Issues

Who needs a code of conduct: journalists or the moguls?

Gamini Weerakoon has joined The Sunday Leader as consultant editor. Weerakoon is a former editor of The Island and The Island (Sunday Edition) having joined the newspapers at their inception in 1981. He has been a foreign.....

More...

> JVP's obsession over a word

> CBK humbles Wimal before US Presidents (....Pot Shot)

> Cracked but not broken

> Govt.'s catch 22 situation with NGOs

> CBK veto on donor funded housing

> Sex and the city

> Meet Sri Lanka's Guru

Who needs a code of conduct: journalists or the moguls?

Gamini Weerakoon has joined The Sunday Leader as consultant editor. Weerakoon is a former editor of The Island and The Island (Sunday Edition) having joined the newspapers at their inception in 1981. He has been a foreign affairs and political commentator for the two journals. He functioned as a foreign correspondent and commentator for many foreign journals. Weerakoon commenced his journalistic career at Lake House in 1966 at the Ceylon Observer and later worked on the Daily News where he was appointed the News Editor. He left Lake House in 1981 and was at Upali Newspapers till the end of January this year.

Sri Lankan journalists have exhibited a rare penchant for tying themselves up in a code of conduct unlike those in most other professions. Some professions do have codes of conduct such as the Hippocratic Oath for doctors which no medical practitioner in Sri Lanka takes on entering the profession. Nor do members of other learned professions swear by codes of conduct on entry to their professions.

These professionals are bound by the laws of the state such as specific legal enactments relating to their professions and are called upon to answer for misdemeanors in accordance with the law of the land.

Journalism in Sri Lanka can be hardly called a profession and is not recognised as a profession by the Organisation of Professional Associations for the simple reason that there are no educational requirements to become a journalist. There are neither schools of journalism of repute nor a professional body governing the conduct of the members. Journalists are of the same class as politicians - any one who wants to declare himself a journalist could do so. Needless to say there are those with academic and professional qualifications practicing journalism.

Codes of conduct

For whatever reasons, in the late 1970s, journalists after banding themselves into a Working Journalists Association set upon themselves to formulate a code of conduct. A group of journalists, some eminent, others not, took upon themselves to draw up a code of conduct. This endeavour was not known to the majority of journalists. Members of the profession - most of whom exist on a hand to mouth existence - were not much concerned when this code was made public.

This columnist did question the need for such a code at that time in his column and how these codifiers came to be selected. But the others remained silent.  The code was adopted by parliament under the infamous Press Council Law and gazetted. The UNP under J.R. Jayewardene which raised hue and cry about this Press Council Law did nothing about it and the code remained in the statute books till the Editors Guild, after it came into being, decided to formulate a new code of conduct for journalists for reasons not known to most journalists.

Now it is reported that a panel of eminent persons has been selected to serve on a Codes Committee that will advise the guild on its Code of Professional Practice. All this is news to some editors who are not active members of the Editors Guild. We will not comment on the panel of eminent persons or the code itself except to say that we acknowledge that there are some eminent persons such as Justice Christie Weeramanthri on the panel but also some others whose rise to eminence appear to be due to political connections.

The question to be asked is: could a code of conduct help improve standards of journalism in this country and if the present standards are below the expected requirements, can journalists be held responsible? Is the present deplorable state of the media due to misdemeanors of journalists or due to some other reason? Can this Code of Conduct  by itself  help raise the standards of journalism in Sri Lanka?

Pawns

The Editors Guild knows very well that journalists by themselves are pawns in a grand power game played by politicians and media moguls, both in the state and private sectors. Journalists can be hired and fired at will as was evident in the recent sacking - call it retirement -  of three journalists from a powerful state media organisation, overnight for no given reasons. One of the reasons was supposedly that they had passed the statutory age of retirement but in one case the journalist was below 50 years! The man behind this is said to be the Messiah of the New Journalist Culture!

If the media distorts, circumvents or invents, journalists are not responsible - they simply cannot do it by themselves. Major distortions - the big picture - is produced and directed by the media moguls. There are some managements who leave editors and journalists to themselves, in issues that do not threaten their interests. But  if their interests are involved or they begin to dislike journalists who become too independent for them, then there is no hesitation to show them the door. In such circumstances of what use are codes of conduct for journalists? They only become shackles clamped down on the wrists of writers. Is it a code of conduct for journalists or a code of conduct for media moguls - both in the state and private sectors - that is called for?

Today politicians in power - may be for intellectual stature - speak volubly about a new media culture. The existing culture is no doubt rotten and deteriorating fast. For example, the high and mighty appear on TV and utter barefaced lies and their statements are splashed across the front pages only to be denied the next day by the very same persons who uttered them. The media moguls, particularly in the state media unabashedly publish the denials the very next day, contradicting their own publications. This is a kind of new journalism unknown beyond our shores. It is certainly a new media culture.

Today, most employees, particularly those in the private sector who are not entitled to pensions, cannot afford to retire at the statutory age of 55 years or even at 60. Inflation has reduced their savings of a few lakhs of rupees that could last only for a few years of subsistence living after retirement. Even though politicians have been mouthing about pension rights for journalists down the years especially when elections are round the corner, it is forgotten till the next election comes along. Thus some journalists are compelled to resort to unethical practices  to keep their families going.

A primary requirement to maintain high standards of any profession is to ensure that their members receive a decent wage. But can this be said of the journalists' profession whose salaries are based on the scales of the Wages Board? Journalists are expected to move in circles of the high and mighty - among the crme de la crme - on salaries based on the scales of manual workers. I remember one of my gurus, the late Clarence Fernando, when told of poor standards of journalism saying: "You can't expect London Times standards on Thinakaran pay!"

Golden era

A press baron who understood that good quality journalism goes along with decent salaries was the late Upali Wijewardene. When he founded The Island and the Divaina he doubled the salaries that  journalists who joined him had earned in their previous employment. It had a catalytic reaction, with other media institutions that were paying very measly salaries trying to level up with Upali Newspapers if they were to keep their journalists. 

Today that trend has been reversed. Cost cutting is the accepted principle and journalists are fleeing the profession by the drove. The backbone of many newspapers today are A/L school leavers awaiting results of entrance to universities. The hard work, sub-editing, is done by fossils from the colonial era - school masters, post masters station masters and the like.

The best products from Sri Lankan universities and Sri Lankans returning from abroad are attracted by the high salaries offered by private sector companies and banks, whereas the maximum a media organisation could offer an initiate is not more than Rs. 15,000. They could employ five A/L students for this amount!

Even more important is the understanding and tolerance of journalists by the management. All managements will prefer loyal, obedient journalists who would bow to their orders. Such employees would make good secretaries and clerks, but whether they will make good journalists is doubtful.

Old timers hark back to the golden days of journalism of the late Esmond Wickremesinghe, who ran the best of newspapers this country had, with journalists such as Jayantha Padhmanabha, Reggie Siriwardene, Denzil Peiris and Mervyn de Silva. They were difficult customers to deal with, but were journalists beyond compare and certainly did not need codes of conduct.

Having practiced journalism for long years, I believe in only one code of conduct. I try hard to observe one precept of the panchaseela - I shall not lie.

JVP's obsession over a word

JVP members at a hard hitting press briefing on Thursday (24) - bickering over a word  and Dilan Perera

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti 

At a rural bank opening in Nittambuwa exactly a fortnight ago, President Chandrika Kumaratunga declared that a quarrelsome constituent party in her rainbow coalition was often threatening to abandon the ship. She also attributed the dispute to a "single word" contained in the peace proposals the said party opposed and told them to carry out the threat to quit for real.

Kumaratunga could not have said it any better - the quarrelsome party that tried to wrest an apology out of the President by twisting her arm over the remark, got ensnared in a word once more and aired the same threat of abandonment last week.

This time, the cause of trouble was a statement issued by the Department of Information on the occasion of the third anniversary of the ceasefire agreement in which reference was made to the creation of an interim authority for the northeast to address urgent humanitarian needs.

For the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), walking their talk has been a huge problem since they formed a coalition with the SLFP last year. The surfeit of pledges given on political platforms and the reiterated commitment to leftist ideals are today far beyond their reach.

Having made a series of political compromises initially to stay on including turning a build eye to the ambitious privatisation scheme, the JVP has begun to feel the pinch, now that Kumaratunga is cracking her whip. To start off, she excluded the JVP from the post-tsunami relief operations leaving the reds to handle their own relief programme.

Simmering dissension

However, the scathing attack on the government of which the JVP is a key constituent party came after much deliberation. For weeks, the dissension within has been simmering.

The JVP tried to extract an apology from the President for the initial attack made in Nittambuwa through the Deputy Minister's Forum which works closely with the JVP.

Forum President, Dilan Perera outrightly rejected the request made by Ports and Civil Aviation Minister Mangala Samaraweera to issue an apologetic statement and compromise the President and the JVP was left to seethe and wait.

For weeks, several JVP politburo members as well as the majority of the parliamentary group have been agitating to break free from the UPFA. JVP sources confirm that the softening in attitude evident in their Spokesman Wimal Weerawansa has caused much dissension with some of the seniors openly challenging Weerawansa to follow the JVP line if he could. In the recent past, Weerawansa often appeared as an apologist for both the UPFA coalition as well as President Kumaratunga. At least two senior JVP members have told Weerawansa before he undertook to make the parliamentary statement to leave the post of group leader if he could not speak against the other constituent parties.

Despite all this, the trappings have been great and the JVP continues to stay on.

The bombshell in their estimation was the statement issued on behalf of Chief, Government Peace Secretariat, Jayantha Dhanapala on Wednesday, February 23 which promoted the setting up of an interim authority.

Furious

Furious that they were not consulted before announcing what they saw as a fresh stance with regard to the resumption of peace talks, the JVP politburo held a marathon session till 2 a.m. It was decided that a hard stance had to be adopted by the Marxists in the face of repeated insults and being ignored when taking significant political decisions.

On Thursday, a fire breathing Wimal Weerawansa made a special statement in which he accused the government of unilaterally announcing fresh stances with regard to the peace process. He challenged the validity of such a statement when none of the constituent parties had been consulted on the matter. "A coalition should collectively decide and the will of a single party cannot prevail over others," he stated.

The JVP's premise, as stated by Weerawansa, is that this was not the common position adopted by both parties when forming the alliance.

"This is a significant government statement and is not a political speech. It is also a dilution of the original stance to win the acceptance of the LTTE," he alleged in parliament.

According to the JVP, the statement should have preceded discussions with the cabinet and the entire parliamentary group. The statement was also being denounced by the red camp as one that has been engineered by the donor community and interested foreign groups who have descended on Sri Lanka to covertly assist the Liberation Tigers in the guise of post-tsunami relief work. 

However, this time around, the JVP is unable to count any friends within the blue camp. Minister Mangala Samaraweera who was earlier keen to extract an apology on behalf of the President too refused to get involved in the political tug o' war, and the Deputy Ministers' Forum that consists of members who toiled to create a blue-red alliance also disassociated itself quickly.

"Political blunder"

According to President, Deputy Ministers' Forum, Dilan Perera, the JVP has got the wrong end of the stick and made a huge political blunder through their emotional announcement in the house.

Reiterating that there is a great need to attend to the urgent humanitarian needs of the people in the north and east following the tsunami devastation, Perera asserts that an interim authority is an absolute necessity.

"What has been proposed in the statement is an interim authority to attend to those needs. The government writ does not extend to those areas in practical terms and hence it is a must to have some mechanism to ensure that relief reaches the people," says Perera.

The Deputy Minister of Ports and Civil Aviation categorically denies that the reference is to the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA).

"The JVP has read only two words in the entire statement and added two words from their own account and equated the IA to the ISGA. This claim should be completely ignored," says Perera who feels that the JVP has overreacted to the statement.

The government, he adds feels that the peace process should be treated as a high priority. Perera says that the forum comprises members who have been committed to a negotiated peace for a long time and have advocated the same for years.

'Duty bound'

"It is our duty to strengthen the hands of the President when she is ready to talk peace and ensure relief reaches the north east," he adds.

Accordingly, he feels that much is expected of this country and its leadership today with the tremendous goodwill experienced following a horrendous natural disaster. "All of it cannot be thrown away simply because a constituent party is picking holes in statements and getting it all wrong," adds Dilan Perera.

One of the advocators of extensive power sharing, Perera says that the reality is that without an interim arrangement, the government lacked a mechanism to ensure that the aid flowed into the LTTE controlled areas. "It is necessary and this is exactly what a government should be doing given the magnitude of the suffering of a twice-devastated people," he adds.

"That statement is perfect and government should be doing this," he asserts.

More pertinently, Perera adds that President Kuamratunga's mandate for peace remains unfettered by the creation of a government headed by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse last year.

"The question of not consulting does not arise. President Kumaratunga has always attempted to consult all parties including opposition parties despite not being required to do so. Hers has been a mandate solely given to her, and for the pursuance of peace. It is independent of the coalition the SLFP has with the JVP. The conditions laid by the JVP when coming into an alliance with the SLFP therefore does not affect her," he notes.

While admitting that the JVP should necessarily be given a role to play in the government headed by Premier Rajapakse, Dilan Perera adds that a presidential mandate directly derived from the people could not be ridiculed or undermined.

"Her twin duties are to pursue peace and to ensure that the northeastern populace is treated equally in this hour of need. She has an independent mandate and cannot be bickering over words," adds Perera.

With the JVP backtracking once more at a media briefing on the same day, declaring themselves the de facto government and proclaiming their unstinted co-operation for a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict, the second saga of fighting over a few words draws to a close. That is until the next one starts.

CBK humbles Wimal before US Presidents

The most significant event in the political landscape last week was of course the arrival of former US Presidents George Bush and Bill Clinton, who were special envoys of incumbent President George W. Bush. Clinton and Bush Senior were to bring first hand reports of tsunami devastation back to the White House.

Following their tour of the tsunami ravaged south, Clinton and Bush were to be hosted to a banquet at President's House later that evening. The banquet set the stage for several political incidents of interest, since many parliamentarians from different political parties had also been invited to attend. The banquet which was scheduled to be held at 7 p.m. was postponed by half an hour because the President had another commitment and could not in this instance at least keep her guests waiting unduly.

By 7.15 p.m. many of the guests had already arrived. They were escorted into a special room set up at President's House for those waiting to meet the President.  Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and Industries Minister Anura Bandaranaike remained in the waiting room, while Finance Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama and several other invitees made their way to the banquet hall upstairs.

At exactly 7.25 p.m. the American Presidential duo arrived and they too were escorted into the waiting room, followed by Opposition Leader Ranil Wickemesinghe. Doing the job of coordinator of the two Presidents' visit to the island, Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera had the task of escorting them in. After being introduced to Wickremesinghe and Rajapakse by Minister Kadirgamar, Bush Senior looked at his watch and remarked - "We came at the right time." Acknowledging this as truth, Premier Rajapakse said - "yes, the President said she would be here on time."

Old habits

Unfortunately however, tardiness proved too hard a habit for President Chandrika Kumaratunga to break, even to greet two distinguished former US presidents and she turned up a full 25 minutes late. Patiently awaiting the US president's arrival, Bush and Clinton discussed matters related to the tsunami and local politics, and even ventured into topics of global economics with the Premier and the Opposition Leader. Given that persons like President Bush Senior and President Clinton rarely have the time for long chit-chats, the President's delay proved a golden opportunity for Rajapakse and Wickremesinghe. The group in the waiting room that day got so chummy that the two former American Presidents actually insisted on taking a group photograph.

During the discussions, Bush Senior asked Wickremesinghe about former President J.R. Jayewardene. Speaking to the Premier, Clinton asked him about the tsunami devastation and reconstruction in Hambantota. And so the 25 minutes till the President finally arrived whiled away.

While they appeared to be enjoying their discussions with Sri Lankan political figures, the Bush-Clinton duo constantly kept looking at their wrist watches. Trying to save face, Premier Rajapakse said at one point, "the President must be on her way." No doubt, Wickremesinghe and Kadirgamar also faced similar discomfort.

Even though she was late, President Chandrika Kumaratunga walked into the waiting room to greet the two former American Presidents beaming. Inviting Minister Kadirgamar to join her, President Kumaratunga escorted Bush and Clinton out into a separate room for bilateral talks. Premier Rajapakse and Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe proceeded to the banquet hall. However, the talks did not last long and soon, the President and her special guests entered the banquet hall themselves.

By the time Kumaratunga arrived with Clinton, Bush and Kadirgamar, the banquet hall was full of guests. Among them were JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa. His presence caused quite a stir, given the JVP's position on America and furthermore the fact that not a single JVP member had attended any of the banquets held in honour of the foreign dignitaries who have visited the island following the tsunami.

The JVP has been opposed to the USA even before the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Many of their Marxist battle cries are related in some way to American philosophies and ways of life taking root in eastern societies. Obviously then, Weerawansa's presence at this banquet to honour two former American heads of state, came as a surprise.

This was not the only thing that made Weerawansa stand out. Ignoring the dress code clearly printed on the invitation that insisted on formal attire -either Western or national - Weerawansa had turned up in a pinkish red long sleeved shirt and black pants. Everyone's eyes were also on Weerawansa to see his reaction when the President introduced him as so-and-so to Clinton and Bush Senior. But it was President Kumaratunga who held the audience captive during the introduction.

In a spot

Pointing him out to the two American dignitaries, Kumaratunga said "this is the JVP parliamentary group leader." Not stopping there, the President went on to elaborate that it was Weerawansa and his political party that was blocking the resumption of peace talks. Shaking hands with Weerawansa, and trying to drive home a point, "we hope you will extend your support to the President in the future regarding peace talks," President Clinton said. Not to be outdone, Bush senior too asked Weerawansa what exactly the JVP's problem was with restarting the stalled negotiations. Being confronted with the double whammy- in English to boot, a flustered Weerawansa said "no..no." - and tried to dismiss the issue. During the whole exchange, Weerawansa had the attention of all those present.

At the banquet table, Premier Rajapakse and Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe flanked President Bush, while Kumaratunga and her brother, Anura Bandaranaike sat on either side of President Clinton. Weerawansa stole the show there too, stunning the guests with his apparent ease at a table laden with fine wine and gourmet food that in his 'comrade' days would have been tantamount to supping with the devil.

The multi-course meal was served in stages and each course featured on a menu card placed in front of every plate. The first course was Tangalle Lobster with white wine, followed by cold chicken soup. Tea and passion sorbet followed to cleanse the palate before the main course was served in little clay containers garnished with crushed ice.

Futile attempt

Naturally, given the high profile event, even the lobster was to be eaten with cutlery. But anyone who has ever attempted to eat shell fish with a fork knows exactly how difficult this task is. Weerawansa, having made a valiant attempt to attack his lobster with the cutlery available, finally gave up and laid the dish aside.

The main course consisted of a Basmathi rice preparation, Negombo prawns, Jaffna dhal and chicken curry, accompanied by several other dishes. There was anoda mousse for dessert and chocolates and coffee to round the meal off.

All those present at the banquet were keen to get the autographs of the two former US presidents on their dining cards to prove that they had indeed supped with the VVIPs. After what seemed like a long internal debate, Weerawansa also meekly sent his card for signing. Since Wickremesinghe was nearest the American guests, it was upto him to hand over each of the dining cards for signing. And so it was that Weerawansa's card too ended up in Wickremesinghe's hand and he gave it over to President Clinton to sign and returned it to Weerawansa. Many of those present said this 'intervention' by Wickremesinghe appeared to be a strange twist of fate for the JVP MP.

The American Presidents could not linger for long after the meal since President Clinton who is under treatment following a bypass operation, had to take his medicine before 10.30 p.m. After Clinton had pointed at his watch and told President Kumaratunga this, she wound the party up as soon as possible and the American Presidents said their goodbyes and returned to the Colombo Hilton where they were staying.

SLFP demands Mahinda's nomination

Amid the crisis with its main alliance partner the JVP, the SLFP has commenced its restructuring plans. One important aspect of this plan is to be the strengthening of provincial and urban councils and in order to discuss this SLFP provincial council representatives were summoned to President's House last week. Since almost 500 people were billed to attend the meeting, it was set up in the garden of President's House. The meeting was scheduled to start at 3:30 p.m. but of course as is usual, President Chandrika Kumaratunga finally turned up at 6 p.m.

Chairing the meeting were Premier Mahinda Rajapakse, SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena and Senior SLFP Member of Parliament, D.M. Jayaratne. After explaining the reasons behind the meeting, Sirisena invited the representatives to take the floor and air their views. First to grab the microphone was Western Province Chief Minister Reginald Cooray. As is usual, Cooray proceeded to preach to the gathering for half an hour about what the provincial representatives should be doing for the party. However, hardly anyone appeared to be paying any attention for the elderly politician. In fact, the representatives were looking a little restless.

Taking the floor soon after Cooray was a Gampaha District representative. He launched into a scathing attack that shocked all those present. "Ranil has already been named the UNP presidential candidate. Ranil Wickremesinghe has already started his battle for the presidency. Our supporters keep asking who the SLFP candidate is going to be. We have no answers to give them. We have to start the battle even now. So we have to name a presidential candidate right now," he said. His cries roused the already restless crowd. They began to insist on naming a presidential candidate then and there.

Yet another representative got up and said "Our Prime Minister has sent us a letter saying that we will be given a roadway under the highways project. We must praise him for this, he is the only minister who still remembers us. Record all this if you want. Only the Prime Minister still remembers us."

"There is no argument about the matter of the presidential candidate. It has to be Mahinda Rajapakse. It should be revealed that this is the party's official choice," another representative said.

Jayaratne and Sirisena try as they might, could not control the chaos that was breaking out at the meeting by this time. Finally, the Premier had no choice but to get up and make a statement.

"Thank you for your support at this point. I know that all of you love the party very much. But I will make one request of you. Please don't get worked up about this now. That will mean that we will lose what ground we have now also. Let's be patient for a little while," Rajapakse told the provincial representatives.

Huge applause rang out after the Prime Minister's statement. An Akuressa representative rose to say a few words but just then, President Kumaratunga walked into the meeting. Acting as if she had not heard anything, Kumaratunga simply took her place and apologised to her partymen for her tardiness. She then proceeded to give them a lecture on the restructuring process.

Although she gave the representatives an opportunity to voice their opinions, by this time, the batteries on the microphone placed in the middle of the assembly had died. Some thought this had been done on purpose. But in fact, Kumaratunga did give the provincial representatives a chance to make themselves heard. The pradeshiya sabha and urban council representatives said that they were facing huge problems because they did not have vehicles. They appealed to the President to get them duty free motocycles to use on the field.

The representatives also told the President that the Rs. 3000 they were being paid as salary was insufficient. President Kumaratunga promised to look into their grievances and even though a salary hike could not be granted overnight, she would see that it was done in phases. 

Mangala - Wimal coup to oust Maithripala 

While the problem of a presidential candidate for the SLFP reared its head last week, another smaller political coup also came to light. For some time now, opposition has been brewing towards SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena in both the JVP ranks and also a group within the SLFP. One reason for his unpopularity was his proximity to the President and the other his efforts to save the SLFP from being dragged down by the JVP. Chief UPFA buddies and sworn allies, Minister Mangala Samaraweera and JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa have been of the opinion for some time now that Sirisena was unsuitable for the position of general secretary of the SLFP. They have criticised the Mahaweli Minister on a very personal level on several occasions as well. Several of their strategies to oust Sirisena from his position within the SLFP came to light sometime last week.

The astrological weekly run by a Samaraweera-faithful - Priyantha Rathnayake ran a headline last week saying "SLFP to be given oxygen with new secretary." Rathnayake also functions in the capacity of working director of National Savings Bank under the UPFA government. Although Irahanda claims to be an astrological newspaper, it has long since become public knowledge that predictions are made according to the whims and fancies of President Kumaratunga or Minister Mangala Samaraweera, when they wish to send out a particular message to the masses. So naturally, when the paper carried this headline, many people thought that it was simply reflecting the plan of President Kumaratunga or Samaraweera, especially since the SLFP convention was due to take place on March 10. Many people even argued that the President had summoned the convention in a hurry in order to remove Sirisena and appoint another senior member in his place.

But when a deputy minister queried the President on the matter last week, he got a strange response. "Many people think that you are going to remove Sirisena Madam. Is it true that it was in Irahanda as well?" the junior minister asked innocently.

"That is Priyantha Rathnayake's paper isn't it? When we won the election that fellow came and asked me to appoint him chairman of NSB. I told him then that I can't let him be chairman and then close down the bank. If he wanted, I offered him the working director post. Now he is going around criticising me apparently. Now he works according to the way Mangala and Wimal want. I was planning to tell Maithripala not to take any notice," the President responded.

A few days later, the same news item appeared on a Sri Lankan news webpage. The website is run by a cartoonist who contributes to a Sinhala daily and is called Lanka Truth. It is a well-known fact that this cartoonist runs his website exactly the way the JVP asks him to. Even his cartoons are modelled on the JVP's specifications. So when the news item appeared on Lanka Truth, it became clear whose conspiracy it was to get Sirisena removed.

Sirisena got wind of the information while he was outstation engaged in restructuring work for the SLFP. He asked his officers to gather all the necessary details about the news item and plans to meet the President with the information after she returns to Colombo.

UNP's battle stations 

There was a hive of activity in the UNP too last week, with the Political Affairs Committee, Working Committee and the Parliamentary Group all meeting and mapping out strategy to take the battle to the government and the Chief Justice.

At the Political Affairs Committee, having discussed organisational matters, Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe referred to the infighting in the government and the frustration experienced by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse at being constantly sidelined and humiliated by the President.

Wickremesinghe made his comments after the timing of the presidential election was discussed and the possible candidate of the SLFP.

Initially, UNP Chairman, Malik Samarawickrema said that ordinarily, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse should be the candidate, but that he doubted it because the Bandaranaikes would not allow a leader who was not one of their own to take over the SLFP.

"Yes, that is clear. When George Bush senior and Bill Clinton visited, the incident that took place was more than enough indication of that," Wickremesinghe responded before going on to explain the events that took place on the night of the banquet. Wickremesinghe said that he had been asked to come for the banquet at 7.30 p.m. because discussions between the two former American Presidents and President Kumaratunga were to take place at 7 p.m. When he was entering President's House, Wickremesinghe said that he had seen a traffic block and stopped to ask the security personnel why there was congestion. They had responded that Bush and Clinton were only just going in. The two Americans were taken to a waiting room, as was Wickremesinghe and Premier Rajapakse, Ministers Mangala Samaraweera, Lakshman Kadirgamar and Anura Bandaranaike were also present.

Slap in the face

"After cordial discussions, Kadirgamar said that Bush and Clinton would be taken up to a special meeting room for talks with the President and told Mahinda to go up to the banquet hall. Mahinda's face changed at this statement, it was a slight because after all he is the country's Prime Minister. Finally Kadirgamar and Samaraweera went up with the two American presidents for the meeting," said Wickremesinghe.

During the meeting of the Political Affairs Committee where Rohitha Bogollagama's case also came to be discussed, Wickremesinghe lashed out at party members saying - "It is our own people who are criticising the handling of the Bogollagama case. In the country there is an opinion that the Supreme Court verdict in the case was politically motivated. But our members think differently and go around making comments about how we didn't conduct the inquiry properly."

The UNP Leader pointed out that it was very clearly stated in the party's constitution that if a member takes up a position in a rival party, he automatically relinquishes membership from the UNP.

When the UNP's Parliamentary Group met later, the main topic of discussion was the setting up of provincial appellate courts. According to the draft law, the judges to these courts were to be appointed by the Chief Justice. But the UNP was of the view that while they approved of the provincial appeal courts, they did not think it was suitable for the chief justice to make appointments to these courts and it should instead be a power given to the president of the court of appeal. The Parliamentary Group decided that they should make the issue a platform to bring charges against the Chief Justice.

Biggest failing

Rising to speak at this juncture was MP Gamini Lokuge. "This was our greatest failing," said he, "failing to impeach the Chief Justice. This is what lead to the collapse of our government as well."

But Wickremesinghe responded, explaining -"Gamini, I know what happened. It was not that we did not want to bring the impeachment motion against the CJ. But we had no majority. At the time, the SLMC had said they would not support us to impeach the CJ. When we move something like this in parliament, we must make sure that we can see it through. Otherwise, we would only be strengthening the hand of the CJ."

Also speaking at the meeting was MP T. Maheswaran who said that since the Bogollagama verdict, there was an intensified effort on the part of the government to win over opposition MPs. "Look at Wijedasa Rajapakse. He has been given the sole task of winning over UNPers. He spends his time in parliament doing only that. He is always to be found in the opposition lobby," he said.

"Yes I have also heard these reports," replied Wickremesinghe smoothly. "But whenever I come to the lobby, there is a group of MPs around Wijedasa Rajapakse, talking to him like they were his long lost friends. You yourself Maheswaran, have been spotted in the group. If we are going to accuse others, we must ourselves first be clean. If our MPs don't respond positively to Rajapakse, he can't do anything," he pointed out.

Wickremesinghe continued - "The Bogollagama verdict for instance - everyone is blaming me. But these are people who know nothing about the party constitution. Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya and I have always worked for the good of the party. But we are being called 'spineless' now for not taking action against you Maheswaran, for voting against the party in parliament recently."

Black sheep

Going on to explain, the UNP Leader said that on a previous occasion, when emergency regulations were being debated, Maheswaran had come up to him and informed him that there was a threat on his life and he had to vote against the emergency.

"But the most recent occasion, without informing either myself or the deputy leader, you voted against when there was a specific party decision to abstain. There must be discipline among the MPs first of all," Wickremesinghe chastised.

Agreeing with Wickremesinghe was Galle District MP Hemakumara Nanayakkara. "Maheswaran's actions brought shame to us all. He worked against the UNP. One day in parliament he made a statement that Pirapaharan was his leader. This kind of sentiment will harm the party," Nanayakkara pointed out.

Wickremesinghe assented. "Yes, if you are a member of the UNP, you have to adhere to party rules. Otherwise you can leave."

Bringing up a separate issue was Ravi Karunanayake. "I saw Balapatabendi's appointment as High Commissioner to Australia. He is an official with so many charges against him and there is an opinion in the country that he is a big rogue. How did the High Posts Committee ratify this appointment? Why did our members in the committee allow this to go through? We must check on this," said Karunanayake.

But Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya spoke up. "I was there that day. The other members were not present because it was not mentioned on the agenda that Balapatabendi was to be brought before the committee that day. But on the government side, Mangala Samaraweera and everyone else had turned up. When Balapatabendi turned up, I opposed his presence since it was not on the agenda, but they easily approved it with their majority," the Deputy Leader said.

Yet to confirm

However, Jayasuriya added that the appointment was not completely ratified as yet since the minutes had to come up for approval at the next meeting. We should tell the Speaker to hold an inquiry and to have Balapatabendi resummoned before the committee," said Jayasuriya.

At the Working Committee meeting that followed, the Bogollagama case and the action to be taken was discussed at length. At the beginning of the meeting, Wickremesinghe said that K.N. Choksy would explain the details of the verdict, after which members would be allowed to voice their ideas.

Choksy read out the verdict and explained citing historical UNP cases including those relating to Gamini Dissanayake and Sarath Amunugama and how the UNP constitution was amended over time to deal with cross overs. He added that the Supreme Court judgement was a travesty of justice.

Speaking after Choksy was Ampara District MP P. Dayaratne who said "Bogollagama claims to still be a member of the UNP. So let's invite him for our next meeting and see if he follows the party regulations after that."

Wickremesinghe agreed and said that once they consulted with the team of party lawyers they could ascertain the feasibility of holding another inquiry and summoning Bogollagama.

 Third anniversary of CFA

Cracked but not broken

Velupillai Pirapaharan, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, Minister Milinda Moragoda and Norwegian Ambassador, Jon Westborg

By Dharisha Bastians And Easwaran Rutnam 

It was ironic that as the country last week breathed a collective sigh of relief at the no-war situation for three years running, the gunning down of a Sri Lanka Army soldier by a female LTTE cadre in Kilaly caused new rifts between government forces and Tiger rebels and proved again the tenacious nature of the ceasefire agreement (CFA) currently in force.

One soldier was killed and another seriously wounded in the Kilaly shoot out on Wednesday, exactly three years after the MoU was signed between the government and the LTTE.

Sri Lanka Army top brass, who would otherwise have been hounded into making comments on the third anniversary of the truce, on Thursday (24) remained trapped in high-level meetings to determine what course of action should be taken on the shooting.

Maintaining optimism

The LTTE for its part accepted responsibility for the shooting but said the cadre had fired at Private J. H. U. Priyadharshana and Lance Corporal W. M. Wijesundara of the army's Vijayabahu infantry regiment because the soldiers had crossed into no man's land. Nordic truce monitors who have been stationed in the north and east since the signing of the ceasefire agreement are still conducting inquiries into the incident. Private Priyadharshana was the 29th soldier to be killed in the north east since the truce took effect in 2002.

"It is strange, but a similar incident took place almost precisely two years ago and in the very same place," said Deputy Head, Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), Won Winkell speaking to The Sunday Leader on Thursday. In that incident too, an army soldier was killed, Winkell said. The Deputy Head of Mission said that the monitors were still talking to both the army and the LTTE to complete their report of the incident and make their ruling. Since February 2002, the SLMM has ruled that the LTTE has violated the CFA 2,636 times, while the Sri Lanka Army has been responsible for 115 violations.

Despite the Kilaly incident however, monitors and the military maintained a degree of optimism about the ceasefire holding for yet another year. Military Spokesman, Brigadier Daya Ratnayake said considering that the country has been at war for 20 years, the fact that the ceasefire has held for three years is something to be happy about. Brigadier Ratnayake said the government forces have done well to maintain the truce and was confident that isolated incidents would not seriously jeopardise the ceasefire. "However, we urge the LTTE to respect and adhere to the ceasefire agreement," Brigadier Ratnayake added.

An achievement

For the Nordic monitors, the no-war situation that has held for three years now is a significant achievement. But after three years 'monitoring' the shaky ceasefire, even the SLMM is looking forward to a long-term solution to the conflict. "We can only hope that the current truce leads to the facilitation of a permanent peace agreement between the two parties. I think it is important for all Sri Lankans to understand the need for a final settlement," Winkell said.

In the event that a peace agreement comes into force, the SLMM would either be removed to make way  or converted into a peace-keeping force which would have a bigger mandate to mediate in conflict. Given the lack of progress on the peace negotiations front however and the MoU not coming up for review, the role of the SLMM is still restricted to that of facilitating and observing - while the monitors can rule on violations, they have no mandate to take action.

Misunderstanding the SLMM's role has led to widespread public opinion that the monitors are 'biased' towards the Tigers. "There is no question about it, the SLMM closes its eyes to repeated violations by the LTTE," an university student told The Sunday Leader last week. However, the tally of rulings by the SLMM, available on the monitors' website putting the number of LTTE violations at 2,636, a whopping 2521 more than those committed by the army, proves otherwise.

The greatest doubt cast on the ceasefire holding so far appears to come from Tiger quarters with both Political Wing Head S. P. Tamilselvan saying on the anniversary of the truce that the military was endangering the ceasefire by forming new paramilitaries to wage a secret war against the LTTE. Naturally the killing of LTTE Eastern Political Chief Kausalyan outside the Welikanda army camp in government held territory two weeks ago has had an impact on Tiger sentiments on the survival of the truce. "The ceasefire and the peace would fall apart if this covert war against us continues," Tamilselvan warned after his talks with Norwegian Peace Envoy Eric Solheim on Tuesday (22).

Compounding matters is the government's continued shifting of positions on whether to start negotiations based on the interim administration proposals put forward by the LTTE.

Meanwhile, speaking to The Sunday Leader, LTTE Peace Secretariat Head, S. Puleethevan remained firm about the need to resume negotiations based on the ISGA proposals. "There cannot be talks without first discussing the ISGA," Puleethevan stressed when contacted for comment last week.

Resumption of talks

In a statement last week, Puleethevan's counterpart in Colombo, Jayantha Dhanapala went public with the government's decision to resume negotiations based on an interim administration for the north and east, in what appeared to finally be the light at the end of the tunnel. But less than 24 hours after Dhanapala's statement, prospects of restarting talks dimmed once more with the JVP declaring that it would quit the UPFA if the government was to follow through on Dhanapala's assertion. With the political landscape in Colombo changing at lightning speed and the government being dealt another blow after the CWC quit its ministerial portfolios on Thursday, a quick resumption of talks looks to become a peripheral issue once more.

But tensions that have been in the air since the Karuna split one year ago now appear to be brimming to the surface, with the very real danger of the Tigers' internal clashes threatening to transform into violence between the armed forces and the LTTE. Under the circumstances, Colombo's complacency that the no-war, no-peace status quo will remain might prove detrimental. Having survived a change of government and a serious split in the ranks of the LTTE however, the ceasefire may in fact prove its skeptics wrong again.

Govt.'s catch 22 situation with NGOs

NGOs at work

By Ffrederica Jansz

The tsunami has certainly helped fill government coffers as well as those belonging to non governmental organisations (NGOs) and the UN as well as its partner organisations.

The Central Bank maintains that the government had received upto Rs. 1.7 billion by way of financial donations through the Central Bank and two commercial banks. How these monies are to be channeled into tsunami relief is highly questionable.

But it is not just the government that has profited off the tsunami. We have over these last few weeks consistently highlighted, drawing on varied examples how some NGOs including those attached to the United Nations are profiteering off the tsunami.

We now learn that over 25% of a flash appeal submitted by the UNDP in the aftermath of the tsunami seeking aid for Sri Lanka will be fed back into the UN and its partner organisations to pay for coordination and support services. In a summary requirement where the UNDP has sought and received a total of US$ 352,908,700 by way of tsunami financial aid for Sri Lanka a massive US$ 93,411,200 million is to be utilised to pay for UN staff.

More money for staff

Most financial pledges from overseas have been made via the UN and its partner organisations in the belief that the UN is that much more accountable than government. But it is clear in this instance that the UN in Sri Lanka is profiting off the tsunami if out of US$ 352.9 million secured as aid for the tsunami affected, nearly US$ 100 million is to be utilised for the upkeep and well-being of UN staff.

Additionally, over two million dollars has been allocated for 'multi-sector' which nobody at the UNDP is in a position to explain what exactly this means. Another US$ 4.8 million has been allocated for protection/human rights/rule of law when the UN and its partner organisations have separately been allocated funds for project work in these areas.

To secure an explanation out of officials at the UNDP is almost impossible as most maintain they do not know for what exactly or how these monies will be channeled.

The Central Bank says that in the aftermath of the tsunami Sri Lanka received financial aid amounting to Rs. 6 billion. These monies have been received via private donations for tsunami relief through the banking system and include monies received by the government, NGOs and others in Sri Lanka as private, foreign and local donations.

We learn the UNDP is since the tsunami advertising heavily for volunteers to work in tsunami affected areas in Sri Lanka. Government officials complain that already some recruits are fresh from college and thus inexperienced to liaise and coordinate services with government agents in the affected areas.

If this is not bad enough there is worse. For the UNDP has since the tsunami re-hired an aid worker whose contract to continue in Sri Lanka was rejected by the External Resources Department after he had proved to be a dismal failure. The government last year rejected an aid worker attached to a joint umbrella project on rehabilitation with the UNDP. Mitchell Carlson had been appointed as programme manager for this project but was later rejected by the government when found that his performance was poor. Now, however he has been re-hired by the UNDP, appointed in the aftermath of the tsunami as senior advisor, World Food Programme. (See box)

We also have proof of how "UN expatriate experts" have been known to draw a daily subsistence allowance (DSA) even when not entitled to nominate their base station out of Colombo. Or, they deliberately change their base stations in order to draw a higher DSA by being stationed in Colombo. There have been instances where DSAs were drawn by some UN aid workers despite having no fixed based station.

Flag waving

In the aftermath of the tsunami so huge were the financial pledges to Sri Lanka that certain NGOs and INGOs including UN affiliated groups engaged in a turf battle. One example is when a heated argument broke out between representatives of UNICEF and local NGOs at Kilinochchi when UNICEF charged that local NGO's "are too small to work with."

Currently, the position with regard to INGOs is this. Two months after the tsunami, from about 50 International Non Governmental Organisations working in conflict areas, the numbers increased to an estimated 300.

These INGO's are not transparent in relation to the amount of funding they have received. They have also arrived in the country and lured staff from local NGOs who have therefore been effectively strangled or at the very least forced to scale down operations.

More ludicrous is that this gaggle of INGOs and NGOs including the UN and its partner organisations are self indulging in flag-waving. Littering tsunami affected areas with organisational flags, in a frenzy to prove their existence and work in the affected areas, the UN organisations as well as various INGOs and NGOs are creating a dumping ground in the affected areas by stringing their flags all over.

Since there appears to be no coordination of services between government and these INGOs and NGOs there is a huge amount of duplication of tsunami relief taking place. For instance, in Amparai a fisherman who had been given a new boat by the Fisheries Ministry after his old one was wrecked by the tsunami later received a second boat from an INGO that was not aware that government aid had already reached the man.

Similarly, a certain amount of disparity is taking place with regard to the building of houses for the affected. Those to be built by INGOs for instance are expected to be better in design and quality than those to be built by the government. But since the organisations and government are not coordinating designs and budgets, there will soon probably be fist fights over those selected for government sponsored shelter and those sponsored by INGOs and the UN and its partner organisations. Additionally, there are private groups of individuals also out there trying to build homes for the affected.

In a possible attempt to streamline funds and services the government last week was insisting that INGOs and NGOs wanting to build homes for the affected work in coordination with the Urban Development Authority (UDA). A bureaucratic nightmare apparently for the NGOs, some of whom stormed out of meetings with government agents in the Eastern Province when told they would have to comply with state approval, rules and regulations in order to construct homes for the homeless.

Similarly, the President last week issued a circular to all NGOs both local and foreign insisting that all tsunami relief funds be channeled via the Central Bank from which it would be re-directed to organisational bank accounts. A policy decision which also had these organisations up in arms asserting the state has no right to control funds the NGOs and INGOs receive.

Transparency issues

Current Central Bank statistics reveal billions of rupees by way of private donations have been received by private organisations, groups and individuals, most of which constitute either an INGO or NGO.

One example would be Oxfam who together with a consortium of other INGOs received a massive amount of financial aid in the region of US$ 600 million, since the tsunami. Similarly, Save the Children, the International Council for the Red Cross and Care are among some of the INGOs that have secured massive sums of money in this manner.

The question is how transparently these monies raised will be utilised. How accountable are these organisations to ensuring that these monies are indeed channeled directly to the victims? Not at all, we learn. The organisations are neither transparent nor accountable. Neither is the government.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga may now cry foul pointing her finger at NGOs charging them to be corrupt. But before Kumaratunga prepares for battle with the INGOs and NGOs she perhaps should consider that due to the massive international solidarity expressed to Sri Lanka in the aftermath of the tsunami, millions of dollars by way of aid has poured into the country via these organisations. A fact confirmed by Central Bank statistics.

It's a catch 22 situation. Sri Lanka badly needs the money - but is also reluctant to allow these non governmental organisations a free reign in the country, afraid of the long term consequences in relation to the internationalisation of the tsunami in Sri Lanka.

CBK veto on donor funded housing

President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The President's letter

President Chandrika Kumaratunga has issued instructions to district secretaries and government agents preventing granting approvals for housing projects in tsunami effected areas without the permission of the Urban Development Ministry or the Task Force to Rebuild the Nation (TAFREN).

In her letter dated February 7, Kumaratunga says, "No letters of authority should be issued to any (potential donors) to undertake housing projects in your districts without the specific approval of the Urban Development Ministry or the Task Force to Rebuild the Nation."

The letter also states that all decisions pertaining to reconstruction should be ratified at the new District Council for Rehabilitation and Reconstruction and that the chairman of the council should be present at all weekly meetings. Kumaratunga has said that if any person outside the council wished to meet with officials that meeting should only take place if the chairman has approved it and that invitees to such meetings should be limited to the most essential.

However, several government ministers have already begun housing projects with the help of private funding. Minister Jeyaraj Fernadopulle has commenced a project near the Telwatte train wreck in Kahawa.

In Kalmunai, UNHCR and ZOA are providing semi permanent shelters near the devastated coast. In Hambantota, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse's home electorate and that of the NGO bashers, the JVP, several NGOs are involved in providing housing. The International Islamic Relief Organisation, an Islamic organisation based in Saudi Arabia, has already identified locations where semi-permanent housing in Hambantota town is to be provided.

Meanwhile, the 100 meter buffer zone law has created confusion all along the devastated coast. Despite an announcement by the government that no structures would be allowed within the zone, proper demarcation of the zone is yet to be effected in most places. In Karathivu, near Kalmunai, the only demarcation was a pole with a white flag.

It would, however, be difficult to remove most of the commercial structures in the business centres in Kalmunai and Galle. Business owners have returned and recommenced operations and most of them are ready to defy any government ruling on the 100 meter zone if no proper compensation is paid.

The full text of President Kumaratunga's letter is reproduced here for the benefit of the public in general and the donors in particular.  

February 7, 2005 
District secretary / Government agent 

District organisational structure for tsunami related relief and rehabilitation work  

This is to draw your kind attention to my letter of January 28, 2005 addressed to the chairman of the newly established District Council for Rehabilitation and Reconstruction with a copy to you, wherein I indicated the new district level organisational structure to implement the comprehensive programmes for tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction work.

The new organi-sational arrangements have broad based and streamlined the existing relief and stakeholders in the implementation process. It is therefore necessary that as the administrative head of the district, you should work within the framework of this structure and implement all tsunami related rehabilitation activities through the new council that I have set up.

In this connection, I wish to draw your particular attention to the following matters:

Firstly, as you are aware, I have appointed a cabinet minister as the chairman of the new council. He is instructed to hold weekly meetings to discuss matters and monitor progress on the implementation of programmes relating to relief and rehabilitation work. It is necessary that the chairman of the council should be present at these meetings, and all decisions should receive his approve further, the chairman of the council is required to report to me weekly, regarding progress made and any other issues / problems that may arise.

Secondly, I wish to take this opportunity to emphasise the need to avoid too many meetings on this account in order to avoid wasting your time as well as the time of other senior public officers. I understand that numerous requests are received by you constantly asking for meetings with public officers. What is required at the moment is not holding innumerable meetings, but speedy action on decisions taken at the weekly council meetings or on other matters which require urgent attention.

However, where any person or agency outside the council structure wishes to meet with any officials, such meetings should be held with the participation /approval of the chairman of the council. The invitees to such meetings should strictly be confined to those whose presence is essential for the discussion. I have no doubt that such an arrangement would contribute to a more productive coordination of relief and rehabilitation operations.

I also wish to refer to some reports I have received regarding some district secretaries issuing letters of authority to certain potential donors permitting them to launch housing projects for persons displaced by the tsunami disaster. This should be stopped forthwith. No letters of authority should be issued to any to undertake housing projects in your district without the specific approval of the Urban Development and Water Supply Ministry or the Task Force to Rebuild the Nation (TAFREN). You should strictly abide by this direction in view of the need to ensure conformity to uniform procedures, transparency and accountability in the allocation of building projects to interested private parties and developers.

I look forward to your unstinted cooperation and total commitment in the course of this year in the effective implementation of the government's relief and rehabilitation programme.

Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga

Sex and the city

Time to go: the poilice team in plain clothes helping the
ladies in to the police vehicle

By Ranee Mohamed 

Thursday was a bad day for sex in the city of Colombo. A top level anti vice squad team of the Women's and Children's Bureau armed with search warrants and protected with the legal paper work stormed into several high class brothels in and around the city of Colombo.

In the process, police uncovered an organised large-scale sex sale taking place under the name China Great Wall Hospital. Using decoy SI Jayewardena, police not only uncovered scores of young women of Thai and Chinese origin in various stages of undress, but stumbled upon heaps of condoms, both used and unused.

The China Great Wall Hospital situated at No. 39 B Kinross Avene, Colombo 4, became the centre of activity as SI Jayewardena went in there in a three-wheeler driven by Police Sergeant H.M.U.S. Chandrasekera of the Women's and Children's Bureau.

Sergeant Chandrasekera had all the makings of a three-wheeler driver this Thursday - clad in a bright red T-shirt, wearing a gold bracelet and chain. He also had his straight hair flicked up.

The decoy

Inside the three-wheeler the decoy, SI Jayewardena, looked like the man who was in pursuit of a good time on a hot mid day. Wearing a white shirt and a black trouser, SI Jayewardena looked like a man for whom an ordinary young girl would not quite pledge her love in a hurry.

But when he reached the China Great Wall Hospital, there were many young women from Chinese and Thai origin to choose from. And paying Rs. 2,000, SI Jayewardena had picked his lady and gone up to the room.

In there the lady had asked for her 'tip' and when SI Jayewardena had pulled his wallet to pay, she had grabbed at the Rs.1,000 notes. Being generous with the police money, which he was going to recover later on in the day in any case, SI Jayewardena had given her a couple of thousands.

When the police team led by OIC Udaya De Silva actually stormed in to the 'hospital' there were other women waiting to be picked out. But the team was interested in the whereabouts of SI Jayewardena, who they soon found in a state of undress, immediately after he had tipped off the team.

The madam of the brothel could not be found, nor contacted and attempts by the police to get her down through a young boy manning the desk did not bring success. The record book at the 'hospital' recorded about seven 'patients' from 8 a.m. to 12 noon.

Nothing fancy

The un-kept rooms upstairs had three beds in one room. There was nothing fancy in here - basic sex objects such as condoms and tissues and beds with sheets of different colours and some nude pictures were all one could find for the d‚cor.

The five women were taken into custody in this anti vice operation.

The next stop was the Moon Night Club at No. 18/2 Sellamuttu Avenue, Colombo 3. The sign with a dancing couple advertised the place to be a gym, bar and VIP room. But police were determined to find out a little more about the sports in here

Walking into the deserted building, police saw a young security officer who on seeing the police, ran into the bathroom to drink some water. In here too SI Jayewardena had discovered that money spoke a language that sex truly understood; for when police stormed into the place after a tip off by SI Jayewardena himself, they found the SI in a room wearing a towel with two women around him. In the other rooms there were naked women and men who were in a state of extreme panic.

Two women jumped off the balcony on to a roof. They were not wearing any clothes. Female police officers led the women to rooms where they were allowed to get into decent clothing before they were taken into custody.

Downstairs were air-conditioned rooms filled with nude pictures and a record book that showed only the number of the mysterious clients who walked in here. As the women were taken to the van to be taken to the police station, clients in three-wheelers, hiding their faces were driving into the place, unaware that what they were going for was being taken away.

Panic

Then the police team followed their decoy SI Jayewardena to St. Anthony's Mawatha, Colombo 3 - the Hong Fu Chinese Medical (Pvt) Ltd., which advertised foot massages, acupuncture, beauty and facials that had a very basic brothel down below.

The rooms in the narrow corridors were stuffy and the beds occupied the entire rooms. As the women police officers stormed into the room there was panic and naked men and women were trying to outdo each other in their scramble for the door. Only SI Jayewardena, though without proper clothing, remained unruffled.

Police found boxes of condoms and several used condoms in the dustbins in the rooms. The women were given time to put on some clothes before they were taken away by the police

Strangely, police also met the young man who was at the reception desk at the Chinese Medical Centre down Kinross Avenue standing here at St. Anthony's Mawatha. When asked what he was doing here, he said that he had come over to deliver a packet of lunch to his 'boss.'

The next stop over was 'Chinese Beauty Salon' on R.A. De Mel Mawatha opposite Liberty Plaza. The operation here turned out to be quite simple: SI Jayewardena entered the place and was asked in no uncertain terms whether he wanted "massage or sex."

After he had paid the money at the reception, the woman he chose had gone 'to have a shower.' When she had actually emerged from the shower and the steam was rising, the police team knocked on the door.

A halt to vice

"These ladies do not have passports and they say that they do not understand the language to make a statement to the police," said SI Jayewardena, who went on to say they would be produced in court.

"We know that we will not be able to stop all the vice in the city, but we will do everything possible to control vice," said OIC Udaya Silva.

OIC I.P. Udaya De Silva, SI A.P.S. Jayewardena, SI Manoj Samarasekera, SI Premasiri, WSI Damayanthi, Sergeants 130 Priyantha, Women Sergeant 740 Liyanpathirana, PCs 15753 Sarathchandra, 21347 Chandrasekera, 2278 RWPC Priyantha and 1125 WPC Chamila were among the anti-vice team.

Meet Sri Lanka's Guru

Lakshman Madurusinghe

By Frederica Jansz 

A self appointed guru on psychology and organisational development skills as well as 'solutions to stress and trauma' is not only soliciting money from an unsuspecting public, but doing so after having falsified and submitted to authorities forged educational certificates.

In the interest of ensuring that our professional institutions are staffed by persons with genuine qualifications particularly in the backdrop of monies solicited ranging from anything between Rs. 3,000 to Rs. 10,000 per participant, per seminar, we spotlight this week how one must be warned of being taken for a ride by rogue academics.

Fictitious certificates

Lakshman Madurusinghe, who claims to possess a doctorate and refers to himself as "Professor," claims to be a consultant psychologist and global expert on management and human resources development. But, in 2001 and 2002, he submitted fictitious certificates to the Central Bank and the Postgraduate Institute of Management (PIM) when applying for the post of head, human resources and visiting lecturer respectively. He seems to have cheated for a third time round, when he applied to the Institute of Personnel Management (IPM).

Madurusinghe is currently chairman, Media Committee, IPM Sri Lanka where too he appears to have handed in false educational certificates. IPM is an educational centre which is registered under an Act of Parliament. Apart from being a member of IPM, Madurusinghe additionally hosts several fee levying seminars at leading hotels on 'Management Skills and Human Resource Development.' He charges participants between Rs. 4,000 to Rs. 5,000 per workshop plus VAT. (See box)

When we spoke with President, IPM, Daya Bolegalla, he said Madurusinghe's resume maintains he has secured seven distinctions and one credit pass at the GCE O/L examination and two As and two Bs at the Advanced Level. He claims to have done so while schooling at S. Thomas' College Mount Lavinia.

But Madurusinghe when contacted by The Sunday Leader said, "I cannot remember my passes at O/L and A/L." Pressed further on how many distinctions he had secured he replied, "None - as far as I can remember - I think I would have got six or seven credit passes at the O/L and only two simple passes at the A/L."

When we told Madurusinghe that we had proof that he had submitted documents to various institutions claiming to have got seven distinctions at the O/L and two As and two Bs at his Advanced Level examinations he said, "I don't know how these have come about. If they exist, they have certainly not originated from me."

But Bolegalla maintains the resume the IPM holds, claiming Lakshman Madurusinghe to have secured seven distinctions and his O/L and two As and two Bs was indeed handed in by Madurusinghe himself.

Similarly, a very senior head of department at the Central Bank confirmed that Madurusinghe was not offered the job of head, human resources at the bank after an interview board had conducted a check on his GCE Ordinary Level and Advanced Level Certificates, he had submitted, and found the gradings stated to be false.

The bank in fact found that not only had Madurusinghe falsified his school exam certificates but a testimonial as well that he presented at the interview stating to have been signed by former Vice Chancellor, University of Colombo, Prof. W. D. Lakshman. Further, that Madurusinghe's claim of being a "visiting fellow" at renowned British educational institutions was also fictitious.

When Madurusinghe applied for the coveted post at the Central Bank the interview board was headed by Deputy Governor W. A. Wijewardena. Having selected Madurusinghe as being the most suitable candidate for the job, top officers at the Central Bank however became suspicious after perusing his educational qualifications where Madurusinghe claimed to have passed his GCE O/L with seven Distinctions and one Credit plus having secured all As at his Advanced Level.

Detecting a fraud

"It was very rare for an individual in the 1960s to get gradings like this," a bank official who wished to remain anonymous said. But these sun-shine grades prompted the institution to contact the Commissioner General of Examinations who had confirmed that the gradings given were fictitious. The Commissioner General had also maintained that Madurusinghe had not even sat for all the subjects he had claimed to have taken at GCE O/L, one of which included English Literature.

Convinced by now they had almost committed a faux pas and hired a fraud, the bank then checked out the testimonial purportedly signed by Prof. W. D. Lakshman of the Colombo University. This letter claimed that Madurusinghe was "a visiting professor" both with the Colombo and Peradeniya Universities.

Senior officers pointed out one could only be appointed as a visiting lecturer and not professor. Also, that the Colombo and Peradeniya Universities are two different entities independent of each other. Therefore, the bank concluded, Prof. W. D. Lakshman, despite holding the powerful post of vice chancellor of the Colombo University could not have appointed Madurusinghe as a visiting professor to the Peradeniya University as well.

And the man himself said as much when contacted by the Central Bank. Prof. W. D. Lakshman maintained he had never signed such a letter to Madurusinghe.

Madurusinghe for his part told The Sunday Leader he never ever had a letter issued to him by Prof. W. D. Lakshman and he "doesn't have a clue how it originated."

The bank meanwhile had informed Madurusinghe that they would not be appointing him to the post of head, human resources. The Central Bank also referred the documents to the CID since the issue amounted to an attempted case of forgery and cheating a public institution by having submitted forged and fictitious documents, in order to obtain a plum post.

But, the investigation at the CID for some unknown reason never progressed to a conclusion. The Central Bank also did not pursue the matter because they had not given Madurusinghe the job for which he had been selected and so they left the matter at that.

But this was not to be Madurusinghe's first or last attempt. We found that prior to applying to the Central Bank, Madurusinghe had applied for a post as "visiting lecturer" to the PIM.

Director, PIM, Prof. Gunapala Nanayakkara said, "I looked at his resume and attempted to clarify with him from where he has secured his PhD. He said he had got his doctorate in psychology from an organisation called Maharishi."

Prof. Nanayakkara asserted that Madurusinghe had explained that Maharishi is a university founded by some Indian nationals in the United States and that he (Madurusinghe) was professor of a branch of the university which he claimed to be located in Colpetty. But Prof. Nanayakkara said that when he personally checked the address out he found there was no university or any organisation called Maharishi located at the said premises.

"I further checked and found out that Maharishi is not even listed in the International Year Book of Universities which carries all the approved universities of the world," Prof. Nanayakkara said, adding he arrived at the conclusion that Madurusinghe "while claiming to be an academic and professional did not even possess basic qualifications." Prof. Nanayakkara further reiterated that "neither did he even possess a letter or certificate appointing him to a post of professor," he said, pointing out he does not hold the title professor emeritus.

When we questioned Madurusinghe on this aspect he said, "There has been a misunderstanding.  Maharishi University is not registered in Sri Lanka. It functions in the State of Iowa in the US. I have been associating with this university over the last 15 years. I do have a letter dated January 3, 2000, which states that I have been appointed as Professor of Maharishi Global Administration which is registered under a Colpetty address."

Serious repercussions

But Madurusinghe admitted that following a request to President Chandrika Kumaratunga in 2000 to allocate 550 acres of land at Belihuloya for the setting up of this university "there has been no progress." He maintains that he instead "networks with people from all over" from the Colpetty address on behalf of Maharishi Global Administration. "The university is for now a concept where you network with people all over." he said admitting, "there is no university per se" nor, have there ever been any buildings or lecturers conducted.

Madurusinghe recently got accepted at the IPM Sri Lanka and functions as chairman, Media Committee, while also appearing to have convinced human resources managers at certain banks to involve him in their human resource development seminars.

Some banks however, the People's Bank is one example, have politely told him they are not interested after being warned and duly convinced that Madurusinghe is nothing but a fraud.

The danger individuals like Madurusinghe continue to pose to society is this. If Madurusinghe is conducting public fee levying seminars at leading hotels under the patronage of the IPM, in the backdrop of having been detected forging school and other certificates, then his discourses on policy management, trauma counselling, organisational development skills and whatever else that may catch his fancy, cannot be allowed.

Madurusinghe even told us he has recently been involved in training "over 700 people" to trauma counsel tsunami victims. (See box)

President, IPM, Daya Bollegala maintains he was not aware that Prof. Madurusinghe had barely three years ago submitted fabricated educational certificates to the Central Bank and PIM.

"He mentioned he is an attorney-at-law and there is a document maintaining he is a registered lawyer. He did submit a GCE O/L certificate which we did not check for authenticity as his letter of registration as a lawyer was sufficient for us to give him the post," Bolegalla said. But Bolegalla maintained that if this matter is reported, IPM will be compelled to take necessary action.

"If proved that indeed the educational certificates submitted by Prof. Madurusinghe are fictitious then we will take necessary action," the IPM President asserted.

But the matter is more complex than that with wider repercussions. Sri Lanka has many a scam perpetrated. She is a sitting duck for swindlers, lax and lethargic as government is in its endeavours to ensure that people abide by the law. The consequences as a result are drastic. For, at the end of it all our youth will pay a price, sitting at the feet of self-proclaimed gurus who survive purely by wit and the gift of the gab.

In Sri Lanka, for almost every recognised discipline, a professional institute or body has been established. Most of them have obtained incorporation by an act of parliament. As has the IPM of which Madurusinghe is now an employee. Parliament has encouraged the establishment and incorporation of such professional institutions whose objective is to ensure that the particular profession is run with integrity, transparency and efficiency.

One has only to peruse the telephone directory to see a proliferation of professional institutes in Sri Lanka. For example, there is the Bankers Institute, Institute for Chartered Accountants, for surveyors, for insurance, for marketing and management, etc. These bodies frequently advertise education and training seminars. These seminars or workshops are mostly held at leading hotels and participation fees range from Rs. 3,000 to Rs. 10,000 per participant.

Legal issues

While the participants at such seminars can judge their quality and effectiveness, they would have no way of knowing the true qualifications of the speakers at such workshops. They expect and assume that the speakers are genuine and are as qualified as advertised or outlined in the seminar/workshop brochures. Therefore, it is important that all professional institutions that conduct such seminars are fully aware of the true qualifications of the staff/speakers conducting the seminars.

It is in that context that professional institutions have a responsibility to the public when they hold workshops/seminars (especially fee levying ones) to ensure that the speakers/panelists are genuine persons with a proven track record.

Apart from ethical issues there are also legal consequences. If for example, it is later found out that one of the speakers/panelists at such a seminar/workshop did not have the qualifications professed or had 'bogus' qualifications or was an imposter or cheat, legally the professional institution promoting such seminar would be liable in damages to each of the participants. At the very least, the institutions will have to refund the fee levied; while the government would also be in a position to take action against the institution because it is recognised through incorporation by an act of parliament.