Politics

UPFA crisis and SB's surrender

S. B. Dissanayake, Milinda Moragoda, Wimal Weerawansa and Chandrika Kumaratunga

Inside Politics

By Suranimala 

While the battle between the SLFP and JVP intensified last week signalling the end is nigh, the opposition UNP decided to launch its presidential election campaign this week with a massive show of strength at the May Day.

In doing so however, the UNP had to first get one issue out of the way, that of imprisoned National Organising Secretary of the party, S.B. Dissanayake, who was clearly getting restless with each passing day.

Though Dissanayake was all gung ho and the picture of defiance following the Supreme Court ruling late last year, with the passage of time, despondency started setting in and under pressure by the family too to obtain his release, avenues of appealing for a pardon to President Chandrika Kumaratunga began to be explored.

Appealing for mercy

But given all the earlier tough talk including a tell-all book to be published, Dissanayake himself appealing for Kumaratunga's mercy was considered infra dig and several emissaries were despatched to lobby the President in their private capacities. And Kumaratunga, though not ruling out the possibility of a pardon, did not in fact take any action in that regard, biding her time instead.

One such emissary who spoke to Kumaratunga recently was Ven. Bellanwila Wimalaratne Thero and the President, while agreeing to do the needful, did not make good on her promise.

Instead, what the President wanted was not only for Dissanayake to eat humble pie but instill maximum political damage on the UNP by getting Dissanayake to sow the seeds of discontent within the party before granting a pardon and towards this end, despatched national list MP, Wijedasa Rajapakse to negotiate with the former minister.

Other UPFA members who called on him with advise were Minister Felix Perera, Deputy Ministers Dilan Perera and Mahindananda Aluthgamage, all confidants of the President.

This task was made easier with Dissanayake now confined to the Merchant's Ward, giving easier access to visitors as opposed to Welikada Prison.

Dissanayake's release, if to be, was to come at a price. And a heavy one at that not just for himself but also for the UNP.

At the same time, another domestic aide of Kumaratunga also kept in touch with Dissanayake's wife, Tamara, coaxing her to meet the President and seek a pardon on behalf of her husband, a step Kumaratunga herself took in the early 1980's with President J.R. Jayewardene to obtain Vijaya Kumaratunga's release.

In the midst of these developments, given the conciliatory approach of the government by allowing Dissanayake to remain at the Merchant's Ward, pressure was mounted on the UNP as well by close aides of Dissanayake and family members to push for the member's release whilst publicly, Dissanayake took up the position he would never seek a pardon from the President.

The UNP was told, unless the party secures the release of Dissanayake, his wife Tamara would be compelled to make a personal appeal to the President on the strength of the party's failure.

Release at any cost

And given his frame of mind, Dissanayake also started demoralising every individual member of the party who visited him of their chances of victory, putting one member against the other.

It had, to Dissanayake, become a case of securing his release at any cost and tried every conceivable trick in the book to achieve that objective irrespective of the political consequences for the party and its membership that were at the butt end of UPFA antics.

It will be recalled, no sooner the Supreme Court passed judgement on Dissanayake, from the floor of the House, Matara District MP, Mahinda Wijesekera appealed to the President to pardon her former confidant, an appeal that fell on deaf ears.

Likewise, Kurunegala District MP, Dayasiri Jayasekera too made an appeal on behalf of his colleague but was once again treated with disdain by the President.

By this time pressure was mounted on Party Leader Wickremesinghe to personally make an appeal for a pardon but the overwhelming opinion within the party was he should not do so since it would appear as if the UNP as a party was on bended knees before Kumaratunga, seeking a pardon over a judgement which the party had not only publicly condemned but also gone to the UN Human Rights Commission.

In fact, that was exactly what the President was looking for if a pardon in fact was to be granted since it would also ensure immunity for all her actions after her term of office ends as a quid pro quo in the event of the UNP returning to office.

Thus, whilst these behind the scenes manoeuvering was going on, Dissanayake took up the public position the party should not appeal to the President for a pardon since it would emasculate both the UNP and himself politically but instead called for individual members to do so including diplomats.

By this time, the fight had gone out of Dissanayake and he together with the family were exploring every possible avenue of obtaining his release, irrespective of the political damage to himself and the party. The man was slowly but surely beginning to show signs of being made not of iron but straw.

It was in this backdrop UNP Colombo District MP, Milinda Moragoda paid a visit to Dissanayake at the Merchant's Ward accompanied by Matara District MP, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene.

Dissanayake and Moragoda have at the best of times not hit it off given their different political ideologies and snide remarks the former has made against the latter but in a show of goodwill and solidarity the Colombo District member recently visited his colleague in hospital and offered his support.

Moragoda to the rescue

Moragoda told Dissanayake he was of the view, no political opponent should be victimised and it was a decision he arrived at after being grilled by the CID during the PA tenure over the Douglas Peiris and Batalanda fiasco. The Colombo District member said he will do everything in his power to help Dissanayake including making representations to the international community.

To Dissanayake, this offer presented a new opportunity and he told Moragoda, given his good relations with the President, he should call on her personally and seek a pardon on his behalf, a proposal Moragoda duly conveyed to Party Leader, Wickremesinghe.

Dissanayake of course later told confidants it was Moragoda who offered to meet with the President and seek a pardon to which he had no objection but the fact remained, a pardon was what Dissanayake was looking for. No Nelson Mandela, he.

However, even after this discussion with Moragoda, the position Dissanayake took was that the Colombo District MP should not seek the pardon on behalf of the party but at a personal level given the healthy respect Kumaratunga had for Moragoda.

But Moragoda in turn said he could only go and meet the President if sanctioned by the Party Leader since he could not act as a lone ranger as requested by Dissanayake.

That a pardon sought on behalf of him by the party would destroy the myth of Dissanayake being both politically and personally macho obviously was not lost on the member who was looking to have the cake and eat it as well.

That way, Dissanayake ensured he had no I.O.U. to the UNP or the President and was free to hitch his tent in any camp of his choosing after his release.

The man's failing health did not make matters any easier and with each passing day, messages were being received by the party, Dissanayake's wife would make the appeal to the President if the party did not move in that direction.

Still there was opposition to the move within the party and the likes of Rajitha Senaratne and Ravi Karunanayake amongst other party stalwarts took up the position it would be politically suicidal for Dissanayake if Moragoda was to at a personal level seek a pardon from the President. Further it would set a bad precedent and leave the door open for individual members of the party to cut deals with Kumaratunga on varying issues, it was said.

And with Moragoda himself stating he would only meet the President if authorised by the party, the Dissanayake family relented and when Moragoda did ask Wickremesinghe for his blessings yet again last week to meet the President, the UNP Leader consulted the party hierarchy and gave his blessings citing Dissanayake's failing health.

The irony is that Dissanayake is in hospital and receiving medical attention and a pardon is not a prescription for his ill health but the fact remains the UNP has now authorised Moragoda to meet the President and seek a pardon on behalf of Dissanayake.

Moragoda for his part soon after getting Wickremesinghe's approval left the country and was to seek an appointment from the President upon his return over the weekend.

That this move would do irreparable damage to Dissanayake's political standing there is no doubt but how the party grassroot membership now responds to him despite all the bravado  having prostrated before the President albeit by proxy remains to be seen.

The irony of the situation is that Dissanayake, though now holding the UNP responsible for his plight, brought about his fate upon himself by trying to strike a private deal in his case using the good offices of a notorious businessman contrary to advice given by the Party Leader and other senior members.

For President Kumaratunga, this overture to be made by the UNP given the problems faced with the JVP may well be a blessing in disguise and the chances are she will seize the opportunity with glee.

But that will in no way help overcome the mounting problems within her government given the head on collision with the JVP in the build up to the May 16-17 donor conference before which some hard decisions have to be made by Kumaratunga with regard to the joint mechanism and the economic reform agenda.

That the government's handling of the post tsunami reconstruction has been an unmitigated disaster has not helped matters either with even former US President, Bill Clinton having decided not to visit Sri Lanka as scheduled in May.

Clinton's visit called off

Clinton, appointed by UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan as special tsunami ambassador was to visit Sri Lanka in May to help raise funds for the reconstruction drive but bungling by the Foreign Ministry put paid to that visit.

The allegations of corruption surrounding the disbursement of tsunami funds and planned protests in the south timed for Clinton's visit over mismanagement of tsunami funds may have all factored in the former US President calling off his visit but the official line is the miscommunication by the Foreign Ministry.

According to explanations given for the mess up, the Foreign Ministry had despatched the invitation to be delivered to Clinton through the Washington Embassy which had reportedly not sent it to the correct address.

As a result, Clinton, working on a tight schedule, had already fixed his itinerary and Sri Lanka had to be left out, which decision the former US president had in a telephone conversation with Presidential Advisor, Harry Jayewardena said he very much regretted.

On top of this comes the murder of journalist Sivaram Dharmaratnam just days after the Patriotic National Movement and JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa called upon the people to attack journalists they considered sympathetic to the LTTE and prevent them from walking on the streets.

Coming days before the donor meeting, this murder of a journalist is going to have a telling effect on the government though it may well strengthen the JVP's hand to derail the establishment of the joint mechanism through this spanner some group has thrown in the works of the May 16-17 confab.

The government too realising it is hard put to present a consistent politico, socio and economic agenda to the world given the internal contradictions within the alliance has now opted for a different strategy to raise foreign funding.

That strategy is, to put it in layman's terms, seek a sovereign rating for the country whereby Sri Lanka will be equated to a company and a share valuation done following which funds will be raised internationally through the release of bonds. (See Editorial)

This decision the government arrived at last week and hopes will minimise its dependency on donor funding including the dictates of the likes of ADB, World Bank and the IMF with regard to the economic reform agenda.

However, in seeking a sovereign rating, the government could well run into further problems with the JVP since the party would be hard put to explain to their membership why they endorsed selling shares of 'Sri Lanka Limited' to the world thereby bartering future generations, to use the Marxists' jargon if you will.

The rating itself will come at a cost of approximately US$ 1 million and will be done by an internationally reputed rating agency but the rating depends on several factors including the investment climate in the country, political stability, peace and economic consistency, just to cite a few factors.

Sovereign rating

Now, given the government's inability to get the peace process started, move the economic reform programme due to political instability and the general decline in the economy and security climate in the country, a rating at this point of time may well boomerang on the country and seal its fate permanently and leave her completely at the mercy of the donor agencies.

In fact, the UNP administration in 2003 considered going for a sovereign rating and was advised against it at the time by the then Governor, Central Bank, A.S. Jayewardena citing political uncertainty in the country and the situation today to say the least is far worse.

And what better example to underscore this point than the continuing battles within the alliance over the joint mechanism, economic reforms and now over the Western Provincial Council (WPC). Though issues of corruption are cited by the JVP as the reason for their move, the real motives are quite different.

The JVP frontliners, Somawansa Amarasinghe, Tilvin Silva, Wimal Weerawansa and Nandana Gunatilleke all hail from the Kalutara District and want to make it a bastion of the JVP akin to Hambantota District by absorbing the SLFPers.

But the one man standing in their way in the district is SLFP strongman and Chief Minister, Reginald Cooray.

For the UNP, it was an ideal opportunity to fish in troubled waters and they have jumped in with glee leaving the SLFP gasping for air. This development in fact forced the President to cut short her holiday and return to the country a week earlier in a bid to diffuse the crisis which was threatening to split the UPFA.

Thus, all of last week, the focus remained largely on President Chandrika Kumaratunga's return to the country especially in light of the myriad crises that the government had been forced to deal with during her absence.

President Kumaratunga touched down in Colombo at 2 a.m. on Monday and was scheduled to meet with the SLFP and JVP members of the WPC at 10 a.m., but two hours before that the President had summoned a meeting of her most trusted legal advisors to study her options.

Realising fully well that there was no way the JVP was going to back Cooray, following her session with the lawyers, President Kumaratunga decided to prorogue the council.

With her mind thus set, Kumaratunga held cordial talks with the warring SLFP and JVP provincial councillors. At first, the President spoke rather emotionally. She said her entire life was committed to protecting the UPFA.

"There is no way we can allow conflicts like this to develop," she said. The President even went further than the JVP members expected her to.

"Before I went to London, I gave the JVP an assurance that I would not be signing the joint mechanism agreement. Barely had I stepped out of the country after assuring them, Wimal and them started to attack me with statements about quitting the government. What Wimal did was wrong because I had already assured them. This led to a totally unnecessary conflict," said the President.

Having sufficiently softened up the fiery JVPers with this speech, the President then got down to business. "The problem in the WPC cannot be allowed to continue. If it does, it will be a problem for the alliance. I have read the charges against Chief Minister, Reginald Cooray. I have decided to conduct inquiries into seven of them through an independent committee. I cannot say whether Reginald stole money or not. But if he has abused his power, the allegations must be looked into immediately. If this is proved true, he will be removed not only as chief minister, but from all other positions he holds as well," assured the President.

She told the members gathered that this was by far the best way to save the provincial council. "Before 12 noon today, I will issue a statement saying that an inquiry against Reginald is to be conducted. But you have to go when the council meets tomorrow and vote against the no confidence motion and defeat it," the President instructed.

President loses her cool

However, JVP Group Leader, Waruna Rajapakse was against this option. "We came here after a decision was made by the JVP politburo. We have decided that Reginald Cooray cannot continue as chief minister. We are against it. So we will abstain from voting tomorrow. We cannot agree with your proposal Madam," said Rajapakse.

President Kumaratunga lost her cool at this response. "How can you people make such a decision? When you're a coalition partner, decisions must be made together. By making decisions any old way you please, all you're doing is giving the UNP an advantage. This is an alliance government. So you can't work according to your whims alone," snapped the President.

Despite the President shedding her previous calm demeanour and raising her voice, the JVP members were unmoved. They continued to maintain that there was no way they could agree to the President's proposal.

However, as the discussion grew more heated, Rajapakse tried to compromise. "Fine we will let you resolve this crisis. By midnight today, Reginald Cooray has to resign. Then we will go to the council tomorrow and put an end to the conflict. But we can't agree to any other proposal. The decisions in our party are made by the politburo. So we cannot commit to anything without consulting with our leaders," he said.

Seeing no other choice, President Kumaratunga advised the JVP provincial councillors to revert to the party hierarchy and decide on the matter. Thereafter, the President met with the SLFP PC members for which meeting Cooray arrived late.

At the very beginning of the meeting President Kumaratunga stated clearly, no matter what problems the SLFP members had with Cooray, they were to remain united during the conflict. She said when the SLFP was facing the threat of invasion from various other political entities, it was essential that the party stayed united. Since the response of the SLFPers was positive to this suggestion, the discussions did not last long.

About 20 minutes before the meeting was adjourned, Cooray walked in, bearing several files and documents. He took his seat right next to the President. Opening up the files Cooray said, "I have here all the responses to the various charges against me."

By the time this meeting was concluded, a group of JVP members who had met the President earlier that morning, including Group Leader Rajapakse, had arrived at President's House. Kumaratunga summoned them in immediately. She thought they came bearing good news for her. Also present at President's House at the time was Western Province Governor, Alavi Moulana.

But the JVP had not changed its stance. The JVPers told the President there was no way out but to get the Chief Minister to resign. They added if this was not done, they would also have no choice but to vote in favour of the no confidence motion.

JVP stance

Pointing out that Cooray was with her as they spoke, President Kumaratunga even suggested they get a response out of him even now. But the JVPers snapped back that if the Chief Minister could not answer their charges when they first brought it up, there was no need to give him the opportunity to do so now.

Realising there now remained no way out, Kumaratunga conceded defeat. "Then this is a conflict between the two political parties. We shall have to discuss this with JVP leaders," she said, instructing one of her officials to summon JVP Parliamentary Group Leader, Wimal Weerawansa to President's House immediately.

Almost everyone left after the President declared the meetings over, except Moulana and Cooray himself. President Kumaratunga also summoned to her side several legal advisors.

It was at this meeting that it was finally decided to prorogue the provincial council. It was also decided at the same discussion to refrain from letting anyone know the WPC was eventually going to be dissolved. For all intents and purposes, the conflict was on its way to being resolved, the President stressed at the meeting.

"You can see now, you can't work with them. They're trying to trap me. But they don't realise where the power really is. I will show them," the President threatened.

Returning a short while later, the official instructed to summon Weerawansa came back to the President with bad news as well. "Madam," said the officer, "I gave Weerawansa your message, but he said that since he was not the leader, he could not come to meet you."

"He said that the JVP Leader was Somawansa Amarasinghe, I should tell him. But the Presidential Secretariat does not have Somawansa's number. When I asked Weerawansa for it, he also refused to give it saying that for security reasons Somawansa's number is not given. He said he also doesn't have it," the official added.

By this time, various people were trying to mediate to resolve the crisis. Many of them with the hope of winning favour with either the JVP or the President. One such wanna-be mediator was Deputy Minister, Lasantha Alagiyawanna.

Crisis

Speaking to Weerawansa, Alagiyawanna said if this problem was to go any further it would result in the collapse of the UPFA. He added the JVP's lack of flexibility on the issue had incensed the President. But Weerawansa just scoffed.

"Do you think that there is an alliance today? We thought there wasn't because all these deputy ministers and the President act like there is no UPFA, so we had given up the idea of being in the alliance," the JVP MP said.

"You people remember the alliance only when you have been pushed against the wall," he added.

When all his attempts to facilitate consensus failed, Alagiyawanna informed the President. She told him it was no longer necessary for anyone to get involved in trying to resolve the crisis since she had made all the necessary decisions regarding the matter.

This new crisis only underscored the inevitable break up of the UPFA, and the President clutching at straws may still emerge victorious by attempting to strike a deal with a section of the UNP over the S.B. Dissanayake pardon.

That is politics for you in sunny Sri Lanka.