply pass the buck. The PCs do not, despite the lofty framework stand on their own feet and have collectively failed to augment development in the respective areas to the desired extent.

As the Western, Southern, Sabaragamuwa, Uva, North Central and Central Provinces elect their members, it is time that the country reviewed the validity of these institutions and not maintain them merely for the sake of having them. It is necessary that power should be most effectively devolved, the purpose the PCs were created for and that people stand to benefit in practical terms.

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