wrath and JVP's pledge to back PM
While the SLFP-JVP alliance reached
breaking point last week following President Chandrika
Kumaratunga's decision to call the bluff on....
transport kota uda
wrath and JVP's pledge to back PM
Rajapakse, Somawansa Amarasinghe, Mangala Samaraweera
and Chandrika Kumaratunga
While the SLFP-JVP alliance reached
breaking point last week following President Chandrika
Kumaratunga's decision to call the bluff on constant
threats issued by the Marxists to quit the government,
the opposition UNP decided it will launch an all out
campaign against the administration commencing this week
both in and out of parliament.
Unable to progress either on the
economic or political fronts because of obstacles placed
in her path by the JVP, the President finally lost her
cool with the main coalition partner last week and asked
them to quit if they so wished.
Though not identifying the JVP by name,
the implication was obvious given the references to
objections raised in her dealing with the LTTE, without
which of course the desperately needed funds even for
the post tsunami reconstruction will not be forthcoming
in the required numbers.
And rubbing salt to their wounds, the
President went further and charged it was those very people
who were wanting her dead now more than even LTTE Leader,
Given the President's statement, the
JVP had to decide either to stomach the insult and risk losing
credibility with the electorate or take up Kumaratunga on the
challenge and precipitate the fall of the UPFA administration,
none of which they were prepared to do immediately.
To the JVP, it was a no win situation
and with one masterful statement, Kumaratunga had not only
reduced the Marxists to a pitiful state but also enhanced her
standing in the eyes of the electorate as a leader prepared to
risk it all rather than be threatened into submission by the
In making her challenge, the President
also no doubt realised, the JVP would be hard put to obtain
the 39 parliamentary seats currently enjoyed if the party went
it alone in the event of a snap general election and gambled
on the Marxists eating humble pie.
For in a situation where the SLFP and
JVP are divided, there is no gainsaying the UNP would romp
home a winner at a general election. Even otherwise the UNP
would emerge as the single largest party in parliament if the
Marxists merely withdraw from government and that is a chance
the likes of Wimal Weerawansa just did not want to take.
Face saving mechanism
Thus, in the wake of the President's
statement, the JVP looked for a face saving mechanism to stay
in government whilst continuing with their opposition to
dealing with the LTTE both on the ISGA and the establishment
of a mechanism to handle the post tsunami reconstruction in
the north east.
What the JVP in effect decided was to
continue with their own strategy, forcing the President to
make the first move to break the alliance or live and let
live. But that was a situation the President was not prepared
to go along with and made it clear to all emissaries the JVP
will have to toe the line or else.
In fact, with the crisis between the
JVP and Kumaratunga simmering, Media Minister Mangala
Samaraweera on Sunday, February 6, sought a meeting with the
President to discuss the issue, hoping a compromise would be
With Kumaratunga having a busy schedule
during the day that Sunday, Samaraweera was invited for dinner
to discuss the current state of the alliance and the duo sat
down to it over red wine at President's House about 7:45 p.m.
Initially the duo engaged in light
banter as well as the on going tsunami rehabilitation effort
and having got the President in the right frame of mind over
the flowing wine, Samaraweera broached the issue of the JVP.
Making a case for the JVP, Samaraweera
began to outline the difficulties faced by the Marxists at the
hands of the SLFP within the alliance and stressed the
importance of having a united approach to ensure stability of
"It is time to resolve those
problems between you and the JVP," Samaraweera added,
only to see the President retorting sharply, "What
Not cowed down by the President's
response, Minister Samaraweera once again reiterated the
grievances of the JVP, with emphasis on violations of the MoU
signed between the two parties by the President to the
detriment of the Marxists.
The comments of Samaraweera saw the
President's mood transforming completely from one of good
humour to anger and snapped she, "Here Mangala, learn to
be a little more practical. Do you think that anything the JVP
is suggesting can be implemented? It is all impractical."
Samaraweera however was at a different
wavelength and told the President what was of paramount
importance was not practicality but keeping the government
intact and if the current trend continued, the survival of the
government would be at stake.
Responded Kumaratunga - "That is
why I told you Mangala, you are not practical. You are caught
in the JVP's trap. You better find a way of getting out of it
immediately and start thinking independently again. Leave the
so-called problems in the alliance for me to deal with."
The President went on to point out that
during her recent visit to Matara, the people told her they
came because of her and not Samaraweera since they were
disappointed with the Minister.
"They said you were neglecting the
SLFPers and addressing issues of other party members. In
contrast, when I went to Beruwela, the SLFPers were full of
praise for Rothitha (deputy minister of telecom) stating he
was attending to problems of the SLFPers. That is the
difference," Kumaratunga added.
Not relenting, Samaraweera said at the
time the SLFP-JVP agreement was reached, many pledges were
made to the Marxists and the honourable course of action was
to act accordingly and reach a compromise, which comments only
made Kumaratunga even angrier.
Shot back the President - "These
people won't let us govern. They don't like the fact that we
are doing it either. These JVP fellows were conspiring to
swallow the SLFP as a whole so that we cease to exist as a
party. When this alliance was being formed, I warned you of
this development and said my father and mother would curse the
alliance from their graves. That was because I suspected even
then that the JVP was trying to destroy the SLFP from within.
Now I know for sure from the day the MoU was signed the JVP
was attempting to destroy the SLFP and emerge as the principal
Explaining how the JVP was
systematically destroying the SLFP including infiltration, the
President added, "Through Ruwan Ferdinandez they very
cleverly landed our members in their pockets. Take Anura. He
does not understand anything. He has been completely
brainwashed and now he is practically living inside their
pockets. You people stay out of this. I will deal with it and
resolve the issue. They will eventually toe the line."
Thus, a meeting which got off on a
friendly note ended sour, with Samaraweera realising he was
fast losing clout with the President, who in his view was
traversing a politically suicidal course.
JVP moves in on PM
But the JVP were no babes in the woods
either and moved to sow their own seeds of dissension within
the SLFP and in the face of Kumaratunga's belligerence,
started lobbying Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse.
The JVP knew only too well, Rajapakse
was aspiring to be SLFP's presidential candidate and that his
chances would be greatly enhanced if he had the backing of the
Marxists and accordingly sent a clear signal to that effect.
The JVP was also alive to the
undercurrents within the SLFP and believed strengthening
Rajapakse's hand at this stage would help isolate the
President and provide them a dominant role in the alliance
given the fact a majority of MPs did not want another snap
And with the President refusing to give
the JVP an audience, the Marxists thought the time was right
to bell the cat and bell the cat they did.
It was the previous week in parliament,
the JVP made its move whilst the Prime Minister was in the
chamber engaged in conversation with fellow SLFPers. The move
came in the form of a telephone call from JVP Leader,
Somawansa Amarasinghe in London.
And up to this point, the JVP Leader
had reserved his dealings with SLFP seniors to Ministers
Lakshman Kadirgamar and Mangala Samaraweera, with Rajapakse
kept at a safe distance.
But times were about to change with the
JVP now planning as a tactical move to woo Rajapakse.
Amarasinghe first called on Wimal
Weerawansa's mobile phone and having discussed the latest
political developments said he would speak with the Premier,
following which the JVP Propaganda Secretary proceeded to the
chamber and passed on the message to Rajapakse.
Interestingly, Marxist Weerawansa's
mobile phone is state-of-the-art and merits description. It
costs around Rs. 150,000 and has an in built video camera, MMS
technology and is WAP compatible. In short, Weerawansa walks
around with a mini computer and fax machine including a very
powerful digital video and still camera.
Thus, when the Premier walked out of
the chamber and took Weerawansa's mobile to answer
Amarasinghe's call, he was surprised at the sophistication of
the phone and could not resist making a comment.
"Shaa, what a great phone you have
Wimal. First time I am seeing a mobile like this," the
Thereafter, Rajapakse started talking
to Amarasinghe and was soon told the President was treading a
dangerous path which could threaten the survival of the
Stating the political situation was
going from bad to worse, the JVP Leader told the Premier he
intends returning to Sri Lanka soon to address the unfolding
developments and would like to meet with Rajapakse.
Tirade against the President
Said Amarasinghe - "The decision
to boycott the tsunami debate in parliament was the mildest
course of action adopted by the party. That decision will not
affect the government too adversely. We are sorry if any
embarrassment was caused as a result. In any event if there
was going to be a vote, we would have come to the government's
With that said, the JVP Leader went on
a tirade against President Kumaratunga much to the
embarrassment of Prime Minister Rajapakse.
Said Amarasinghe to Rajapakse,
"According to whose tune is she dancing? Even if not
today or tomorrow, if this trend continues, the JVP will be
forced to leave the government before long. But we will not
desert you. We know that you too have problems with the
President. We will support you."
The Prime Minister in turn told the JVP
Leader, he will do his best within his power to iron out the
differences and thanked Amarasinghe for his expression of
support to him.
With the conversation over, the Prime
Minister handed the mobile back to Weerawansa and began to
question him on the sophisticated gadget.
Weerawansa happily briefed the Premier
on all the features of the phone including its cost and said,
"Its not too expensive, you should also buy one."
Quipped Rajapakse, "Where do we
have such luxuries Wimal? The government has given us mobile
phones that are like bricks. I will just continue to use the
one I have been given."
But the assurance of support to
Rajapakse extended by the JVP Leader was not lost on the
Premier and he informed confidants, his bid for the
presidential election nomination would be greatly strengthened
if the JVP backing was forthcoming.
It was in this backdrop, the President
on Sunday, February 13, made her statement in Nittambuwa, on
the JVP, practically asking the Marxists to get out of the
And a call received from Deputy
Minister, Pandu Bandaranayake on her way to the meeting with
regard to the Gampaha Cooperative Society election only helped
condition the President's thinking against the JVP that much
more, leading to the onslaught.
Bandaranayake informed the President
the JVP was attempting to push the SLFP out of the cooperative
system and capture power themselves notwithstanding the
alliance and there was little he could do to stop it.
Bandaranayake was basically saying that
despite being in an alliance, the JVP was intent on crushing
its alliance partner. He added that a JVP provincial council
member was also claiming to be terrorised and making false
statements at various police stations and that SLFP supporters
were having many problems with the Marxist party on the
Listening to all this, the President
was fast losing patience. Advising the Deputy Minister about
the course of action to pursue, she said "I am also just
on my way to Attanagalla. You continue with the election work.
I will look after the rest."
Soon afterwards the President reached
the meeting venue and while she was seated on stage several
phone calls came from Deputy Minister Bandaranayake, who kept
updating her about the situation. In his last call that came
minutes before her speech, Bandaranayake told the President
the SLFP had lost and the JVP had won the election. With all
this brewing inside of her, President Kumaratunga got up to
give her speech. And the rest is history.
And JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal
Weerawansa found out about the President's speech in
Attanagalla about one and a half hours after she made it, on
being informed by a journalist of a Sinhala daily. The
reporter informed the JVP MP about what the President had
said, after which Weerawansa requested him to repeat it
verbatim. Fifteen minutes later, the reporter called back and
repeated the speech. He told Weerawansa that he had got it off
the area correspondent who had covered the rally.
Having got all the details,
Weerawansa's first call was to Minister Mangala Samaraweera.
The Minister told the JVP MP that he would find out more about
it and call him back. But the news of the President's speech
was spreading like wildfire among the JVP members. General
Secretary Tilvin Silva was of the opinion that JVP Leader,
Somawansa Amarasinghe should be informed about the turn of
events immediately and an emergency politburo meeting
Later that same night, Weerawansa went
to Minister Samaraweera's residence for a discussion. The main
topic at hand was of course the President's statement.
Uncharacteristically, Samaraweera told Weerawansa that he too
was very disappointed at the statement. It was the first time
the close confidant of President Kumaratunga had ever made a
comment critical of the President.
Samaraweera also went on to detail the
proceedings of the dinner he had with the President one week
earlier (February 6) and told the JVP MP that he had smelt a
rat even then that Kumaratunga was going to make some crazy
Next, the two discussed what they
thought the President's next course of action would be. They
thrashed out different theories and finally called up Foreign
Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and appraised him of the
situation as well. Kadirgamar also expressed fear about the
President's next move. Kadirgamar said during the phone call
that the President appeared to be pursuing her own political
agenda without consulting Samaraweera or himself.
Given these developments, the JVP too
had to take stock of the situation and despite JVP General
Secretary, Tilvin Silva wanting to summon an emergency
politburo meeting on Monday (14), instructions from JVP
Leader, Somawansa Amarasinghe in London were to the contrary.
He told Silva that under no circumstances were the politburo
or the executive committee of the party to be summoned,
knowing full well that if such a meeting took place, the
leadership would have no choice but to bow to the decision of
the majority. Instead, Amarasinghe instructed Silva to meet
with senior party members in order to discuss a tactical way
to deal with the situation.
Thus, on Monday, February 14, Silva,
Weerawansa, Vijitha Herath and a few others met at the JVP
headquarters at about 10 a.m. After a discussion that lasted
over two and a half hours, the members decided they would not
respond to the President's speech at all. The reasoning behind
the decision was that if a response was made, the JVP's image
would suffer with the voters.
They also decided to remain in their
ministerial positions because it would otherwise give the
wrong message to the people that the JVP ministers stepped
down because they could not face up to the challenge posed by
It was also decided at the meeting that
the best course of action would be for the JVP to use all the
clout it had with Ministers Mangala Samaraweera and Lakshman
Kadirgamar to make the President withdraw the statement
herself. They also decided that while they should remain with
the government strategically, rumours should also be spread
around the country in the next two months that the JVP was
planning to quit the UPFA. The idea was to get the President
to panic and be more amenable for a compromise.
All the JVP's decisions at this meeting
were subsequently conveyed to Minister Mangala Samaraweera by
Wimal Weerawansa. Accordingly, Samaraweera ensured the
President got the message as well, but no response was
forthcoming from Kumaratunga. Finally, Samaraweera decided to
summon a meeting of the Deputy Ministers Forum and appraise
them of the situation.
Accordingly, Minister Samaraweera
arranged to meet Deputy Ministers Lasantha Alagiyawanna and
Mahindananda Aluthgamage. He told the Deputy Ministers that
unless something was done soon, the alliance would collapse.
Minister Samaraweera and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar
also spoke to Treasury Secretary, P.B. Jayasundera and Senior
Presidential Advisor, Mano Tittawela and told them to push the
President into reaching some kind of compromise on the problem
with the JVP.
Rectifying the situation
However, when Alagiyawanna and
Aluthgamage met the President, she refused point blank to back
down, saying her statement was perfectly fine. And throughout
Monday, the operation to get the President to back down
continued and eventually Kumaratunga agreed to rectify the
Finally at about 6.30 p.m.,
Alagiyawanna and Aluthgamage called up Minister Samaraweera.
They told him that the President would issue a statement via
her Director General Media, Eric Fernando before 8 p.m. that
night. They told the senior minister the statement would say
the President never made the statement attributed to her in
Attanagalla. It was really a clarification, they told
Samaraweera. They also said before the statement was sent to
the relevant media organisations, it would be faxed to
Weerawansa as well.
Samaraweera immediately called
Weerawansa and told him to expect the fax. But till 7:30 p.m.,
Weerawansa waited in vain for the fax. At 7:55 p.m., however,
the fax did come, but it was far from satisfactory for
Weerawansa since there was nothing in it that had been
promised. The President's statement merely said that in her
speech she had not specifically referred to the JVP.
Calling up Samaraweera, Weerawansa
complained - "This won't work. There is no clarification
here. We also will have to make certain attacks in the future
then." Samaraweera responded he also thought it best if
some pressure was put on the President to make her realise the
errors of her ways.
Thus, the JVP too thought it fit to up
the stakes and decided that before February 16, all JVP
ministers and deputy ministers should resign from their
portfolios in protest.
As soon as the decision was made, Wimal
Weerawansa informed Minister Mangala Samaraweera of the
impending action. The Minister then got activated promptly and
took steps to prevent this disastrous development for the
government. Calling up Deputy Ministers Lasantha Alagiyawanna
and Mahindananda Aluthgamage, he asked them to inform the
President of the threat immediately.
President Chandrika Kumaratunga at the
same time had spent the day in discussions with Treasury
Secretary, P.B. Jayasundera and Senior Presidential Advisor,
Mano Tittawela about the JVP's position and other matters and
it had been decided that on Tuesday (15) night, the President
would meet a group of deputy ministers for discussions.
The thinking of the trio at this
meeting was that by the President holding a tough line, a
compromise can eventually be reached on the political front in
exchange for the JVP conceding on the economic and education
Unaware of Kumaratunga's game plan,
Weerawansa and Samaraweera decided the best way to neutralise
the escalating tension would be for the Deputy Ministers Forum
to issue a statement contradicting the President's speech.
Weerawansa said that if the forum issued a statement stating
that it remained committed to keeping the alliance intact, it
might make the JVP reconsider their decision to make the JVP
Minister Samaraweera thereafter called
Alagiyawanna and Aluthgamage and informed them about the need
to issue such a statement, but the two deputy ministers flatly
refused, stating the responsibility of issuing official
statements lay with Deputy Minister Dilan Perera alone.
Samaraweera then called Dilan. "If
the forum issues a statement saying that it did not agree with
the President's speech, we could control the situation until
we meet with the President," the Minister said. But
Perera was none too impressed and responded in a way
Samaraweera never expected him to.
"I am not ready to issue such
statements. I will never sign a statement that might cause
harm to the President. But I am committed to protecting the
alliance. If the President asks me to, I will issue the
statement," Perera said.
Checkmated, Samaraweera's next decision
was to issue the statement himself. With him having done so,
the JVP was finally satisfied given the fact the statement by
implication said he would not allow even the President to
break up the alliance.
And while Samaraweera was busy issuing
a statement according to the JVP's wishes, a group of deputy
ministers were gathered at President's House to meet President
Kumaratunga. Among them were Deputy Ministers Lasantha
Alagiyawanna, Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Dilan Perera.
The meeting between the President and
the deputy ministers which commenced Tuesday night went on
till 1 a.m. the next day. Stating her position very clearly,
the President told her junior ministers that if the JVP was
going to keep threatening to quit the government, she would
also take stern action.
"Those people are ministers today
thanks to us. After April 2, I am going to dissolve
parliament. Then they will come down to earth. Give this
message to Mangala and the JVP also," the President said.
Finally, however, the President did
come to some kind of agreement to send JVP General Secretary,
Tilvin Silva a confidential letter. In that letter, the
President was to promise Silva she would take steps to set the
UPFA back on course. The President was to also respond
positively to a JVP request to set up a special committee that
would make crucial decisions for the government.
Minister Samaraweera got news of this
at about 1 a.m. on Wednesday, around the same time the meeting
concluded at President's House. He immediately called
Weerawansa to give him the news. Having had so many sleepless
nights, the parties concerned finally went to bed resting easy
thinking that the crisis was well on the way to being
The next day, the President advised her
staff to draft the letter to Weerawansa. After it was drafted,
Kumaratunga changed it three times. At about 2 p.m. on
Wednesday (16), Weerawansa received the missive. But it
contained nothing of what was promised to the deputy ministers
the night before. It contained a statement of clarification by
Eric Fernando and a covering letter by Kumaratunga. This
letter was succinct but biting.
Asserting her previous position, the
letter only attacked the JVP further, stating she will no
longer suffer in silence the humiliation meted out to her
personally and the government any further. Having got the
response, Weerawansa immediately called up Samaraweera to tell
him what the contents of the letter had been.
"It is clear what the President's
position is. Although the letter is confidential, we will have
to inform our supporters of this," Weerawansa told the
And by Friday, the JVP was struggling
for air desperately trying to cling on to Kumaratunga despite
her making it extremely uncomfortable for the Marxists.
Thus, while Kumaratunga's actions may
finally lead to the collapse of the alliance, she will at
least be credited for humbling the Marxists.
The ides of March, it seems, will spell
doom for the UPFA, unless of course Kumaratunga backs down.
to dissolve cluster bus companies
transport kota uda
Minister Felix Perera
By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema
The country's transport sector is
currently in a quandary due to the ad hoc decisions made by
the Transport Ministry.
Transport Minister, Felix Perera's
decision to re-establish the Central Transport Board (CTB), in
other words to dissolve the cluster bus companies, has caused
much controversy with the public bus companies threatening to
strike if their existence is threatened by the decision.
No increase in productivity
The failure of the CTB as well as the
cluster bus companies to minimise losses and increase
productivity has raised questions as to the feasibility of
reverting yet again to a mechanism, which was proved a failure
almost a decade ago.
CTB's controversy began in 1977 when it
was restructured during the J. R. Jayewardene era. The reforms
during the 1994-2000 PA regime decentralised the CTB by the
formation of cluster bus companies. While the Treasury held a
50% stake, the workers held 39% of the cluster bus companies.
The move to establish the cluster bus companies was justified
by the huge losses incurred by the CTB as well as its
inability to provide commuters with a streamlined transport
However, Sri Lanka CTB remained
government owned while proving more and more to be a white
elephant than an asset with an ever increasing maintenance
bill, borne solely by the Treasury.
In 2004, after the depreciation of the
rupee, the CTB incurred a loss of Rs. 2,404 million. The
Treasury had to pump in Rs. 13 billion for the CTB's survival.
At the CTB, the government maintains approximately 40,000
employees to operate 4,000 busses.
Unfortunately operations of the cluster
bus companies too have not been as expected. Last month, the
Treasury had to disburse Rs. 252 million to the cluster bus
companies just to meet the salary requirements.
Last week's strike organised by the
cluster bus company workers demanding the Rs. 2,500 salary
increment granted to public servants through the budget meant
a further drain on the Treasury.
However, the granting of an interim
allowance of Rs. 1,000 as an interim solution by Perera to the
strikers meant an addition of almost Rs. 51 million to the
already burgeoning losses of the transport sector.
Perera's statement that the balance
payment of Rs. 1,500 would be made in three months after the
re-establishment of the CTB has stirred a hornet's nest with
private bus operators demanding the government to dissolve the
operations of the CTB and the cluster bus companies.
Finance Minister, Dr. Sarath Amunugama
observed that the Treasury would pay the additional Rs. 51
million to the cluster bus companies in order to make the
promised Rs. 1,000 increment.
Meeting a deadline of three months
however seems a far cry from reality as the groundwork alone
is expected to take almost three months.
A draft proposal would have to be
presented to the ministry for approval and then it must be
forwarded to cabinet for approval. Once cabinet approval is
received, the proposal would have to be sent to the legal
draftsman and then to parliament for approval.
Chairman, CTB, Dr. I. S. Jayaratne told
The Sunday Leader that under the proposal to re-establish the
CTB, the 11 cluster companies would be dissolved and the
transport sector would be brought under one apex body.
"It will once again be a 100%
government owned entity," he said.
Admitting the losses made by the CTB in
the past year, Dr. Jayaratne observed that the establishment
would have to be restructured if it is to be centralised once
He noted that the ministry would have
to first look at ways to reduce the excess staff.
A Voluntary Retirement Scheme (VRS) is
expected to be offered to those who wish to leave in order to
reduce the staff of 40,000 to at least 20,000.
Dr. Amunugama insisted that the CTB
would have to be restructured and a VRS be introduced to
retrench the excess staff.
However, Dr. Amunugama observed that
the ministry would have to study the matter in-depth before
making a decision. "The CTB will have to be restructured
and a VRS would have to be given to at least 17,000
employees," he said.
The Private Bus Operators Association (PBOA)
maintained that both the CTB and the cluster bus companies
have been a failure and should be closed down.
President, PBOA, Gemunu Wijeratne
observed that the need of the hour is to scrap the CTB and the
cluster bus companies and formulate a streamlined structure
where efficiency and productivity could be improved by
following proper guidelines.
Wijeratne noted that the CTB and the
cluster bus companies' survival depend on the money drawn from
the state coffers, the taxpayers' money.
He pointed out that the sector has been
highly politicised adding that buses operating under the
cluster bus companies run without route permits and do not
adhere to a timetable.
Explaining further, he said the
management board of each cluster bus company is headed by
political henchmen who work solely for political reasons and
not for the greater good of the sector.
Wijeratne observed that the lack of a
proper reform programme for the road passenger transport
service has resulted in an increase in bus accidents on the
roads, absence of bus stands to park buses, driving buses at
high speed/slowly, workers in the bus service not being made
permanent, non availability of buses during the night and
simply follow the same disastrous methods year after year.
He further explained that the only
solution for the problem is to introduce a route franchising
The system has however been met with
much opposition from cluster bus companies.
The PBOA meanwhile has written to the
Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the World Bank to urge the
government to implement a streamlined mechanism to remedy the
ills that prevail in the transport sector.
Wijeratne said that they have further
requested the donors to stop financial assistance provided to
the state transport sector if the government continues with
its ad hoc remedial methods.
The PBOA has also threatened to
organise an islandwide strike if the government refuses to
heed their requests and continue with the decision to
re-establish the CTB.
in the transport sector for 2004
Rs. 3,416 million
EPF and ETF
Rs. 201 million
Other fixed costs
Rs. 692 million
Rs. 4,313 million
Rs. 1,709 million
Rs. 575 million
Other variable costs
Rs. 1,390 million
Rs. 375 million
Rs. 70 million
Tires and batteries by the Ministry
Rs. 127 million
Spare parts and buildings
Rs. 12 million
Rs. 840 million
Total (before depreciation)
Rs. 13,720 million
Rs. 8,200 million
Unpaid permission and terminal fees
Rs. 50 million
Total with hidden costs
Rs. 21,970 million
Total bus km (operated)
Total passenger km
(Source: Transport Ministry)