Issues

The politics of post-tsunami renaissance

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj 

Chandrika Kumaratunga was forced to cut short her holiday in Britain because of the tsunami disaster and returned to Sri Lanka. One of her foremost tasks......

More...

> SB spills more beans

> Clash of the NGOs  over tsunami spoils

> Tigers playing for high post - tsunami stakes

> A honeymoon nearing an end

> CBK yet to request permission for adoption

> Paying attention to gender issues in the face of tsunami

> Deed tsunami hits Surveyor General's Dept.

> Kobe's wake up call to Lanka

> JVP's deadline to CBK and internal battles (....Pot Shots)

The politics of post-tsunami renaissance

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj  Chandrika Kumaratunga was forced to cut short her holiday in Britain because of the tsunami disaster and returned to Sri Lanka. One of her foremost tasks after reaching Colombo was to "undo" all what Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse had accomplished in the immediate aftermath of the tragedy and bring the entire relief and re-construction effort under the centralised authority of the President. The speedy return and "sacrifice" of holiday seems to have been propelled by narrow political considerations rather than overwhelming concern for the affected people.

Mano Tittawella and Dr.Tara de Mel

Her brother Anura vacationing in the USA was not in a hurry like the sister. Perhaps he was confident that his perceived rival from Girawapattu would have his wings clipped because his "Akki" had returned to do the needful. Finally Mallo too managed to get hold of a return flight and came home - 14 days later. One of his first tasks was to criticise the 100 metre limit on the coast proposed by the Prime Minister. "Stupid idea" he called it. It seemed obvious that the Tourism Minister was aiming to protect and foster the tourism sector at all costs while playing intra-party political rivalry.

Knee jerk reaction

This column too feels that the knee jerk reaction to impose limits on re-building or fresh construction along the coast was not a sound decision.This is because this column opines that the displaced people particularly the fisherfolk should not be prevented from returning to their homes if they so desired. But Bandaranaike's concern is to preserve tourism.

Now TAFREN's Mano Tittawela too says that these 100, 200, 300 metre limits will be evaluated on a sector by sector basis. Given Bandaranaike's political clout and the power of the tourism lobby there is no doubt that the hotels will continue to dot the coastal landscape tsunami or not. What this column fears is that ultimately the pre-tsunami inhabitants of the coast are going to be uprooted in the name of post-tsunami development while choicy chunks of valuable coastal real estate will be utilised to the advantage of the powerful and privileged.

Anura Bandaranaike's determination to prioritise the needs of the tourism sector over and above the larger interests of the displaced population at large is only symptomatic of a deeper malaise. The manner in which President Kumaratunga and her cronies have been going about this massive humanitarian task of rehabilitating and re-building tsunami affected Sri Lanka leaves much to be desired. Two trends seem patently clear.

The post-tsunami reconstruction is being done in a highly questionable, secretive, centralised approach under which the voices of the affected underclass are not being heard. If fate in the form of tsunami has dealt the underprivileged a terrible blow the state in the name of post-tsunami relief is arbitrarily deciding the future of this pathetically marginalised sector.

Secondly, the post-tsunami rebuilding effort seems to be going far beyond the imperativeneed to alleviate sufferings of the affected and displaced people. The ambitious plans formulated without consulting the affected people envisage heavy allocation of resources and investment in projects totally outside the parameters of post-tsunami rebuilding.

Disparity

A powerful yet pathetic indicator of the disparity in global perspective has been the response of the rich countries towards the tsunami disaster and the AIDS situation in Africa. As Stephen Lewis the UN special envoy on the issue of combatting AIDS notes, the western nations and Japan have enthusiastically pledged towards Asiantsunami reconstruction within a month a sum nearly equal to that of what has been grudgingly allocated over a period of four years to treatment and prevention of AIDS in Africa. The reasons for this are well-known.

Sri Lanka has been particularly fortunate in attracting the Western world's sympathy thanks mainly to the excessive attention given by global media, the spontaneous upsurge of caring concern amid foreign people, the high profile visits of people like Colin Powell, Kofi Annan, Paul Martin, etc., and the untiring efforts of its ethnically divided diaspora that engages in propaganda with different objectives. The country was also lucky because of the international situation with the prickly politics of Jakarta, Banda Aceh and India declining international assistance.

Thus Sri Lanka remains the major beneficiary of international munificence. Making hay while the sun shines Colombo has drawn up elaborate plans for reconstruction costing US$ 3.8 billion. Iran in the immediate aftermath of an earthquake received pledges of more than US$ 1 billion. Yet only US$ 17 million have been actually given so far. Some doubt whether Sri Lanka too would be given the same treatment as time goes by. Others feel that the situation is different and that Sri Lanka would definitely get staggered tsunami aid to the tune of at least US$ 2 billion. It could be even more if Sri Lanka performs well and delivers by way of reconstruction and strengthening the peace process. But then there is that very big "IF."

Genuine upsurge

A notable feature of the "charity" phenomenontowards tsunami victims in the developed world is that it is fundamentally people driven. Due to many reasons there was a genuine upsurge of sympathy among the ordinary people in this country towards tsunami affected regions. The people gave and gave as never before to a disaster in another region. Numerous little children broke open their piggy banks in touching gestures. The governments had to take this popular feeling into account when pledging massive amounts for relief and rehabilitation because the people wanted it so. In that context the chances of governments renegading on their pledges on a large scale are very unlikely.

Abuse of aid

What troubles this column is that the massive aid given to Sri Lanka could be abused and misused. Despite lofty pronouncements and pseudo-Churchillian rhetoric Kumaratunga is showing all the signs of negative bungling as has been typical in the past. The first lady who steadfastly remains unpunctual in spite of a decade as President remains true to form as a person who will not or cannot change. Her track record in the post-tsunami phase does not augur well for the future.

Lets do a quick survey! Chandrika returns home and immediately dissolves the structures set up by her Prime Minister. She brings everything under her control. The tsunami crisis and aftermath required a de-centralised approach given the socio-political-economic aspects of affected society. What was needed by the government was to outline a broad policy and coordinate all relief and rehabilitation activity. Instead of coordination we have excessive centralisation that stifles and suppresses. Apart from its impracticality this centralisation goes against the general thrust of constitutional reform which seeks to devolve more power to the periphery.

This centralisation has been exclusivist, secretive and despite bombastic propaganda flawed and ineffective. The Prime Minister and important ministers including those from affected areas are excluded in the major decision making or policy formulation process. The coalition partner Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which has its political stronghold in the affected Southern Province is not consulted or included. The chief opposition except for some exercise in optics is out too. The parliamentarians representing the east and north too are out too. Neither the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) nor the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) have been consulted formally.

People's interests

What has been done is to set up three task forces under the President. The two crucial ones are headed by her confidantes Dr. Tara de Mel and Mano Tittawela both of whom hold other posts too. There is no doubt that both of them particularly de Mel are capable, efficient people. The point however is that vital functions regarding tsunami relief and reconstruction have been placed under centralised authority that bypasses in some way the civil administration and does not give priority to the people.

In the case of TAFREN under Tittawela many of the members are from the private sector. These are successful commercial giants, but totally out of place in the TAFREN set up. What is needed in such an institution is participation of the affected people or their representatives. It is only then that the concerns and welfare of the ordinary people will be accommodated and protected.

The entrepreneurial class will certainly reconstruct, but the interests of the people will not be central to these efforts. The foreign aid is being given to the people of Sri Lanka and not to Presidential favourites to dispose of. Efficiency cannot be the sole criterion. Even fascists were efficient. What is of utmost importance here is that the tsunami affected people's interests are given foremost attention.

Unfortunately, that is not what is happening now. The affected people of whom around 75% are fisherfolk are not being consulted at all. Most tsunami victims are in a dazed state still. In most cases even the relief provided has not reached them fully. The victims are living in camps, with relatives and friends or in their partially damaged dwellings. Few have returned to work. Refugees in school camps are being forced to move out so that schools could reopen. There is a conflict of interests here between Education Secretary Dr. Tara de Mel who wants all schools  running and Dr. Tara de Mel the refugee commissar who should ideally look out for refugees first.

Govt.'s failure

This government failed the people miserably in the days even weeks after the tsunami. If not for civil society comprising ordinary people, non-governmental organisations, religious groups, security forces and LTTE the people would have starved. A slow government machinery is yet to establish itself in tsunami areas. Yet this top heavy Presidential task force has been quick to rush out with an elaborate reconstruction plan. This from a government that is hopelessly muddled with even the figures of the dead as two different organs are coming out with widely disparate figures. It appears despicable that a government should go public with a rebuilding plan even before the dead are accounted for.

Worse still is that this plan has no input from the people. Even full particulars from the victims have not been collected or tabulated. Northern refugee camps for instance have been sent Sinhala and English forms to be filled out though victims there are mono lingually Tamil. How on earth did these people in Colombo formulate a rebuilding plan even before full particulars of the victims were obtained? Belated newspaper advertisements are appearing calling for proposals. The actual affected people are not in a position to say anything constructive right now. All this shows an abysmal contempt for the victims in whose names the aid is being obtained.

Locals ignored

One also learns that local expertise has been spurned in formulating plans. A team of foreigners without any real awareness of social realities are there advising. There seems no evidence that any grass roots surveys were done before coming out with plans. Sri Lanka has the dubious distinction of being the first country to come out with a plan to beg for donor aid.

India nor Thailand have formulated a plan yet because tsunami assessments are not over. Sri Lanka however rushes out with a development plan before needs are taken care of or requirements are properly assessed. It appears that the state which failed the people is now trying to garner funds in the name of the victims and utilise them for ambitious construction schemes instead of the people. The scantyfunds allocated for people's needs as opposed to "new" construction shows a huge discrepancy. It illustrates clearly that the focus is not on the needs of the people.

The difference between local common sense and foreign expertise was illustrated in several refugee camps in the east. Lack of toilets and overcrowding was a big problem. The foreign experts were talking of a toilet crisis. Yet locals with years of catering to refugees came out with a practical suggestion. Refugees were allowed to go out of camps to other non-damaged houses in the areas and share facilities. Presto! And the problem was over in no time. No one is blaming the foreign experts but they do lack awareness of social life here.

The 100-200-300 metre limits and attempts to forcibly relocate fisherfolk seems to have been made in the ivory towers of Colombo. The fisherfolk cannot be separated from proximity to the sea. The important thing is to get them back in the sea doing what they always did - fishing! There is no guarantee that the next tsunami will hit the same place it hit earlier. Besides what would these ivory tower planners have done if the tsunami had hit Colombo, Negombo, Moratuwa, etc. Evacuate all people on and to the west of Galle Road? This idea of relocation and preventing people from returning home is a terrible blunder. The protests in Hambantota and Matara and Galle by the slowly recovering people is only the beginning.

Neglected

The north and east seems totally neglected in all these plans. There is clear proof that aid is yet to get through fully to the people. Joseph Pararajasingham complained that only five minutes was allocated in a two hour meeting to discuss tsunami issues in Colombo. Though Amparai was the district affected most state media focuses very little on that. Due to majoritarian political considerations most of the state sponsored attention is on the Sinhala areas alone.

It is hard to believe that a government which played politics to the low level of keeping the UN Secretary General out of LTTE controlled areas could ever do the right thing by minority areas.

The policy makers in Colombo seem oblivious to the fact that the rumblings of discontent in a post-tsunami scenario are heard not only among Tamils, but also among Muslims. This however does not in anyway detract from the magnificent manner in which ordinary Sinhala people rushed to help Tamil and Muslim brethren after the tsunami. It is not the Sinhala people ,but their politicians and bureaucrats who are that. Though Amparai District suffered the most the first project was announced not there, but in Hambantota.

If this then is the order of things and the tsunami victims are not being consulted when formulating resettlement plans then for whose benefit are projects being setup? The centralised and exclusivist nature of planning displays a blatant lack of accountability and transparency. The answer seems obvious. The ambitious and grandiose projects envisaged mean a lot of money. Cronyism being what it is a parasitic element is sure to latch on. One can be sure that a hell of a lot of graft and corruption is going to occur. What will the JVP do? Make some noise and share the gravy train? or take a principled stand? If the power coterie in government circles is too greedy and keeps the JVP out, then the rathu sahodarayas may have to make a virtue out of necessity and take up an opposing stance.

One cannot be naive not to presume that much of the aid will have strings attached. Many of the proposed projects could be anti-poor and anti-common people. After relocating the fisherfolk from their coastal habitat tracts and tracts of coastal areas could be given over to tourist resorts. The small fisherman could be eliminated and big international fishing cartels move in to our seas and shores. Kumaratunga herself has indicated that she will now move firmly on projects that were put on hold because of protests from the people. So anti-environmental, anti-poor people projects like Norachcholai coal power plant, Upper Kotmale power plant, Eppawela phosphate, etc., could be rammed through. Water privatisation bill is only a sign of things to come.

Protest campaigns

The people however pathetic and powerless will not go under without resistance. There will be organised opposition to these post-tsunami, anti-poor plans. Anticipating this perhaps the emergency has been declared silently. The armed forces have been given powers in the relief work. The emergency treats speaking out against specific projects as an offence promoting disaffection among the people. The emergency tsunami laws also allows for confessions made to an ASP admissible as evidence like in the PTA thus doing away with a vital safeguard in the evidence ordinance against torture and coercion under custody.

So a possible doomsday scenario could be that of protests against post-tsunami renaissance projects erupting among the people and being ruthlessly crushed by the state. Against that backdrop the question of democracy could become a question mark. Elections could be postponed and a union of the powerful could be established. Kumaratunga's remarks at Hambantota provide an insight into the future.

Vigil on rulers

In this dismal climate four factors are crucial in determining the future. First the role to be played by the JVP and UNP. Will they go along with this or oppose? Second, the LTTE and how it would fit in all this. Will it strike a deal with Colombo and do its own thing in the north and east or will it get entangled in conflict again? Third, the extent to which relatively weaker sections of society organise themselves and protest and how the independent media treats these issues. Fourth, the international communities response to blatantly anti-democratic, anti-poor actions by the Lankan state. Will the cash flow continue or run dry? There is a "fifth" too. The demonstrated inability of the Kumaratunga regime to push through projects efficiently. Can she with all sincerity deliver what she promises?

The tsunami disaster was a great set back. The ordinary people rose above race, religion, caste and creed to face that crisis. Now a hopelessly inefficient state that failed the people in their time of need is trying to take control of the lives of the victims and make decisions for them without any consultation. This could have drastic consequences. If mishandled the politics of post-tsunami renaissance could be another debilitating disaster. The people must keep vigil on their rulers to prevent such a calamity.

SB spills more beans

S. B. and Chandrika - those were the happy days

CONTINUED from last week, we publish the second part of former Minister S.B. Dissanayake's expose from within prison walls of all President Chandrika Kumaratunga's political secrets he was once privy to. It is presented in the form it was originally penned.

I was instrumental in toppling the PA government in 2001. Professor G.L. Peiris, Mahinda Wijesekera, Bandula Gunewardane and several other PA ministers including Wijepala Mendis, Jayasundara Wijekoon, Ediriweera Premaratne, Ananda Moonesinghe and Bandula Parakrama Gunawardena joined hands with me.

Six months before I defected, I outlined the reasons as to why I would have to cease working for the PA to the President in front of several senior party members. My reasons were simple and as follows:

1. Chandrika was responsible for the collapse of the country's economy and she was refusing to accept responsibility.

2. She had completely messed up the north east problem and was refusing to accept this

3. She and several of her close associates had been personally involved in the procurement of arms for the government security forces.

4. Despite the country's failing economy, she was going ahead with plans to build the presidential palace.

5. She had no sense of time and her tardiness often ran into five or six hours past schedule

6. Knowing full well that everyone present was aware she was lying, she would go on telling the same falsehoods.

7. Despite not having even passed her O/L examination, she was professing to posses post graduate and PhD qualifications

8. She was more and more involved with each passing day in suspicious dealings running into millions of rupees.

9. Warped by power and hungry for more, she kept believing that no matter what she did, the people would remain loyal to her.

10. Having cottoned on to her weaknesses, a group of officials close to her had begun playing the fool with her, while she remained blissfully ignorant of the fact. Not only did she think their comments were funny, but she even repeated them to her friends and laughed over them. Some of the comments the President went around repeating were terribly humiliating for several government ministers and officials. "Madam you must have been the CID chief in your last birth. Madam you must have been the army commander in your last birth. Madam you must have been the chief justice in your last birth. Madam you must have been an economics professor in your last birth," they would tell her and she would go around repeating. It was a slight on the entire government to have officers laughing at elected officials in that manner.

Massive effort

We informed her of all these things before we defected from the PA. Even after we had made all the plans to leave the party and refused offers of ministerial portfolios, the President summoned Professor G.L. Peiris and myself and launched a massive effort to get us to remain with her. She even tried to stop Wijesekera from crossing over by appealing to him through K. Balapatabendi.

When I resigned from the PA, I was minister of samurdhi, rural development, upcountry development and parliamentary affairs. I was also deputy minister of finance and the SLFP general secretary.

As soon as we crossed over, the President brought several charges of corruption against me and commenced inquiries. Intent on making me take the fall, she summoned officers of the Bribery Commission and requested them to do everything they could to make me out to seem the perpetrator. When she could do nothing else, she made sure my declaration of assets was swept under the carpet and initiated legislation against me based on a false report drafted by a female lawyer. But she knows that she cannot touch me with any of these things.

After the People's Alliance was defeated in the December 2001 general election, Chandrika's role should have changed from an executive to a figurehead president. An example had been set for her by former President D.B. Wijetunga. When the present constitution was being drafted, Professor Nihal Jayawickrema had once asked President J.R. Jayewardene what role the president should assume in such a situation. Pat came the response from Jayawardene that if such a situation arose during his tenure as president, he would give up his executive powers and become a figurehead president only.

President Kumaratunga knows all this. Despite that, she continued to exercise her executive powers regardless from the moment the new cabinet was being appointed under Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2001. She refused to allow me to be appointed samurdhi minister. She also opposed the nomination of Paskaralingam, Professor Kumari Navaratne and Dhanasena Hettiaarachchi as ministerial secretaries.

But the fault lay largely with the UNF We had all the opportunity to mobilise a  massive people's revolution against the President exercising her executive powers and stopped her in her tracks. She turned up an hour late for every single cabinet meeting. Cabinet could have easily met according to the schedule and finished the meeting before she arrived. Instead we waited for her arrival to begin. One year down the line, she had started to appoint her loyalists to senior positions in the army and the police and taking control of matters of national security.

While we took various measures to curb her power-grab, we had absolutely no intention to let it escalate into a full blown battle between the executive and the legislature. When she finally wrested control of three ministries under the UNF, our supporters forgot all their disappointments and grievances with the party and came out on to the street in hundreds of thousands. Their support was given expression the day then Prime Minister Wickremesinghe returned to Colombo from his official visit to Washington. But even that day instead of using the power of the people to our advantage and launching a full-fledged fight, we chose to take a more moderate path to resolve the crisis. These were all bad decisions made because of the nature of our party members and our leader.

We believed in the promises she made in her letter to the speaker of parliament, her assurances to the Indian government and the donor agencies that she would not dissolve parliament while the UNF held a majority in the house for at least three years. This is why we chose to resolve our problems with the President through discussions.

Power-lust

All her actions during the two year tenure of the UNF; to undermine the government, lie to the nation, attempt to hoodwink the international community, disregard the law (by appointing the IGP and failing to set up the elections commission, etc) using the judiciary, police and military to her own advantage and her shameless acts of fraud and corruption only go to prove the depth of her warped, rabid lust for power. 

It is in the nature of man to want to live life for as long as possible, as happily as possible. This is why man desires wealth, power and sexual pleasure during his lifetime. Those who have won power fairly by winning a good fight derive happiness from a fulfillment of an objective, doing what he wants and earning the respect and honour of other people through his acts. He also derives pleasure from helping those who have remained loyal to him and supported him through his battles.

But Chandrika, who hijacked power by dissolving parliament in which the UNF had a majority has been unable to achieve this happiness even in a small measure. By insulting and taking revenge on her political detractors and opponents, telling earth shattering falsehoods, she achieves only short term satisfaction, but in the long run her actions have only earned her incredible pain of mind and stress.

To begin with, she was compelled to join hands with the JVP which is responsible for the assassination of her husband. This can bring her no joy whatsoever. Even if she were to make her peace with the circumstances that drove her to form this alliance with the JVP, it has no doubt caused immense pain for her two children. Naturally therefore, their pain would tell on their mother.

Secondly, she had no choice but to give in to every condition laid down by the JVP. This could in no way have been easy for her.

Having to hand over all ministries that called for close links with the common people to the JVP did not make her happy either.

Just as it could not have been easy for her to put up with the most low down insults meted out to her by none other than her alliance partners themselves. "Sleeping all day, awake at night, mouth dry and eyes black - like a bibikkama" her red brethren, said of her at public forums.

When the JVP protested her take over of certain functions belonging to their ministries, she had no option but to meekly return them - it was as if she were a dog cowering with its tail between its legs before a monstrous power. Naturally, this was not easy for her to digest.

Chandrika is in no way in favour of a economic vision for a strengthened state sector. This is why despite the UPFA election manifesto espousing these policies, the President unveiled her plans for a private sector oriented, pro- open economy a few months after the alliance assumed office. Nevertheless today, she has had no option but to make the country plod along steeped in an economic policy which is both archaic and has been a failure in many other developing countries, reducing those nations to nothing short of beggar states. This does not please her either.

Irked

As far as I can see, Chandrika's greatest political victory is her ability to look at the ethnic conflict without nationalist preconceptions. But even this perspective she has had to alter to fit the JVP's nationalistic, extremist stance within the new alliance. This fact also contributes to the President's mental anguish.

But above all else, having to appoint Mahinda Rajapakse as premier irked her. It was her mission to prevent Rajapakse from becoming opposition leader, never mind the premiership. But eventually she had no choice but to concede both because of the circumstances that were fast spiralling out of control inside her party and Mahinda's growing power base in the SLFP. She could have resigned herself to giving the premiership to anyone else in the party, but for the President, giving it to Mahinda was a fate worse than death. His appointment gave her great pain of mind, because she did it so grudgingly.

In the UPFA today, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle is a vital political player. But the fact remains that Chandrika was none too pleased with his appointment as chief organiser and also commerce minister. The fact that Jeyaraj holds such a senior party position and such an important portfolio does not please the President at all - in fact she is jealous of it and this leads to even more mental agony for her.

She had no choice but to give Fowzie a ministry and this decision did not please her either.

Still to satiate her lust for power and wealth, she has made sure to appoint her loyalists to all ministry secretary positions and important positions in state institutions. She has also assigned all powers to decide on tenders and the management of state property to various boards appointed by her. In this sense, she has usurped power from virtually every minister in her cabinet.

I remember one of the President's famous quotes from some time ago - "I would like to give over this presidency to someone else and keep only the finance ministry." Her statement appears to exude her total lack of desire for power and holding on to the reins and in fact there is no truth in what she said at all. But the fact remains that closer analysis of her statement would reveal her overwhelming desire to control matters of monetary interest and value.

She has not a cent worth of knowledge about the subjects of economics, management or financial control. But her holding on to the Finance Ministry during the previous PA regime only goes to prove her greed to accumulate wealth.

Now she has had to hand over the portfolio to Dr. Sarath Amunugama. But it is no secret that she still controls the Ministry. Treasury Secretary, P.B. Jayasundara practically lives at President's House. He doesn't heed Amunugama's advice. He does not make decisions with Amunugama. Despite this, Amunugama tries his level best to maintain cordial relations with Jayasundara in order to win him over.

Control

Despite the President holding on to control of the Finance Ministry, Amunugama has found ways to get around the problem. Strategically he puts certain mechanisms in place and makes decisions, much to the President's displeasure.

Some time ago Chandrika said "Deputy Finance Minister G.L. Peiris only reads out the budget." Her statement was published in several newspapers and aired on electronic media channels. The statement only goes to prove that her mind is simpler than that of a child's. Chandrika, who has not even passed her GCE O/L examination attempting to make a comparison of her academic and intellectual qualifications against that of Professor Peiris is unthinkable. But she went ahead and insulted him anyway. With regard to Amunugama however, the President is yet to go public with her personal opinions about him. In private though, she takes potshots at the Minister.

"Sarath is a rogue, he can't draft a budget. I am the one who did everything. Sarath knows nothing about economics. He has links with various conmen already," she has alleged to several officials and ministers. To Chandrika, everyone is a rogue but her.

Her problem with Amunugama lies solely in the fact that he holds the portfolio she covets so much. Simply put, she is jealous of Amunugama.

Despite her myriad troubles, great mental anguish about the current state of affairs, and her all consuming jealousy and greed, she continues regardless with her plans to extend her term of office indefinitely.

What more then needs to be said of her insatiable lust for power?

Madam Chandrika had no intention or desire to abolish the executive presidency whatsoever. Before the Presidential Election in 1994, she signed an agreement with the JVP that she would abolish the presidency within six months of being elected to power. On that basis, the JVP withdrew their presidential nominee for the election. But a few hours after the agreement was signed, she tore the document up.

Some time ago, UNP senior members Gamini Dissanayake, A.C.S. Hameed and Ranil Wickremesinghe agreed to garner the two thirds majority required to abolish the executive presidency. During the PA regime none of us were interested in abolishing the presidency  because it was necessary to protect the government.

In 2000, the PA presented its draft constitution. The draft constitution allowed for the abolishment of the executive presidency but also had a provision that allowed the President  to remain in office until the end of her term. Several parties in the PA and even Professor G.L. Peiris himself, having drafted the constitution were against this provision being included. But the President insisted. It was her hope that the provision would allow her to continue as President upto 2005 and then enable her to rule the country upto the end of her lifetime as executive prime minister.

Priority

The first, second, third and tenth priority of the government today is nothing more than keeping the President in power indefinitely. For the first time in the history of the world, the constitution of a country is going to be changed because of one person's refusal to give up power.

So shameless is the JVP that even they are willing to aid and abet this plan.

The JVP today has no backbone even to say, "we support any law to abolish the executive presidency, and change in the electoral system. But we are against Chandrika's efforts to return to power over and over again." This shocks me.

There is no point in calling the President a 'bibikkama'; in saying in public that she sleeps during the day. The only thing they need to do is put things in place for her retirement at the stipulated time. I know that 90 percent of the SLFP is happy to allow the President to retire.

She is only too aware of this fact. She knows the SLFP wants her to retire. She knows the JVP wants her to retire, she knows the other constituent parties in the alliance want her to retire. She knows Mahinda Rajapakse, SLFP General Secretary, Maithripala Sirisena and Chief Organiser Jeyaraj Fernandopulle want her to retire as soon as possible. But she is in no way willing to give up the reins in 2005. And so she continues to hatch plan after plan to prolong her stay in office.

She has several plans to achieve this end:

1.    Change the constitution so as to allow her to contest the election a third time.

2.      Abolish the presidency and set up an executive premier post and remain in that for all time

3.    Remove Rajapakse as premier and appoint Ratnasiri Wickremanayake in his place. In April this year, she would then resign from her position as president, and appoint Wickremenayake in her place. She would then enter parliament as prime minister and in October name Wickremanayake as the UPFA candidate for the presidential poll. He would win and then resign as president. Chandrika would then be appointed acting president and once parliament confirms her appointment remain in office for a third term.

4.      Dissolve parliament on April 5 (exactly one year after the last poll) and hold another general election seeking a greater majority of seats in the house. Change the constitution illegally thereafter and assume the position of executive prime minister for life.

This is how by December this year, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga will expose her lust for power and shamelessness in order to retain her position to the whole world.

She plans to do all this with a simple majority in parliament and approval from the Supreme Court.

But to do any of these things, she has to first win a referendum, a parliamentary election or a presidential poll.

The people of this country will never let that happen.

On the day of that election or referendum, the people of this country will sweep the Chandrika plague away.

I will join you in that struggle. These cuffs will not prevent me. These iron bars will not stop me. These high stone walls will not deter me.

Blessings of the triple gem be with you.

(More to follow)

JVP's deadline to CBK and internal battles

The JVP's politburo meeting last week lasted from 10.30 a.m. to half past midnight the next day. Interestingly, it was taking place at around the same time the SLFP's heated central committee meeting was unfolding. Everyone knows that the JVP usually holds such long meetings only when they have matters of grave political importance to discuss.

The JVP had decided that Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe would also hold a press briefing after the meeting. Many politburo members believed that the briefing was being held to make public, crucial decisions made at the meeting.

The main thrust of the politburo meeting was what the final decision was to be on the JVP's action plan within the government. But before any conclusions could be reached, the meeting became heated because of arguments between two factions.

MP Nandana Gunathilleke who is heading the 'comrade' faction within the JVP joined with several backbenchers to heap scorn on Agriculture Minister and member of the 'ministerial' faction, Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The MPs levelled several grave charges against the Minister.

The problem was with the government's proposed privatisation of water. The MPs accused Dissanayake of having undermined one of the JVP's main battle cries - to stop the sale of water resources. "Whatever you say now, by not opposing the proposal at the cabinet meeting on December 21, 2004, Anura reduced the JVP to virtually nothing," Gunathilleke charged. He added that this had been coming for a long time now, but no one had taken notice of it when he had brought it up at previous meetings.

Not stopping there, Gunathilleke also levelled accusations against President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera. He said they were involved in a highly strategic conspiracy to win over the JVP ministers and split the party. "Our comrades who are ministers are so consumed with their positions that now they have forgotten party discipline. We must make a decision about this immediately. A great many cabinet papers just like this one that go completely against our party policies have been ratified by closing our ministers' eyes," Gunathilleke charged.

At this point, Dissanayake and his deputy, Bimal Ratnayake were criticised by many in the party including MPs from Badulla, Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. They said that members of agriculture irrigation societies in their areas were coming to their houses and demanding whether Anura Dissanayake had been asleep while these proposals were being passed. "We have leaders and policies. We can't allow the party to be pawned off to Mangala and his set of boys. Today the President is a dictator. The tsunami has only helped her to tell us to get out," they said.

Amid this babel of noise, Dissanayake responded meekly that the water bill had indeed been ratified in cabinet and pleaded the politburo's forgiveness for allowing it to go through. He also promised that in the future, he would launch a battle from within the cabinet and also in public against the water management proposal.

How the President had foxed the JVP ministers was by having the crucial cabinet papers submitted in English.

It was Small and Rural Enterprises Minister, K.D. Lalkantha who won the praise of the politburo. The members thanked the Minister for voicing his opposition to some of the actions of the President and the government both in cabinet and at public forums. Gunathilleke however, continued to attack Dissanayake. He said that the situation today was a result of Dissanayake's silence when certain subjects allocated to the Agriculture and Irrigation Ministry were transferred to the Mahaweli Ministry through a gazette notification so many months ago. Gunathilleke said that Dissanayake had betrayed the party's battle against these moves back then, and this was the direct result thereof.

The time for decision making finally rolled around only at about 10 p.m. Samaraweera and several of his close associates had already found out about the events unfolding at the JVP politburo meeting. He found out because a member of the politburo had called him while the meeting was still underway and informed him that if things proceed thus, the government was at great risk of collapsing. Quick to respond, Samaraweera sent a message to the politburo then and there through JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa and JVP Leader Amarasinghe.

Samaraweera urged the JVP to refrain from making any crucial decisions at the meeting and promised to set up a discussion the next day between JVP leaders and senior government members. Despite these assurances, Gunathilleke's mood resulted in a great many decisions being made nonetheless. One among them was the decision to issue a statement condemning the President-appointed task forces to deal with tsunami relief. The politburo also decided to give the government two months to stick to UPFA MOU conditions when dealing with the tsunami crisis, failing which the party would withdraw support for the government. However, because of Samaraweera's assurance, the politburo decided to call off the media conference scheduled for the next day. The members decided however to give the SLFP two weeks to set up the discussions before reaching a final conclusion.

Thonda in trouble

The fact that the tsunami wreaked a special kind of havoc within political parties is no secret. The tsunami-effect was not limited to major political parties alone, but extended to several minor parties as well. For instance, the Ceylon Workers Congress.

While the trouble started off small, it eventually escalated to such proportions that it involved P. Chandrasekeran of the Upcountry People's Front as well.

Although the tsunami did not affect the CWC's main vote base in the hills, the party and its supporters were intent on assisting efforts to send relief to the north and east since Tamil people lived in those areas as well. Immediately post-tsunami, CWC Leader Arumugam Thondaman was overseas. Taking maximum advantage of the opportunity therefore was Chandrasekeran. Along with a group of volunteers from his electorates, Chandrasekeran toured the north east and helped with relief efforts in several areas.

Realising that Chandrasekeran could be involved in relief efforts in order to gain political mileage, several members of the CWC called Thondaman and appraised him of the situation. Thondaman however did not seem to be too ruffled by the news and continued his visit overseas.

His attitude caused much displeasure among several senior members of the CWC. A battle that had been brewing for some time now threatened to boil over after this latest issue.

CWC Central Provincal Council MPs gathered at the party headquarters in Colombo and urged senior party members to organise relief efforts for the tsunami victims in the north and east as soon as possible. The senior party members were of the view that whether Thondaman was in the country or not, several of them must tour the north east. Because the CWC is a party identified with its leader, a faction of the seniors were against this move. But Provincial Council Member, Govinda Raj insisted that the CWC should even get together with Chandrasekeran and start helping the relief effort.

As soon as he heard of this turn of events, Thondaman returned to the country.

Immediately several of his closest party associates informed him that there was a rebellion against his leadership brewing within the CWC. As a result, the first matter Thondaman attended to upon returning to the island was to suspend Govinda Raj's party membership. This decision proved to be an unpopular one. Several MPs told Thondaman that if word were to get out that Raj's membership was suspended because he suggested helping Tamil people affected by the disaster, it would not be good for the CWC. They were also of the opinion that this decision would also only serve to strengthen Chandrasekeran's power base.

But Thondaman appeared to pay little heed to any of these concerns. Instead, he embarked immediately on a tour of the east in order to 'teach Chandrasekeran a lesson.'

However, his tour was a flop since many of the immediate needs of tsunami victims in the area had been met by that time. As a result, the CWC Leader found himself to be without answers to several questions posed by the people in the area.

Under the circumstances, the cracks within the CWC are bound to widen in the weeks ahead.

Effecting cross overs

A GREAT deal of aid is being granted to Sri Lanka to help the country to deal with the tsunami devastation. Apparently, the aid is to go to the people to help them rebuild their lives. Whether or not the latter is true, enough money certainly seems to be getting put to good use politically - a report last week said.

The government members involved in the game plan include a prominent cabinet minister representing the Kandy District and a deputy minister from the Gampaha District. Behind the scenes of the tsunami disaster, these two ministers are engaged in a fascinating political chess game of their own. Their task - to make seven chosen MPs from the UNP cross over to government ranks.

The ministers have spent their days lately visiting the homes of several opposition MPs informing them that the government was further strengthened by the vast amount of aid coming in to cope with the tsunami tragedy. So join the government, the ministers urged the members of the opposition. They also promised the MPs that the government was ready with a legal framework to ensure they do not lose their parliamentary seats by crossing over.

Going to visit an UNP parliamentarian from the Kegalle District, the two ministers informed him that the President was just then at President's House, waiting to appoint him prime minister. They told the UNP MP that if he were to go to President's House now, he could be sworn in. Shocked by this information, the UNP MP responded that he could in no way agree to do such a thing. "Why should I be sworn in as prime minister? You have a very good premier now. If we change parties like this, the people will start to throw stones at us.Whatever we do, we will do united as the UNP," the MP said.

But the ministers informed him that the President was waiting to remove Mahinda Rajapakse as Premier. The MP, none too impressed, asked the ministers to kindly leave his home without wasting any more time.

At the house of the next UNP MP being canvassed for cross over, the ministers said that they had enough money coming in as tsunami aid and could therefore make the MP very happy if he crossed over. Promising him millions for his pains, the ministers urged the MP to join the government.

Mesmerised by these visits, the UNP MPs immediately met UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and informed him about the extraordinary propositions. They told Wickremesinghe that at a time when the entire country was getting together to rebuild after the tsunami, it was unethical for  ministers to come up with such proposals. They urged the UNP Leader to inform the President about the efforts of the two ministers to use tsunami funds to win over opposition MPs and also keep the country informed about the situation.

Lunch date

It is an old saying that in politics, there is no such thing as a permanent enemy or a permanent friend. Evidence of this was brought home to many by an incident at Temple Trees last week.

Mahinda Rajapakse and Sajith Premadasa, both Hambantota District MPs of the SLFP and UNP respectively have had many spats in the past. The conflicts were especially intense during elections. But one day last week, Premadasa not only stopped by at Temple Trees to call on Rajapakse, but even stayed to lunch at the Prime Minister's official residence.

Several problems had arisen during the reconstruction efforts in Hambantota following the tsunami, and the Premier was keen to iron them out. For this purpose, Rajapakse invited Premadasa, UNP MP, Dilip Wedaarachchi and the JVP's Wijith Ranaweera to Temple Trees last week for discussions. Premadasa was of the firm opinion that the 100 metre buffer zone should be properly thought out.

Rajapakse said he did not agree with the buffer zone plan either but added that as a responsible government they had a duty to follow through on decisions made by party leaders. Rajapakse also accepted Premadasa's point that all party representatives should visit affected villages and discuss solutions to the problems with the people themselves before reaching a final decision. He said however that in the end, the decision of the central government had to be adhered to.

The news that Rajapakse and Premadasa had lunch in Colombo spread like wildfire in Hambantota. Those that logged heads and criticised each other in Hambantota joined hands in Colombo, the people said.

D.M. vs. JVP

When the cabinet met as usual last Wednesday, President Kumaratunga was not present. Post and Telecommunications Minister D.M. Jayaratne had submitted a cabinet paper recommending a committee be set up to look into delays relating to granting of telephone connections to subscribers. His paper had also given a list of 10 people who could be appointed to the committee. But opposing this paper and the list of names contained therein were JVP Ministers K.D. Lalkantha and Anura Kumara Dissanayake. They said that since every single person on the list of proposed committee members were SLFP activists, the committee would take on a political hue.

Since Jayaratne has never been one to mince words, he lashed out - "I have enough proof that the JVP appoints every single committee looking to gain political mileage and consisting of party activists. If you like, I'll present this evidence at the next cabinet meeting. Don't try to intefere with issues relating to my ministry!"

Jayaratne added that he would not change the list of proposed members. If he was made to do it, Jayaratne said, he would resign from his portfolio. Trying to calm troubled seas, Dissanayake piped up that the JVP was only opposed to a committee set up by the cabinet. In the end however, the JVP had no choice but to support the proposals.

It was in the midst of this that the President arrived at the cabinet meeting. The first thing to ruin her mood was a cabinet paper submitted by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, about the construction of a school in Hambantota. She pointed out as soon as she saw the paper that such requests should be submitted through the relevant ministry. This was tradition, she said. The President added that since the ministry in question was held by her, she could not grant approval without properly perusing the proposal.

Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle had also submitted a cabinet paper. This was regarding the import of cement from Turkey at a very low cost. Despite Fernandopulle's proposals rarely winning the approval of cabinet, this one the President decided to allow to go through.

Newly appointed Minister Rohitha Bogollagama had submitted a proposal to resolve the transport problems resulting from the railway line along the southern coast being damaged by the tsunami. He had recommended setting up a ocean ferry service to take people back and forth. Bogollagama's proposal asked for permission to commission a craft that could hold 275 passengers at a time and would bring working people from Galle to Colombo and back again. But Transport Minister Felix Perera opposed the move. Perera's point was that since he was minister of transport, the problem should be resolved by him. After he said the proposal should be implemented through the Transport Ministry, cabinet granted approval.

Clash of the NGOs  over tsunami spoils

INGO personnel at work

By Frederica Jansz 

Thirty days in the aftermath of the tsunami a disaster of a different nature is looming on the horizon. This one involves multi million dollars and international as well as local non governmental organisations. So huge are the financial pledges that these organisations have begun to row over the spoils. So much so, last week in Kilinochchi, a heated argument broke out between representatives of UNICEF and local NGOs when UNICEF charged that local NGOs "are too small to work with."

And in the backdrop of ugly scenes such as these, additionally, a potential political backlash is also in the making in the backdrop of a massive number of international aid agencies having arrived in Sri Lanka pledging relief to tsunami victims.

Suspicions

Even as the government expressed gratitude to these agencies for having responded with impressive speed to Sri Lanka's SOS, coalition partners to the government have begun to voice suspicion that in the long term, foreign aid workers will do more harm than good.

Foremost is the charge that foreign relief workers are propagating Christianity among a majority Buddhist, Muslim and Hindu victims rendered homeless and destitute in the aftermath of the December 26 tsunami.

A high profile political leader who requested anonymity in view of the serious clashes Sri Lanka was exposed to between Christians and Buddhists in the months leading upto the tsunami, said, "a dangerous situation is brewing in the east - particularly in areas like Amparai where foreign aid workers are suspected to be advocating Christianity to tsunami victims who remain mentally battered and bruised since the killer waves robbed them of house and in many instances family too."

Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) Leader, Rauf Hakeem said dozens of International Non Governmental Organisations (INGOs) have arrived in the country with funding four fold separate to government to government pledges. It is in this backdrop he asserted that now religious tensions are brewing caused as a result of the presence of foreign aid workers. "It may be a silly accusation to make against them, but nevertheless, it has been made and this may very well lead to other conflicts," he said.

It is not just Hakeem who pointed this out. Local aid workers in the east are particularly worried that the situation may well lead to clashes. Additionally, is the charge that the INGOs are competing fiercely for work space in tsunami affected areas. So much so, that house rents in some of these areas have sky rocketed while local aid workers are demanding larger perdiem payments.

Executive Director, Foundation for Co-existence, Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe complains that despite staff from his organisation having been on the scene since December 26, helping pull out bodies and assisting families who had been torn by the tsunami, much of their hard work he said is now being marginalised by foreign aid agencies who are determined "to take over."

Rupesinghe is of course careful to mention that "we have to be grateful to the aid agencies. After all they came with good intentions to help Sri Lanka in her time of need." but having said that, Rupesinghe has also deep reservations on the long term implications of these people continuing to work in Sri Lanka.

But if Rupesinghe has reservations in relation to the expatriate groups working in the tsunami affected areas, local bodies have also expressed suspicion charging that Rupesinghe and his foundation has no business in tsunami affected areas as their mandate is to propagate conflict resolution and peace building initiatives and not become involved in humanitarian assistance.

Aid relief

Executive Director, Sarvodaya, Dr. A. T. Ariyaratne is also skeptical and critical. Having secured over Rs. 142 million in aid, since December 26, Ariyaratne has a well mapped out strategy to bring relief to the victims.

Working independent to the government and other aid agencies Ariyaratne says there is a key difference between his outfit and that of the government task forces. "The government task forces are functioning thus, command, control and coordination. But I work differently. I consult, corporate and communicate." According to Dr. Ariyaratne the aid effort by both government and INGOs "is in a total mess."

His comments were somewhat corroborated by an aid worker in Amparai who said hundreds of tents brought in by INGOs are lying in lorries in Amparai as the Government Agent Herath Abeyweera, has yet to make a policy decision on shifting tsunami victims out of schools and other public buildings to areas where the tents can be put up.

Slow aid flow

Another aid worker who requested anonymity also said that government aid to the victims has been very slow in reaching the affected. He maintained that absolutely no aid from the government reached tsunami victims in the first two to three weeks after the tsunami, but that all relief was supplied by the INGOs and members from local civil society groups and individuals.

Exactly one month after the tsunami, by January 26, an estimated 140 NGOs were working in the Amparai District alone. Of which nearly 100 are INGOs. This situation has led to house rents sky rocketing in the area as INGOs clamour for floor space out of which to direct their operations.

For instance a house usually available for a monthly rental of Rs. 15,000 is now being taken by foreign aid agencies for as much as Rs. 65,000 per month.

Resident Representative, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Sri Lanka, Miguel Bermeo says many of these INGOs are in Sri Lanka for the very first time. They are not affiliated to any UN aid agency nor had previous work experience in the country.

Another local NGO boss is furious. He claims that government agents of tsunami affected districts are cow-towing to foreign aid workers and discriminating the local NGO sector demanding hard cash be put on the table before they can be given the green-light to operate and work with the victims.

The problem is that many of the local NGOs have submitted appeals for funding which are yet to materialise into rupees and cents. On the other hand, international aid bodies have come in with a few million dollars, already in hand.

For instance, the United Nations (UN) and its partners launched a flash appeal to respond to the urgent and immediate needs of the communities severely affected by the earthquake and tsunami that hit coastal areas in India, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Maldives, as well as Myanmar, Seychelles, and Somalia, on December 26.

This flash appeal espoused the efforts of UN agencies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to plan and implement a strategic, efficient, and coordinated response to the needs of some five million people. Programmes focus on keeping people alive and supporting their efforts to recover, for example in the agriculture, education, health, food, shelter, or water and sanitation sectors.

The UN sought US$ 167 million for Sri Lanka, out of which US$ 41 million has been raised thus far as a result of this appeal. Monies which, Miguel Bermeo said, have already been dispensed to UN affiliated and other non governmental organisations. The UN in fact has asked for nearly US$ 1 billion to carry out relief work in all tsunami affected countries.

But the UN flash appeal has also come in for flak. Criticism is levelled against certain NGOs for having submitted budgets seeking foreign aid when their mandate before the tsunami was not focused on humanitarian assistance, but more on conflict resolution and peace building initiatives. A case in point is the Foundation for Co-existence.

Dr. Rupesinghe slammed his critics asserting the foundation has every right to seek aid in the context of the tsunami. He asserted that the foundation had a field presence and has been working on what is called "human security."

Code of conduct

He said this work is basically on the land question which is land lost by the Muslims. The foundation he said has been working these last two years to help regain that land and promote co-existence. "When this disaster struck we had to work with our communities where on the first day itself we responded to an urgent appeal to set up rescue and search operations. We have been working right through the process to bring relief," he said, adding that in this context "we cannot abandon these communities."

Rupesinghe meantime hit out hard at international aid agencies saying "international aid agencies are now monopolising the entire field and edging out local organisations. Even Seva Lanka has been edged out and they are a much bigger outfit than us as well have been working in the field far longer than us."

Rupesinghe charged "there should be a code of conduct between international NGOs and the local organisations - and co-partnership is a must."

He added that the INGOs are also not transparent in relation to the amount of funding they have received and "are robbing our staff by offering salaries three times to what we can afford to pay - they are thus scaling down our operations - making huge promises to tsunami victims many of which they cannot keep," he said.

The tsunami has served as a catalyst for securing multi million dollar financial pledges. Apart from official government to government pledges another whole different aspect is involved in gathering financial aid. Millions of dollars by way of private donations have been made via private organisations, groups and individuals.

Transparency

Oxfam together with a consortium of other INGOs for instance has received a massive amount of financial aid in the region of US$ 200 million, since the tsunami.

Oxfam is an INGO well recognised in the West, Europe and Australia, and individuals wanting to help tsunami victims know no other group other than this NGO to make a donation. Oxfam has an easy guide to instructing individuals and organisations how to channel financial donations on its web page. Similarly, Save The Children, the International Council for the Red Cross, and Care are among some of the INGOs who have secured massive sums of money in this manner. (See box)

Since the tsunami, Oxfam has recruited up to 30 foreign workers who have been designated to serve as managers at Oxfam in Sri Lanka. Not a single Sri Lankan has been recruited for these posts. Oxfam in the aftermath of the tsunami is operating on a budget of sterling pounds 3 million.

The question is how transparently will these monies be utilised. How accountable are these organisations to ensuring that these monies are channeled directly to the victims.

Even Bermeo, in his position as chief of the UNDP in Sri Lanka, possessing a streamlined method of handling such aid admitted that in the aftermath of the tsunami an unprecedented amount of foreign aid both in terms of relief and finances poured in making "it chaotic and hard to monitor."

It was not just Bermeo who was feeling the pressure. The Assistant Emergency Relief Coordinator and Director, UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Yvette Stevens told a news conference in Geneva that the situation was particularly challenging given that a widespread disaster  occurred in several countries. The UN was "used to dealing with disasters in one country," she said. "But I think something like this spread across many countries and islands is unprecedented. We have not had this before."

Executive Director, Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies (CHA), Jeevan Thiagarajah has his own concerns. He maintains that "there is a moral obligation" on the part of every NGO local and foreign to be transparent and accountable. "We market suffering and we seek support to respond to that suffering..." this focal point he maintained must not be forgotten in the rush to secure and deliver aid to tsunami victims.

A senior government official confided how the government was recently approached by "a foreign NGO representative" who pledged one million pounds on an annual basis to provide "training in Sri Lanka in the aftermath of the tsunami." What type of training had not been determined. It is this type of situation that Sri Lanka is now becoming fast wary of. Questions are already being asked - have we fallen easy bait to contributing to the existence of certain non governmental organisations?

T-word

Now Bermeo asserts he is in the process of establishing a monitoring centre in Colombo that will he hopes be able to identify the large number of INGOs in the country and monitor work progress as well as seek financial accountability. "Of course responses are voluntary - but we hope that we can this way at least capture the picture collectively," he said.

It has become increasingly clear that certain NGOs have jumped, feet first, onto a gravy train. One that begins with the big T- word. No longer is it terrorism it is now tsunami. The word works wonders in helping roll in lucrative bucks.

Thiagarajah for instance explained how a US$ 20 million aid donation for tsunami victims will certainly not all be distributed to the affected. A certain percentage he asserted ranging from 3% to as much as 40% maybe retained by the relevant agency towards operational costs. "This is why transparency and accountability is an absolute necessity," he said.

Tigers playing for high post - tsunami stakes

By D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The  Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam are engaged in talks about setting up a structured authority to oversee and coordinate all tsunami related rehabilitation and reconstruction activity in the North - East. The Suranimala column of last weeks "Sunday Leader" exclusively reported that a tiger delegation headed by pulithevan was in Colombo from Jan 15th to 19th for talks with a government team led by Jayantha Dhanapala. The facilitator was Norwegian envoy Hans Brattskar.The LTTE was scheduled to be in Colombo this week too for a second round of talks.

A remarkable change almost a sea change seems to have come over in the LTTE approach towards current issues. The LTTE is now very flexible on the question of setting up a post - tsunami structure for the North - East. While wanting to head the envisaged authority the tigers are prepared to accept three joint chief  coordinators representing the Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala communities. It is also ready to set up a coordinating council representing the affected six North - Eastern  with all three communities.

According to the LTTE the affected Northern districts of Jaffna, Kilinochchi and Mullaitheevu will have a coordinator each. All three with a predominantly homogenous Tamil population will have Tamils as coordinators. The Eastern districts with a largely heterogenous population will be different. The multi -ethnic Trincomalee and Amparai districts will have three coordinators each representing all three communities. Batticaloa will have a Tamil and Muslim cordinator each. Thus the eleven member council or task force will have six Tamils, Three Muslims and Two Sinhalese.

The Tamils will be appointed by the LTTE, the Sinhalese by the Government and the Muslims appointed by a majority of the elected North - Eastern Muslim MP"s. The Council will reflect the ethnic ratios of the combined North - Eastern population. The Muslims and Tamils will have three each in the East. The North will have only one from each district. So the coordinating council or task force will be East dominated thus avoiding charges of Northern hegemonism.

The prima facie flexibility displayed by the tigers seems truly remarkable. It was only last december that the LTTE was planning to announce quitting the ceasefire after Thai Pongal this year. Now the same LTTE was ready to join the Government in setting up a joint mechanism. The peace process was stymied by the insistence that an Interim  Self - Governing Authority (ISGA)be set up under sole LTTE control for the N - E. The LTTE was not prepared to compromise or even accommodate power - sharing options on the ISGA.The LTTE had been strongly opposed to accommodating the Muslims as an equal third party in the talks. Now the tigers were ready to be more than generous to Muslim interests.

Moreover the LTTE is seemingly prepared to put the ISGA or nothing demand in cold storage and opt for a task force structure with limited and lesser power. This is not all. It was in April 2003 that the LTTE quit the  joint sub - committee on immediate rehabilitation and humanitarian needs charging that it was too slow and ineffective. When this column criticised that action the LTTE responded by a barrage of vicious propaganda against this writer.

The highwatermark (or low) of that campaign was an article in the LTTE English flagship "Tamil Guardian"singling out this writer by name in a vituperative attack. No other Journalist has been attacked by name in the "Guardian" before or after. Belatedly the LTTE seems to have realised the validity of that criticism about jettisoning the joint mechanism and is ready for a changed stance.

The LTTE claiming the needs of the people were urgent has waited for 20 months now without any structure being set up. So much for the urgency of the situation. The very same tigers are now ready for another joint mechanism to address tsunami needs. The so called imperative needs of the earlier category of war affected refugees have now taken second place to the immediate tsunami refugees.

The UNHCR at least is consistent and humane. It has called for resettling both categories together. The LTTE like the government seems ready to abandon the people whose cause was used to justify the earlier abandoning of peace talks. Even now the government and LTTE will do well to revive the defunct SIRHN and address needs of both refugee categories instead of trying to set up a new authority.

The LTTE "change" is all the more interesting because of the visible "U" turn even in the post - tsunami phase. The LTTE and its propagandists overseas unleashed vicious criticism of the government after the tsunami accusing it of blatant discrimination. The LTTE and affiliated organizations wanted international aid to bypass Colombo and be channelled directly to them. Working together with the government seemed out of the question. Now the LTTE is prepared to work with the same government it vilified constantly.

The government for its part played cheap politics by preventing UN Secretary - General Kofi Annan from visiting LTTE controlled areas. The Italian envoy in Colombo too was chastised for daring to visit Kilinochchi. All this was to prevent the LTTE defacto administration gaining "legitimacy" it was argued. Earlier the same UPFA had criticised the ISGA proposal on somewhat similiar lines. Now the same regime wants to set up a joint mechanism with the LTTE. If this will not confer respectablity, power and legitimacy to the LTTE what will? Certainly not the Kofi Annan visit.! Only the JVP seems consistent in opposing LTTE involvement. After all it was the tiger card that was used by Kumaratunga to topple the UNP governmemnt and seek new elections.

As stated in these coumns earlier neither the government nor the LTTE are in a position to go to war in the aftermath of the tsunami. Except for the lunatic fringe on either side of the ethnic divide no one would accept or approve resumption of armed conflict in the wake of this monumentally calamitous tragedy. Public opinion will not forgive those who start war again. There will be international oppobrium against the warmongers too.

If fear of national and international political repercussions is the stick preventing a return to war there are carrots acting as incentives against war too.Chief among them all is what makes the world go round - Money! The international donor community is prepared to dole out massive sums of cash for tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction. The hitch is that these agencies and nations want both parties to work together as part of a joint mechanism.

It may be recalled that the Tokyo summit of June 2003 pledged 4.5 billion dollars for reconstruction after war and implementing the "Regaining Sri Lanka" plan. The condition was that both parties should progress along the peace process path. The entire thrust behind that search for peace was a "cash for peace" strategy. The development horse was tied before the peace settlement cart. It was hoped that the lure of lucre will promote peace in Sri Lanka. That approached failed miserably.The warring parties demonstrated that their mutual animosity was greater than their mutual need and greed for money.

Now the same donor community is back again with a fresh offer. The tsunami disaster has provided a worthy and very deserving cause. The immediate rehabilitation and resettlement of tsunami refugees and reconstruction of affected areas.If both sides played ball and reluctantly collaborated on post - tsunami renaissance then around 2 billion dollars at least will be doled out. The donors feel now that a collaborative venture between both sides will strengthen the peace process and pave the way for direct talks. In the meantime Govt - LTTE interaction on the rehabilitation issue will be positively advantageous it is felt.


Resettling the war refugees was not an issue close to any "Sinhala" government as 98% of the refugees were Tamil and Muslim. The tsunami refugees are around 40% Sinhala. Moreover the politically sensitive Southern Province is affected. So Colombo is forced this time to strike some deal with the LTTE and get its hands on the moolah to carry out its grandioise plans.

The LTTE too wants money. Nowadays it has become a financial conglomerate trying to eke, shake, make or take money.The tigers and affiliates like the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization have raised massive sums of money after the tsunami. Yet these are not enough to effectively reconstruct the affected areas and galvanise economic activity on a large scale. So international funds are very necessary. It is not as if the LTTE is driven solely by concerns for the Tamil people but it knows that money can be raised only in their name. Mirror image of the Colombo regime. When this aid is obtained and projects get going the LTTE will directly and indirectly make money.

So for this some compromise is needed. The LTTE has also learnt the hard way that it cannot lay hands on the big bucks unless and until it enters into a strategic partnership with Colombo. The same Tamilselvan who pulled out of SIRHN led a tiger delegation to Europe seeking separate funds for the N - E.. A dejected tiger political chief lamented in an interview that the international countries were not prepared to give the LTTE money directly. "They will give money only if we and the government seek it together" he said. Yet after the tsunami the tigers did try and strike out again. They failed and now wisdom has dawned. The LTTE now knows that it has to "bond" together with the government to gain funds.

Besides there is a major difference now as opposed to the Tokyo summit situation. The tigers were prepared to play the peace talks game in 2002 and 2003 too in order to get a slice of the economic cake. The problem was that the international community wanted the LTTE to adhere to some democratic norms and respect human rights. This was anathema to the LTTE. The LTTE wanted aid with no strings attached. It wanted the money but no "benchmarks" of pluralism, democracy or human rights. It stood up to the international community and now after many, many full moons the donors seem to have capitulated.

There is no insistence on democratic norms or pluralism or adherence to human rights codes now. There is no insistence on resuming the peace talks too. There is no reference to the ISGA demand too. All what seems necessary now is for the LTTE to forge some joint mechanism with the government for tsunami relief and rehabilitation and make it workable. The government keeps its so called sovereignity as funds will not be given the LTTE directly but channelled thriugh Colombo. Tiger affiliates like the TRO will get funds with the approval of Colombo.

The government may have legal authority over the Country but its writ does not run fully in the North - East.The LTTE can sabotage any project there. So the LTTE is needed to execute projects in the N- E. Like the story about the blind man carrying the lame man on his shoulders to pluck fruit from a tall tree both the government and LTTE are ready to join forces and share the booty.

When the LTTE wants something it is prepared to adopt any posture that will succeed. The tigers know that the major opposition to the LTTE being given control of the North - Eastern structure will come from the Muslim and Sinhala communities. So it is bending backward to accommodate them. The LTTE is more than generous in allocating representation and sharing power with the other communities because it does not want them to obstruct the tigers gaining overall control.

The LTTE and TRO are catering to some Sinhala and Muslim refugees too in the East to enhance its image.Sharing power nominally does not matter to the LTTE as it has absolute control over the Predominantly North - Eastern bureaucracy. The tigers have the unofficial power but not the legitimacy which is needed to get funds legitimately and officially implement projects.

Apart from access to more funds this nationally  and internationally sanctioned legitimacy is also needed to establish and expand its control among the Batticaloa - Amparai Tamil people. The tiger base is badly eroded in the East after the Karuna revolt. The power to rehabilitate tsunami victims will be beneficial greatly. It will also use this opportunity to coax, cajole and coerce new recruits.The LTTE will also develop its income generating capacity further.

Internationally the LTTE will gain more prestige and "legitimise" its fund raising. Security agencies abroad will not be able to check donations given to a legitimate rehabilitation authority in the North - East. Ironically one could channel the money through Sri Lankan embassies abroad.It can also gain more clout with the Muslim community. It will also strengthen its position vis a vis the armed forces. Hypothetically the LTTE controlled resettlement authority could "instruct:" the STF to transport a batch of children from a refugee camp to a tiger camp for additional "counselling".Conscription will be made easy.

What is frightening in this scenario is that giving legitimate recognition to the LTTE in this respect will give tigers "carte blanche" to do what they want in the N - E. Already the LTTE is accused of diverting. hoarding and misappropriating relief aid. People planning to go abroad on account of being affected by tsunami are being deprived of official documents. They have to pay the tigers to get them. There are charges of conscription from refugee camps too. Against this backdrop the potential for greater abuse and misuse of power is very much there.

What is perplexing is the move to give control of all affected N- E districts to the LTTE. One can understand the "hobsons choice" involved in areas under tiger control but extending LTTE "writ" to Government areas is incredibly absurd. An LTTE affiliate like the TRO could be one among several players if it is visible and accountable but creating an overall N- E authority is an invitation for trouble.IT can only result in more people of the North - East coming under tiger hegemony.

The LTTE is seemingly flexible only to gain control of a North - Eastern post - tsunami structure. The international donor community  and the liberal intelligentsia in the South must realise that the  LTTE has to genuinely adhere to concepts of pluralism, democracy and human rights in the Tamil areas in order to gain further legitimacy. It must also be transparent and accountable in executing funds. In this high stakes  game for tsunami relief funds the LTTE may seem to be playing cool but is actually desperate for legitimacy and funds. The donor community must raise the ante and call the tiger bluff.

A honeymoon nearing an end

The signing of the MoU between the two parties last year

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti 

The Boxing Day tsunami waves not only struck coastal Sri Lanka with all its ferocity a month ago, it has also created a serious dent in the relations between the People's Alliance (PA) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the two main allies of the ruling UPFA coalition.

Everything has its price and this is so true of the coalition between the PA and the Marxist JVP that have diametrically opposite policies yet stay together, spurred by the common desire to stay in power. The ad hoc alliance is nevertheless finding it difficult to stay afloat with several recent government decisions clashing with the JVP's nationalistic policies. The one thing that makes the Marxists hang in there is the split within their very own camp with the more powerful faction still unwilling to break free from the UPFA coalition.

Cracks in the UPFA

The honeymoon nevertheless is showing signs of coming to an end. Following the tsunami, many JVP members have begun to militantly express their opposition to several government initiatives of which they themselves are a part of. They have problems with the government mechanisms in relief distribution, the proposed scheme for rehabilitation and reconstruction of disaster struck areas, relocation initiatives and last but certainly not the least, with the government's proposed rebuilding programme.

In the meantime, President Chandrika Kumaratunga is finding the JVP's relief programme a politicised one, and one that undermines the PA's wobbly efforts to assist the disaster struck nation.

The first salvo against the JVP was fired by President Chandrika Kumaratunga herself who openly took broadsides at the JVP following the Marxists' much lauded work at village level in helping the displaced in the immediate aftermath of the tsunami waves. The JVP to its credit, managed to galvanise their cadres using its well organised grassroot network within hours of the catastrophe.

Kumaratunga, angered by this attitude minced no words when castigating an unnamed party for having labels on their relief work thereby politicising the humanitarian efforts. She called it, "ugly and unsuitable" of any political grouping given the magnitude of the devastation. This the JVP choked on without a whimper.

The Marxists, of late have shown tremendous ability to eat humble pie and to maintain diplomatic silence on most issues with the quietest being the otherwise vociferous Wimal Weerawansa, the fiery party spokesman who has lately been in the forefront shielding the executive presidency, an office his party loves to hate.

To Kumaratunga's blistering attack on the JVP using the national disaster to score petty political points, the JVP only offered a mild rejoinder. In an interview with the pro-JVP tabloid Lanka, Weerawansa stated that it was better to work with labels than not work at all. The significance of the statement nevertheless cannot be overlooked. The fact that the PA miserably failed to be effective at ground level is something that the JVP inner circles gloat about and added to the mounting criticism against the UPFA administration as one that failed to serve the community in its hour of dire need.

Open agitation

However, if Weerawansa for some reason is happy with the crumbs, there are those who have been agitating openly and within party fora urging more decisive action to save the party's political future. Chief among them is Small and Rural Industries Minister, K. D. Lalkantha who has for months been agitating for a clean break without compromising party interests. Slowly but surely, some of the strong Marxists within the JVP fold feel that they are being made to give into more moderate needs of the UPFA coalition which are at variance with the JVP's political ideology.

According to two members of the JVP politburo, the fears are very real as they feel that the JVP too is being absorbed into the "collective muck of the UPFA" and feel that their members were voted en block into the power house to ensure that the leftist agenda is not totally compromised by the new government. "We sometimes feel helpless and unable to contain the situation. We came in to inject a Socialist agenda to the UPFA's moderate liberalism. I believe it is important that we do not waver from our commitments," says Minister Lalkantha. His contention is that the JVP is largely there in the government for one purpose - to ensure that public interest is served collectively and him personally, to protect the rights of the working class.

But the infra dig of excluding the party with no role in the relief and rehabilitation programme has irked the red camp. Taking the three presidential task forces to task at a meeting in Anuradhapura last week, Lalkantha lambasted that they were nothing but personal committees of the President headed by her cronies. He went to the extent of advising the public not to be guided by such committees which do not reflect public aspirations.

CBK's cronies

According to JVP sources, it is not only Lalkantha who is unhappy. UPFA President, Nandana Gunathilleke is another senior JVPer who has been expressing his disgust over the government's failure to reach national goals and to work according to the agreed agenda. Time and again, Gunathilleke has been drawing the attention of the UPFA leaders to the collective failure to adhere to the ideals expounded during the formation of the coalition.

The programmes, according to a senior JVP source are not compatible, even when the JVP has adjusted its stance to accommodate the broader needs of a rainbow coalition. "On occasion, the blues resort to making sacrificial lambs out of us and even indulge in some name calling," said one JVP deputy minister, responding to President Kumaratunga's criticisms on the JVP's relief efforts.

Three weeks after the formation of the task forces, the Marxists are terribly unhappy about not having a role to play in the rebuilding effort. What is worse is that the government is slowly beginning to acknowledge that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) would have some role to play in it to the exclusion of the JVP.

In turn, they are now resorting to open criticism on both the TAFFREN and Centre for National Operations (CNO), headed by two Kumaratunga loyalists, Mano Tittawela and Dr. Tara de Mel. "Transparency and an opportunity for all parties were pledged, but not even in the lower rungs of the network do you find JVP members," says a JVP Southern Provincial Councillor.

What is more strange about Kumaratunga's decision to keep the JVP out of the rebuilding effort is that it received ample support from one of the brokers of the marriage between the PA and the JVP - Ports, Aviation and Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera.

Samaraweera was quick to instruct the state media bosses to keep both Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse out of the television screens and state newsprint - an order he extended to the Marxist party as well.

It is in this backdrop that Lalkantha launched the stinging attack on the task forces, as instruments of Presidential will alone and headed by personal friends who have no understanding of ground realities. Lalkantha's argument is that if they are committees of public choice they should also include members from all political parties and other interest groups just to ensure diversity and a broader approach.

Increasing indignities

Meanwhile, the number of indignities the JVP has to suffer is on the increase. The party has lately turned India friendly and has publicly stated that they did not mind the presence of Indian troops on Sri Lankan soil, but not others. Inside sources reveal that the JVP is extremely unhappy about the presence of US troops indefinitely and has sought an assurance from the PA leadership that they would be made to leave within a stipulated time frame. But the request, it is learned has not received a favourable reply.

Compounding matters, the PA leadership has decided to ignore the JVP's call to exclude the Liberation Tigers from any relief and reconstruction efforts in the north and east.

Further the government having initially resisted the idea of working with the LTTE on any relief or reconstruction programmes, it is learned has mellowed following the Norwegian peace facilitators' visits to Colombo and Wanni.

The Sunday Leader reliably learns that Norway has stressed the need to include the LTTE and the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO) if any rehabilitation initiative in the north and east is to bear fruit and earn public acceptance - a position the government has reluctantly acknowledged.

While mechanisms have not yet been designed, the JVP has voiced its strongest opposition and warned that the involvement of the TRO would grant the LTTE the legitimacy it has so far lacked in the eyes of the international community.

Carving a role for the TRO in the rebuilding efforts in the north and east was very much the focus of discussion when Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgarma met his Norwegian counterpart Jan Petersen in Colombo. Petersen it is learned has stressed on the fact that the LTTE could be encouraged to play a positive role in the areas held by them and stressed that sadly, those very areas have been battered twice - once by a man-made war and now by a natural disaster.

Authoritative government sources said, in the aftermath of all these discussions Kumaratunga is contemplating on how to bring the LTTE in to a government network of rehabilitation in this crisis ridden hour - not only to get the work done, but also to demonstrate her conciliatory attitude to the international community that has turned its microscopic gaze on devastated Sri Lanka.

And this means keeping the angry reds out of the initiative. If the blue camp's aversion to the reds is making any group happy, that is the green camp. It is learned that the UNP which has maintained a regular dialogue with the PA leadership following the Boxing Day catastrophe has suggested that the JVP's protests be largely ignored and to work with the LTTE for better results.

Losing momentum

And the more Kumaratunga delays, the less support she would draw from the international community that flooded the island with relief and logistical support but are wary, as government lethargy has already set in. In contrast, the JVP was active at ground level within hours of the disaster.

At village level, the JVP too is losing the momentum in manning relief operations. No longer can one find their Sahana Seva Balakayas (Relief Services Forces) driving around villages or helping people to clear the rubble. Their presence has considerably reduced with the arrival of foreign troops to conduct clearing operations in the most ravaged areas. However, the JVP still continues to hold the most successful health camps throughout the island.

Being marginalised and ignored in the relief and rebuilding efforts, the JVP has now begun backtracking on its own commitments. The party is now disassociating itself from the government's restructuring programme.

Distancing

Politically, it is far more crucial for the JVP to distance itself from the UPFA's move to restructure several state institutions paving the way for privatisation, chief among them the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC).

Holding the government's hand in this scheme, the JVP knows would prove fatal. The JVP nevertheless came on board with only whimpers of protest when quick efforts were made to establish a Water Resource Management Authority and an act of parliament was swiftly drafted to meet a May 2005 Asian Development Bank (ADB) deadline.

Strangely, it is an established fact that the draft bill ready before cabinet approval was signified on December 21 last year and this approval included the consent of the four JVP ministers who have been, like the rest of the Marxist camp vocally opposed to all types of privatisation.

To cover up the embarrassment, spokesman Wimal Weerawansa issued a statement of denial last week claiming that the JVP remained committed to their ideals and denied that there were any moves to privatise water. He further went to say that any such moves would be strongly opposed.

Adding a further twist to the intriguing tale, the four JVP ministers have now called for the review of the Water Resource Management Bill, which has already been referred to the legal draughtsman.

Meanwhile, making a passionate call to defeat the conspiracies of multinational companies is Lands and Irrigation Minister Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The ADB team ignored Dissanayake when they visited Sri Lanka last June to hold discussions with all stakeholders during a 10 day visit. Though at loggerheads with Minister Maithripala Sirisena who drafted a water resource management policy in contrast to his own bill for the conservation of water resources, Dissanayake too manages to stay in an uncomfortable coalition without protest. Except of course giving vent to his feelings in the pro-JVP Lanka claiming that all multi national efforts to gain monopolistic control of national resources should be collectively defeated.

Some of the lower rung JVP parliamentarians are unhappy about the party's decision to review the draft bill. They feel that a bill is only a reflection of a country's water policy and that should be rectified in the first place. "This is an eye wash. We will also fail to prevent it from going through," said a first time JVP legislator requesting anonymity.

With the water drama continuing, Minister Maithripala Sirisena has now taken cover under the so-called need for issuing licences for bottling water projects. Sirisena has been claiming that permits will be confined to such projects and would not cover individual consumers as criticism mounted on the UPFA's moved to convert a basic right of a citizen into a commodity.

Losing a role

But critics allege that if the Minister is only worried about bottling of water, it could be done by a simple gazette notification under the consumer protection laws and requires no fresh bill.

As things stand, the JVP has its cup brimming with the blues pulling in a different direction with obvious efforts to undermine the JVP's voice. Yet, strangely enough, the Marxists are still determined to hang on to the fall of Kumaratunga's blue saree and support to sustain a government in which they are fast losing a role.

CBK yet to request permission for adoption

By Shezna Shums 

Despite President Chandrika Kumaratunga's much publicised claim to adopt a child orphaned by the tsunami, Kumaratunga is yet to forward the necessary forms requesting permission for such adoption to the Provincial Probation Office of the Social Services and Child Care Services Department.

The chosen child, a Tamil girl of 14 years according to Kumaratunga, hails from the Trincomalee District. She was spotted by Kumaratunga during her tour of the tsunami affected eastern district of Trincomalee. At least that is what she said in an interview with CNN.

Only the Probation and Child Care Services Department and the Provincial Probation Offices  that derive authority from the department have the mandate to authorise adoptions. The Probation and Child Care Services Department deals with foreign adoptions while the provincial offices, deal with local adoptions.

Speaking to The Sunday Leader, Commissioner, Trincomalee Provincial Probation Office, N. R. Ranjini says that she has not received any request letters from the President regarding her plan to adopt the Tamil child, "What I know is what I have read from the papers," she said.

"I do not know where this child is," she informed when asked the whereabouts of this child identified by the President.

Speaking to Talk Asia, CNN the President stated that she saw "a sweet Tamil child at a center in Trincomalee" and that she wished  to adopt a child and this girl it would be.

Explaining further, Ranjini added that when people from outside the province wished to adopt a child from a particular province they have to write to the commissioner of the respective province, while people within the province can give a letter to the probation officer.

Local adoptions have to be done by the relevant provincial probation office.

Plans are currently underway by the Justice Ministry to make amendments to the Adoption Ordinance to accommodate the large number of requests for tsunami orphans.

However, Commissioner, Probation and Child Care Services Department, D. M. S. Abeyagunawardana says, "Adoption would be the last resort because we prefer to keep these children in the care of the extended family."

The ordinance outlines the formalities that need to be fulfilled for an adoption.

Father and mother

"We also have our regulations in adoption procedures, and the department would prefer to have them in place when a child is to be adopted. The child has to be adopted by a couple - a father and mother," he said, adding that it would guarantee the child will have a family atmosphere. That would necessarily disqualify Kumaratunga.

"Childless couples are also preferred by the department, when adoptions are being negotiated," the commissioner said.

These regulations have been set up by the department in keeping with the interests of the child in mind, Abeyagunawardana noted.

In the case where the child is over 10 years, his/her consent is needed if an adoption is to take place.

During the process of adoption the concerned party will be visited by the investigative officer to see if the home environment is suitable for the child, and the investigative officers will continue to visit the child and family after the adoption has been completed to see if the child is looked after.

"We also look into the social, economical and financial suitability of the family before a child is given to them to adopt, the department will also look into the mental and physical status as well, to see if the parents are capable of bringing up a child," explained Abeyagunawardana.

The department looks for familiar backgrounds before adoption takes place. However, adoption is the last resort, when there is absolutely no family for the child to fall back on.

Presently there are over 1,000 children who have lost both parents and over 3,000 children who have lost either a father or a mother, but the number of people wanting to adopt these orphaned children far exceeds the number of children.

Adoption procedures usually take around two years before a final decision is made. Investigations have to be made to see if the foster parents meet the necessary requirements and if the needs of the child are met, after which adoption papers can be signed.

There are currently around 30 children under the custody of the Probation and Child Care Services Department, while the rest of the children are staying with relatives.

However, the department also keeps a check on centers and other shelters in order to get the exact figures of children who have been orphaned, so that children in unsafe environments can be moved to a secure place.

There are also instances where a relative or a guardian can go to courts and legally obtain responsibility of the child for six months, and with further investigations this foster care can be extended.

Some of the requirements for an adoption include the fact that applicants to adopt children have no other children, they be not less than 25 years old, while their social, economical and financial standing be looked into, even police reports may be considered as past records.

However, in every adoption case the courts will also decide if there should be a maximum age limit for the adoptive parent. And depending on the age of the child, a minimum age difference would be required between the parents and the child.

Adoption programme

Due to the sudden increase in the number of orphaned children after the tsunami, the Probation and Child Care Services Department has started a programme to deal with this issue - in the first stage the provincial probation officers and the child rights promoting officers in the divisional secretaries will collect data related to child victims who have lost either one or both parents, and if they have or do not have a guardian.

Such information has to be brought to the notice of the probation officer in the provincial probation office or the child rights promoting officer in the divisional secretariats.

Arrangements have also been made to provide temporary protection for the unprotected children who are living with their relations, while it is also stated that provision of temporary protection of these children in children's homes or other places has been made.

Children may be institutionalised or removed from the community only as a last alternative, if it is found not possible to unite them with their families or the community, stressing that the child can be given for adoption only through the legal and judicial procedure.

This alternative should only be done as a last resort and if there is no possibility of returning the child to their relatives or community.

The second step would be to deal with the mental trauma of these children, and provide funds for the well-being of the child.

Meanwhile, speaking to The Sunday Leader Chairman, National Child Protection Authority, Prof. Harendra de Silva says that the adoption process will not be rushed for anyone as this is a lifetime decision, and the responsibility of the child is the most important matter.

He also noted that there are other ways where children who have lost either one or both parents can be looked after, and this is by the foster parent's scheme or by temporary care givers.

Prof. de Silva also noted that as the tsunami orphans hit the news, the emotional reactions of the people were high, and that after a while the number of applicants would reduce.

In this case he stated that priority will be given to the local couples who want to adopt children after which Sri Lankans living abroad will be given priority and finally foreigners, because finding a familiar environment for the child is important.

Paying attention to gender issues in the face of tsunami

The recent tsunami disaster has resulted in many deaths, displacement of thousands and destruction of livelihoods, infrastructure and property. Given the scale and complexity of the situation there is a rush to attend to immediate needs to restore normalcy, to initiate rehabilitation and reconstruction.

Numerous agencies; government, UN, international and local NGOs, and individuals are attending to the immediate relief measures, and soon a massive reconstruction and rehabilitation process will begin. Some will have previous experience and be knowledgeable and skilled in disaster situations. There are also many organisations/groups and volunteers new to crisis situations who are trying to help.

Despite good intentions, there is always the risk that important issues get bypassed. Experience shows that gender, in particular addressing women's issues in disaster situations, is a key area where there will be gaps unless given specific attention.

Although women and men have many common concerns, disasters do affect women and men differently: because of the different roles they occupy in community; the different responsibilities given to them in life; and because of the differences in their capacities, needs, and vulnerabilities.

Ignorance of gender differences leads to insensitive and ineffective operations that largely bypass women's needs and their potential to assist in disaster relief and reconstruction activities.

This note highlights important messages about addressing women's concerns and gender issues in relief and reconstruction.

Making initial disaster responses gender sensitive.

Relief distribution

Disaster relief that is gender sensitive requires:

 Close interaction with the affected communities during the relief planning process.

 Gender-disaggregated assessments for relief distribution.

 Employment of female relief workers.

 E.g. distributing provisions through women.

 Relief workers who are aware and sensitive to gender issues and humanitarian ethics.

 Recognition of skills and capacities of women from affected communities and their involvement in relief planning, distribution of assistance and in other emergency management activities.

 Relief that reaches sub-categories such as widows, old women, female-headed households, single women, disabled etc.

 Attention to the cultural concerns of different communities and elimination of culture/religion/gender based discrimination in registration, compensation and relief distribution.

 Adherence to the minimum standards set for relief distribution (e.g. the SPHERE standards).

Basic practical needs

Women have specific needs; and measures should be taken to:

 Ensure privacy for women in common areas of camps.

 E.g. provide women's "corners," separate toilet and bathing areas.

 Provide sanitaryware and rags for menstruation, and clothing such as undergarments.

 Attend to needs of pregnant and nursing mothers.

 E.g. provide infant milk powder, feeding bottles, infant clothing, nappies and mosquito nets.

Security and safety

It is a fact that in displaced situations, in temporary shelter and in camps, women and children are often subject to sexual harassment, abuse and violence. Specific measures need to be taken to secure women and children's safety:

 Take practical measures to protect them from abuse;

 E.g. secure sleeping arrangements, adequate lighting and safe location of toilets.

 Take steps to ensure that the community is responsible for the safety of children

 Where possible, assist and accompany women/children going in search of loved ones.

Health concerns

Women keep families healthy after disasters. As caregivers to the young, old, sick, disabled, and injured, women tend to put their own needs last. Relief and reconstruction efforts need to pay attention to women's health and ensure specific health concerns and needs are being addressed:

 Measures are needed to tackle the increased risk and incidence of sexual and/or domestic violence associated with major disasters.

 E.g. medical assistance should be available to women and child victims of physical or sexual abuse. Some women may need the morning after pill.

 Reproductive and family planning health services should be included in general health work.

 E.g. provision made for antenatal and postnatal care; pregnant and lactating women who may need nutritional supplements.

 The different physical and mental health needs of women and men need to be recognised and addressed.

 E.g. people with disabilities, elderly people and family care givers.

Trauma counselling

Members of relief teams need to be aware and sensitive to the issues of trauma:

 Gender differences in psychological impacts of disasters should recognise that women's anxiety also stems from fear and risk to their family/children.

 Training for mental health providers should address problems of highly vulnerable groups such as women headed households, grandmothers caring for orphans, battered women, women with disabling injuries, newly widowed women and men, women at risk of suicide.

Gender sensitive planning for rehabilitation/reconstruction.

In many communities, women take an active part in community disaster initiatives. Yet in larger, more formal planning, women are scarcely represented and markedly absent from decision-making. Not being sensitive to gender issues in development planning and disaster mitigation means that interventions are often only targeted at men. Sensitivity to gender is vital in order to empower a community to successfully move on and move up from the abyss of disaster.

Rehabilitation/reconstruction should promote post-disaster development that reduces risk of communities to disaster and empowers local communities. This means tackling the reasons why certain sections of society and community are more vulnerable to disasters. Rebuilding should happen in ways that address the root causes of vulnerability, including gender inequalities.

Women's local knowledge and expertise are essential assets for communities and households struggling to rebuild. To capture these capacities, disaster responders must work closely with women. In planning and implementation of rehabilitation/reconstruction, practical steps should be taken to:

Ensure the needs, skills and capacities of affected communities are incorporated in planning and implementing rehabilitation work.

 E.g. include women in housing design as well as construction; recognise and incorporate women's traditional knowledge and experience in managing natural resources.

 Establish on-going consultation with women in affected areas, women's bureaux, and women's advocacy groups.

 Evaluate and take measures to ensure women can participate in reconstruction and benefit from economic recovery packages

 E.g. Ensure that women have the mobility to participate in reconstruction and rehabilitation activities. Ensure meetings and events are held at times and places where women can participate; Ensure family caregivers have access to support.

 Strengthen informal social networks and link them to disaster-responding agencies and offices.

 Fund women's groups to monitor disaster recovery projects.

 Identify and respond to women's needs for legal services in the areas of housing, employment, and family relations

E.g. Deed newly constructed houses in both the names of husband and wife, and land rights for women.

 Give priority to social services, children's support systems and women's centres.

 Target highly vulnerable women such as single mothers, widows, below-poverty, unemployed women and socially marginalised women in reconstruction of damaged and new houses.

 Monitor relief and rehabilitation for possible gender bias and inequities that may develop over time.

 E.g. avoid unintentional overburdening of women with multiple responsibilities at home, work, and in the community.

 Monitor as far as possible the degree to which relief and recovery assets are equitably distributed.

Re-building livelihoods

Reconstruction must fully engage women and ensure that women benefit from economic recovery and income support programmes. Women's limited income generation and employment opportunities should be expanded in the process of developing local economies. In re-building livelihoods, practical steps should be taken to:

 Ensure rehabilitation and reconstruction target economically active women of all ages and social groups.

 Incorporate gender analysis into all empirical assessments.

 E.g. collect or generate gender-specific data; conduct a thorough analysis of damaged economic sectors (e.g. fishery, tourism, agriculture) that identifies roles of women and identify areas for their participation.

 Support income-generation projects that build non-traditional skills among women.

 E.g. provide women with fair access to construction-related and other non-traditional employment; include employment-relevant job training; seek out women with technical qualifications for training on specific projects such as overseeing housing construction.

 Incorporate women's income generating options in livelihood rebuilding plans.

 E.g. make provision for self-employed /home-based women workers in plans.

 Ensure access to grants and loans to re-build lost livelihoods to replace damaged or destroyed tools, workspace, equipment, supplies, credit, capital, markets and other economic resources.

 Include measures to support women's multiple responsibilities as economic providers and family workers.

 E.g. work with employers to develop or strengthen 'family friendly' policies for those needing time to apply for assistance, cope with trauma and help injured family members; provide assistance to family care givers to support them economically and ensure continued care to the injured, children, and disabled.

 Develop and commit to gender accountability and monitoring measures.

 E.g. monitor the percentage of women and men in construction, trade, other employment; the numbers of disabled women trained; the proportion of economic recovery grants and loan funds received by women; the working conditions in private and public relief work projects etc.; monitor and assess long term impacts on women and girls of disrupted markets, forced sale of assets, involuntary migration, increasing proportion of female-headed households etc.

- Ms. is indebted ITDG for these guidelines.

Recommended reading: Elaine Enarson (March 2001) Promoting Social Justice In Disaster Reconstruction: Guidelines For Gender Sensitive And Community Based Planning, drafted for the Disaster Mitigation Institute of Ahmedabad, Gujarat; Gender and Disasters Network (January 2005) Gender Equality In Disasters: Six Practical Rules For Working With Women And Girls; Madhavi Malagoda Ariyabandu and Maithree Wickremesinghe (2003) Gender Dimensions In Disaster management: A Guide For South Asia, ITDG South Asia Publication

Footnotes: Information draws from the recommended reading that is based on research and experiences from disasters in South Asia. The recommended reading contains more information and guidelines about policy and practical approaches for addressing women's and gender issues.

 600,000 deeds destroyed

Deed tsunami hits Surveyor General's Dept.

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti 

The Surveyor General's Department is envisaging new legal problems with some 600,000 deeds being washed away by the tsunami.

Compounding the problem, most of the demarcations have also been destroyed by the onslaught of the waves that swept the coastal areas, altering many of its features.

According to Senior Assistant Surveyor General, A. K. Visumperuma, terrible alterations of the geographical features of the coastal areas have occurred and that created fresh problems for the department.

"An estimated number of over 600,000 land deeds have been destroyed by the sea and that means where duplicates are also destroyed, we will have to launch a costly and exhaustive re-demarcation programme," he says.

But that is only the beginning of further trouble. With extensive sea erosion, the existing boundaries such as fences and parapet walls too have been destroyed.

A fresh problem has surfaced with most coastal dwellers being displaced - that of outsiders attempting to encroach upon the coastal properties. "That is well beyond us," says a licenced Surveyor, A. K. Gunathilleke. The state must prevent encroachment while also removing squatters. "We have huge problems when surveying land as squatters do not allow us to peacefully do our job," Gunathilleke adds.

Unauthorised dwellers

According to him, the department would strictly confine itself to demarcating land on behalf of legal dwellers. "Half the population living at the water's edge were unauthorised dwellers and their constructions too were illegal," Gunathilleke adds.

Before a demarcation exercise is undertaken, what Senior Assistant Surveyor General, A. K. Visumperuma suggests is the conducting of a special census on land ownership in the coastal belt. "For this, we have no mandate and the state should get other agencies to complete the task. Then we can simply demarcate lands and prevent many a land dispute erupting as a consequence of the ravages caused by the sea," notes Visumperuma.

Adding a new dimension to the problem, the Coast Conservation Department (CCD) claims that in specific areas - 15 in number - some 30 metres have eroded following the devastating tsunami.

The areas, recognised as "highly vulnerable" under the Master Plan on Coastal Management and need to be "ecologically rebuilt" to withstand extreme weather and natural disasters.

Visumperuma meanwhile adds that with one third of the country's population being coastal dwellers, land disputes will rule the day if authorities do not take some quick action and help the Surveyor General's Department to re-declare the boundaries.

Meanwhile, the Justice Ministry will introduce a new law titled 'Tsunami Disaster Special Provisions Act' relating to tsunami victims next month as an urgent bill. The bill with retrospective effect will prevent any descendants, ascendants and collaterals from making any legal claims to the property of the dead or those listed missing following the December 26 tsunami.

The bill will also curtail the issuing of death certificates of those who died consequent to the tsunami, conferring of custody of the offspring of the deceased and administration of their estates.

While the new legislation would address areas such as the diseased persons' debts including loans, mortgages and other sureties, conferring of rights on other qualifying parties - it is not likely to curtail the land disputes that may flare up, according to sources from the Surveyor General's Department.

Existing rights

"Preventing future claims is only one aspect of the problem. We are concerned about ensuring the existing rights and this is possible only if the survivors and current occupants of the lands adopt a conciliatory attitude," says Gunathilleke.

According to Visumperuma, erosion has been severe in the southern and eastern coasts with significant alterations in the shoreline. "Some parts of the coastal lands have been permanently lost and this has to be accepted," says Director, Coast Conservation, Dr. R. A. D. B. Samaranayake.

Kobe's wake up call to Lanka

The tsunami wave captured in Negombo

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti 

The United Nations is to support a move to expand Sri Lanka's continental shelf from 200 to 600 nautical miles in southern Sri Lanka where the coast has been severely indented following the tsunami.

The subject came up at plenary discussions in Kobe, Japan during the World Summit on Disaster Reduction where concerns of small island nations were extensively dealt with.

Part VI (Articles 76-85) of the Law of the Sea Convention (1982) and Articles 1 and 2 of the Geneva Convention on the Continental Shelf defines it in reference to the continental margin.

"The continental shelf of a coastal state comprises the deep sea bed and sub soil of the submarine areas that extend beyond the territorial sea throughout the natural prolongation of its land territory to the outer edge of the continental margin, or to a distance of 200 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured where the outer edge of the continental margin does not extend up to that distance," it states.

Sri Lanka also received recognition as a country situated in a "quake prone area" giving rise to fresh concerns about the island's security.

According to Director, Geological Mines and Minerals Bureau, Sarath Weerawarnakula, Sri Lanka is now considered an island within the earthquake prone area. "We need urgent national disaster management and mitigation plans," says Weerawarnakula.

With one third of the population occupying some 1,585 kilometers of coastal Sri Lanka, "the area is in deep crisis," according to the Geological Chief. He also fears for the safety of the massive reservoirs which may get affected if the central hills experience serious quakes.

"Tremors are all what we have so far experienced. But quakes would mean a new concern," he warns, adding that Sri Lanka should be "readied" for impending crisis situations.

Meanwhile, the Coast Conservation Department says that if Kobe is bad news, it calls for quick implementation of some salient aspects of the Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM), introduced in 1990 to address physical, environmental and biological concerns of the coast.

The ICZM's key concerns are erosion management, cessation of coral and sand mining, protection of scenic coastal spots and the prevention of loss and degradation of coastal natural habitats, he adds.

Under this, strict compliance was required from the public to new regulations seeking to regulate developmental activity within the 300-metre band.

According to Director, Coast Conservation Department, Dr. R. A. D. B. Samaranayake, in these "high hazard exclusion zones" of 60 meters from the waterline constructions are banned except estuaries, boatyards and aquaculture projects with required approval.

With increasing vulnerability of low-lying coastlands, more bad news follows the Kobe meet. Not only is Sri Lanka tsunami prone with a heavily indented shore but also is "twice as vulnerable" to flooding.

The real threat, according to climatologists is storm surges that are caused by rising sea levels connected to quake activity, tsunami's immediate impact as well as global warming - all of which make Sri Lanka's predicament a bad one.

A storm surge occurs when water levels rise due to water piling up against a coast under strong onshore winds such as intense storms and cyclones.

Alarm bells have begun to ring for Sri Lanka following the startling revelations made in Kobe, says Science and Information Technology Minister, Dr. Tissa Vitharana.

Calling for quick action to avert tsunami repeats, Vitharana advocates strict implementation of the 100 metre buffer zone policy. "Geologists are predicting similar events," Vitharana notes.

Meanwhile, the UNHCR has urged the government to rethink the 100-meter buffer zone policy as it could create "further displacement." "There could be a swell in the ranks of the thousands displaced by the tsunami," UNHCR warns.