Issues

JM has provisions to  check Tiger dominance

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj

Some readers (Dayan Jayatilleke for one) at least may recall that this column was one of the earliest to be critical of efforts to forge a joint mechanism between the government.......

More...

> Lions roar - against each other

> Mangala goes to town with SLPA funds

> Something is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka

> Kilinochchi wants 'true freedom'

> Political monks hijacking Buddhism

> Battle stations at President's House (....Pot Shots)

> The rise and fall of a Sandanaya

> Tsunami victims' wrath over JVP's antics

> A search for peace and a race for arms in the sub continent (.....World Affairs)

JM has provisions to  check Tiger dominance

Velupillai Pirapaharan and President Chandrika Kumaratunga

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj

Some readers (Dayan Jayatilleke for one) at least may recall that this column was one of the earliest to be critical of efforts to forge a joint mechanism between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to cater to the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the tsunami affected regions of the North-Eastern Province. This column was concerned about the powers to be given to the LTTE through the proposed joint mechanism.

While not objecting to the principle of sharing power with the LTTE in this respect, this column objected to the Tigers being given authority in areas outside their sphere of control and wanted the LTTE to be restricted only to their areas of control. It was also urged that the international community remain firm this time and insist through Colombo that the LTTE accept universal standards of human rights, pluralism and democracy in their administrative sphere.

These views were expressed as far back as January 30th in an article headed "Tigers play for high post-tsunami stakes." It must be stated that very little of the form or content of the proposed mechanism was known at the time the article was written. Much of what was stated then is relevant in the current context where the envisaged joint mechanism now known as Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) has become the eye of a political storm. Substantial excerpts from that article are given below:

"A remarkable change, almost a sea change seems to have come over in the LTTE approach towards current issues. The LTTE is now very flexible on the question of setting up a post-tsunami structure for the north-east. While wanting to head the envisaged authority, the Tigers are prepared to accept three joint chief coordinators representing the Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala communities. It is also ready to set up a coordinating council representing the affected six north-eastern districts with all three communities.

It is premature to outline the final framework of this envisaged set up. It will not be applicable to the entire north-east but only to six affected districts. It will also have specific powers restricted to limited relief related functions. The state machinery in the form of government agents and deputies will also be part of the structure. Whatever the 'minimal' powers given there is no doubt that the LTTE will use it as a stepping stone to enlarge their power. It will be easy because the bureaucracy in those areas is a puppet, the population throttled and elected MPs slave to the LTTE. When the ceasefire came into effect the LTTE was only permitted to send unarmed political workers to government areas. Three years later Tigers virtually rule the roost in most Tamil areas of the north-east.

Truly remarkable

Theflexibility displayed by the Tigers seems truly remarkable. It was only last December that the LTTE was planning to announce quitting the ceasefire after Thai Pongal this year. Now the same LTTE was ready to join the government in setting up a joint mechanism. The peace process was stymied by the insistence that an Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) be set up under sole LTTE control for the north-east. The LTTE was not prepared to compromise or even accommodate power-sharing options on the ISGA. The LTTE had been strongly opposed to accommodating the Muslims as an equal third party in the talks. Now the Tigers were ready to be more than generous to Muslim interests. Moreover the LTTE is seemingly prepared to put the ISGA or nothing demand in cold storage and opt for a task force type structure with limited and lesser power.

The LTTE 'change' is all the more interesting because of the visible 'U' turn even in the post-tsunami phase. The LTTE and its propagandists overseas unleashed vicious criticism of the government after the tsunami accusing it of blatant discrimination. The LTTE and affiliated organisations wanted international aid to bypass Colombo and be channelled directly to them. Working together with the government seemed out of the question. Now the LTTE is prepared to work with the same government it vilified constantly.

Cheap politics

The government for its part played cheap politics by preventing UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan from visiting LTTE controlled areas. The Italian envoy in Colombo too was chastised for daring to visit Kilinochchi. All this was to prevent the LTTE defacto administration gaining 'legitimacy' it was argued. Earlier the same UPFA had criticised the ISGA proposal on somewhat similar lines. Now the same regime wants to set up a joint mechanism with the LTTE. If this will not confer respectability, power and legitimacy to the LTTE what will? Certainly not the Kofi Annan visit! Only the JVP seems consistent in opposing LTTE involvement. After all it was the Tiger card that was used by Kumaratunga to topple the UNP government and seek new elections.

As stated in these columns earlier neither the government nor the LTTE are in a position to go to war in the aftermath of the tsunami. Except for the lunatic fringe on either side of the ethnic divide, no one would accept or approve resumption of armed conflict in the wake of this monumentally calamitous tragedy. Public opinion will not forgive those who start war again. There will be international opprobrium against the warmongers too.

If fear of national and international political repercussions is the stick preventing a return to war there are carrots acting as incentives against war too. Chief among them all is what makes the world go round - money! The international donor community is prepared to dole out massive sums of cash for tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction. These agencies and nations want both parties to work together as part of a joint mechanism.

The tsunami disaster has provided a worthy and very deserving cause. The immediate rehabilitation and resettlement of tsunami refugees and reconstruction of affected areas. If both sides played ball and reluctantly collaborated on post-tsunami renaissance, then around $ 2 billion at least will be doled out. The donors feel now that a collaborative venture between both sides will strengthen the peace process and pave the way for direct talks. In the meantime govt-LTTE interaction on the rehabilitation issue will be positively advantageous it is felt.

The LTTE too wants money. Nowadays it has become a financial conglomerate trying to eke, shake, make or take money. The Tigers and affiliates like the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation have raised massive sums of money after the tsunami. Yet these are not enough to effectively reconstruct the affected areas and galvanise economic activity on a large scale. So international funds are very necessary. It is not as if the LTTE is driven solely by concerns for the Tamil people but it knows that money can be raised only in their name. Mirror image of the Colombo regime. When this aid is obtained and projects get going the LTTE will directly and indirectly make money.

Compromise needed

So for this some compromise is needed. The LTTE has also learnt the hard way that it cannot lay hands on the big bucks unless and until it enters into a strategic partnership with Colombo. Tamilselvan wholed a Tiger delegation to Europe seeking separate funds for the N-E returned empty-handed. A dejected Tiger political chief lamented in an interview that the international countries were not prepared to give the LTTE money directly. "They will give money only if we and the government seek it together," he said. Yet after the tsunami the Tigers did try and strike out again. They failed and now wisdom has dawned. The LTTE now knows that it has to 'bond' together with the government to gain funds.

All what seems necessary now is for the LTTE to forge some joint mechanism with the government for tsunami relief and rehabilitation and make it workable. The government keeps its so called sovereignty as funds will not be given to the LTTE directly but channelled through Colombo. Tiger affiliates like the TRO could get funds with the approval of Colombo.

The government may have legal authority over the country but its writ does not run fully in the north-east. The LTTE can sabotage any project there. So the LTTE is needed to execute projects in the N-E. Like the story about the blind man carrying the lame man on his shoulders to pluck fruit from a tall tree, both the government and LTTE are ready to join forces and share the booty.

When the LTTE wants something it is prepared to adopt any posture that will succeed. The Tigers know that the major opposition to the LTTE being given control of the north-eastern structure will come from the Muslim and Sinhala communities. So it is bending backward to accommodate them. The LTTE is more than generous in allocating representation and sharing power with the other communities because it does not want them to obstruct the Tigers gaining overall control.

Sharing power nominally does not matter to the LTTE as it has absolute control over the predominantly north-eastern bureaucracy. The Tigers have the unofficial power but not the legitimacy which is needed to get funds legitimately and officially implement projects.

Apart from access to more funds this nationally and internationally sanctioned legitimacy is also needed to establish and expand its control among the Batticaloa-Amparai Tamil people. The Tiger base is badly eroded in the east after the Karuna revolt. The power to rehabilitate tsunami victims will be beneficial greatly. It will also use this opportunity to coax, cajole and coerce new recruits. The LTTE will also develop its income generating capacity further by utilising the rehabilitation process. Tiger nominees given fat contracts will pay their dues to the Tigers. The people will be forced to do shramadana while being on the payroll which will of course go direct to Tiger coffers. Tiger taxation will increase.

Gaining prestige

Internationally the LTTE will gain more prestige and 'legitimise' its fund raising. Security agencies abroad will not be able to check donations given to a legitimate rehabilitation authority in the north-east. It can also gain more clout with the Muslim community. It will also strengthen its position vis a vis the armed forces. Conscription will be made easy.

What is frightening in this scenario is that giving legitimate recognition to the LTTE in this respect will give Tigers carte blanche to do what they want in the north-east. Already the LTTE is accused of diverting, hoarding and misappropriating relief aid. People planning to go abroad on account of being affected by the tsunami are being deprived of official documents. They have to pay the Tigers to get them. There are charges of conscription from refugee camps too. Against this backdrop the potential for greater abuse and misuse of power is very much there.

What is perplexing is the move to give control of all affected N-E districts to the LTTE. The LTTE controlled Mullaithivu and Kilinochchi Districts and parts of Jaffna, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Amparai. One can understand the 'Hobsons choice' involved in areas under Tiger control but extending LTTE 'writ' to areas outside their control is incredibly absurd. An LTTE affiliate like the TRO could be one among several players operating in government controlled areas if it is visible and accountable but creating an overall N-E authority is an invitation for trouble. It can only result in more people of the north-east coming under Tiger hegemony.

The LTTE is seemingly flexible only to gain control of a north-eastern post-tsunami structure. The international donor community and the liberal intelligentsia in the south must realise that the LTTE must be made to genuinely adhere to concepts of pluralism, democracy and human rights in the Tamil areas in order to gain further legitimacy. It must also be transparent and accountable in executing funds. In this high stakes game for tsunami relief funds, the LTTE may seem to be playing a cool hand but is actually desperate for legitimacy and funds. It could be pressured to accept international humanitarian law and universal standards of upholding human rights, democracy and pluralism. The donor community must raise the ante and call the Tiger bluff through Colombo."

Against this backdrop where this column evinced concern about the LTTE being given carte blanche through this exercise five months ago, re-evaluating the situation becomes necessary. From what information has been made available about the proposed structure it appears that the government, despite intense pressure has not surrendered to the LTTE. The government team in protracted negotiations has remained firm on a number of things. An intricate system of checks and balances has been put in place to prevent Tiger dominance.

In the first place the sphere of authority is restricted geographically. It will extend only two kilometers inwards from the shoreline in all six tsunami affected districts. There is no north -compromise is needed-east linked structure. Each district remains autonmous in function. The term of the authority will be for one year only. Thereafter extensions are possible depending on the progress of reconstruction projects. So the Tigers will not be able to extend authority officially to all districts of the N-E.

The structure

The mechanism is a three tiered structure. At the primary level is the district committee that will both formulate projects and implement them. At the secondary level is the regional committee which will approve, allocate, monitoror reject projects. At the tertiary level is the high level committee that will allocate funding and monitor such disbursements.

The district committee will be headed (depending on districts) by the GA or a minister from the district. The district committee will have government officials, elected representatives, NGO and INGO representatives, LTTE and even security force representatives. The committees will formulate projects in a way that would reflect the population ratios of each area.

The regional committee will have 10 members. The LTTE will nominate five, Muslim parties three and the government two. There will be some NGO and INGO observers too. The committee will be chaired by a LTTE nominee. A minority safeguard provision has been made for two representatives being able to block a project approval or rejection decision. If the issue is brought up again a seven member vote is required to get it passed.

Likewise the high level committee will have three members representing the Tamil, Sinhala and Muslim communities. This will be responsible for funds. Here too a decision can be blocked by a single person. Since consensus is a requirement a cooling off period called 'suspension of cooperation' will come in if a decision is split. If consensus is not reached even after that the funds involved will revert back to the Treasury.

The suspension period of the high level committee will not affect the working of the other two committees. Two representatives from a multi-lateral donor and bilateral donor will sit in as observers on the high level committee. This committee will authourise the necessary funding for each approved project. All money coming in will go to the Treasury and not the joint mechanism. The Treasury will transfer funds as when necessary according to the high level committee recommendation.

It appears therefore that adequate safeguards have been built to prevent the LTTE from dominating the structure or laying hands directly on the money involved. In fact the minority safeguards may even have a contrary effect. It is theoretically possible for Sinhala and Muslim representatives to gang up together and block much of the proposals mooted by LTTE nominees. On the other hand a spirit of compromise and consensus may permeate the entire set up.

Serious drawback

The structure however is woefully lacking in the case of human rights. Jayantha Dhanapala has gone on record that clauses regarding human rights were not possible due to LTTE opposition. This is a serious problem. Practically a human rights clause won't be effective if the LTTE wants to violate those rights. If the LTTE does embark on a campaign of violence and intimidation to pressure the bureaucrats and local NGO representatives there seems very little anyone can do about it. This is a serious drawback.

Still this does not mean that the joint mechanism project be jettisoned and the LTTE sidelined. Ground realities prevent it. What should be of paramount importance here is the welfare of the tsunami affected people languishing for months now. For their sake the joint mechanism should start functioning. Those worried about the LTTE should keep vigil and see that the checks and balances system in the scheme be utilised adequately to monitor and prevent LTTE excesses. The JVP that has two MPs in Trincomalee and Amparai would do well to participate in the committee and act as a countervailing factor to the LTTE rather than keeping away.

The proposed structure is not perfect or foolproof. Working with the LTTE on an enterprise like this has its dangers and pitfalls. The LTTE could subvert the mechanism through selective terror. Yet that cannot be used as an excuse to exclude the LTTE from playing a role in north-east rehabilitation. If the Tigers do engage in corruption, abuse and misuse of powers then it will only help further alienate them from the Tamil people. In any case it is up to the international community and other non-LTTE elements of the N-E to keep tabs on the Tigers.

If however Sinhalahardline opposition becomes powerful enough as in the past to derail the mechanism on the grounds that it strengthens and legitimises the LTTE further, the consequences could be drastic. The humanitarian needs of the north-eastern tsunami victims cannot be relegated to the backburner simply because the Sinhala chauvinists have gone berserk.

The international community will have no option but to fund LTTE backed agencies directly for rehabilitation. Colombo will have no control. If that happens the Tigers will gain greater legitimacy. The Sinhala hawks as usual would have done the Tigers a great favour then. Including the LTTE in a joint mechanism certainly has its share of danger. Excluding it could turn out to be worse.

Lions roar - against each other

Ranjan Jayawardena and Ashroff Razack

By Frederica Jansz

A right royal stink has been raised among the Lions since our expose was published on how donor funds for an anti malaria campaign were misused. Top Lions have since begun trading charges against each other, accusing one another of fiddling donor coffers.

Our story was based on documentary evidence, one of which was a detailed document carrying findings of a committee of inquiry headed by Past Council Chairman, Dayantha Fernando and assisted by Past District Governors, Daya Wickramatunge and Lincoln Fernando.

Two of the accused in this case, Ranjan Jayawardena and Ashroff Razack have since responded to The Sunday Leader, vehemently denying the contents of the article while insisting they remain innocent of misappropriating donor funds to the tune of Rs. 2 million.

But both Jayawardena and Razack continue to be countered by the committee of inquiry who insist the project funded by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM) resulted in monies being misappropriated.

Nothing new

And in this backdrop both Razack and Jayawardena have begun throwing stones at other Lions insisting that misappropriation of donor funds among the Lions is nothing new and that there have been many other cases, which have all been hushed up.

Razack claims, "There are so many other cases where past governors have single handedly taken cash and no one knows what happened. Past District Governor, Abey Silva is one such case. No one to date knows what he did with monies donated to help equip the Eye Hospital in Hambantota. These have never been queried but just gone underground."

Abey Silva countered with this response. "I was the project administrator. The total project value was US$ 87,000. I called for an advance from Lions International that was US$ 66,331. This, I called on April 28, 1994. I completed the project within that advance and I saved Lions International US$ 20,669 due to my prudence. At the end of the project I had a balance of Rs. 431,596.72 and this money is up to date in the account of Seylan Bank First City Office - A/C No: 0011-00011815-001. I have approval from Lions International to utilise this money that is in the account for the same project and should there be any monies left over to be then sent to international," Silva said.

Ranjan Jayawardena meantime charges that if there ever was a misuse of GFATM funds it was at the GFATM launch. He says tickets were priced and printed at Rs. 1,400 each but sold at Rs. 1000 "at the request of incumbent governors led by Lion Marcella Silva."

Marcella Silva said, "The banquet that is in question was held during the past year where another chairman was in office. However, as a responsible council member that year I can vouch for the fact that the multiple council did not approve many of the expenditure of the above project."

Jayawardena however insists the dinner subsidy alone was Rs. 250,000 while liquor costs were more than Rs. 100,000. "Only two committee members, Dr. Adrian Senadhira and myself objected to this expenditure. However, the big shots of Lionism got their way," he said.

He adds the mud slinging campaign against him continued "upto the last vice district governor election day where Marcella Silva along with her spouse (Abey Silva) acted quite contrary to the decisions taken at the meeting held a few days earlier on how the election will be conducted."

'All rubbish'

Abey Silva hit back saying, "This is all rubbish. I was never even present at any of those meetings. The meeting was to show how re-districting was to take place. This had nothing to do with me. I have nothing to do with the Multiple Council. Jayawardena is lying."

His wife, Marcella Silva responded, "A meeting was called by the chairman of the Multiple Elections Committee and was held to discuss the logistics and the methodology employed by each district to conduct its own elections. It is important to note that while the committee chairman conducted these meetings I sat in as the multiple council chairperson. The Multiple Council was present to conduct it in a fair and equitable manner. It is also pertinent to mention that at this meeting my husband was not present. It is interesting to note how connections of the past are sought to cover up for the many allegations that are now present."

But Jayawardena says this mud slinging campaign against him began "when I caught a lion rigging votes in favour of a certain candidate at the 2002 District 306A election."

Past Council Chairman, Dayantha Fernando maintains that Jayawardena should not make such statements at this time. He should have done so at the 2002 District 306A election, he says.

The allegations and counter charges are being made after we published details of how a project implemented by the Lions to fight the malaria mosquito had hit ground.

This project was commenced in March 2003. An agreement was signed between Multiple District 306 and Sarvodaya. The Lions were appointed to implement the project.

The grant it was pledged would be used to intensify malaria control and intervention among marginalised populations in districts of the north and east. The total cost of the project is Rs. 590 million.

Three players

Former District Governor for Lions Club District 306A, Lion Ashroff Razack and Lions Aslam Kiyabdeen and Ranjan Jayawardena were the three key players in managing and implementing the initial phase of this project.

Subsequently a committee of inquiry found all three Lions to have accepted a salary to do humanitarian work while also claiming huge sums from the project funds towards personal expenses.

Huge amounts of the project funds were also paid to printers and advertisers without calling for quotations.

Ranjan Jayawardena in his response to us insists that this was not the case. He maintains he has not benefited a cent from this undertaking. That although he was paid a sum of Rs. 325,000 as a monthly allowance he "donated it in its entirety to Lionism."

He claims only a sum of Rs. 56,350 was reimbursed to him on account of expenses duly and properly incurred in the course of functioning as 'project coordinator.' He adds that the said committee of inquiry was unlawful and its findings untenable.

Dayantha Fernando who headed the committee responds by saying that while the committee did not specifically name Jayawardena, Razack or Kiyabdeen as being found guilty, "We did however highlight the fact that Ranjan Jayawardena did take a salary."

'Other purposes'

Fernando pointed out that if indeed Jayawardena donated the monies back, he should have done so to the GFATM project. However, he maintains that a statement of accounts from his club does not indicate these monies were diverted to GFATM. "So obviously they were used for some other purpose," he said.

Responding to Jayawardena's charge that the committee of inquiry was unlawful and it findings untenable, Fernando asserted this committee was appointed by the previous multiple council of governors. "If Jayawardena believed it to be unlawful he should have protested then. But his conclusion to this effect is being made only now after the findings of the report became known. When people find they have been faulted then it is easy to try and say something is unlawful," Fernando said.

The committee of inquiry in fact also faulted Jayawardena for having spent Rs. 1.4 million for a telefilm to be telecast for 60 minutes on three days. The committee report points out that the objective of this film was never known as if those affected could afford a television set to watch a film on the malaria mosquito they could well afford to buy a mosquito net and would not require a donation of the latter.

Jayawardena adds that he has not been removed from his post by the council. "I remain the project coordinator without financial remuneration, which I am willing and able to do, because I am a person of adequate means," he says.

The Sunday Leader is in no position to dispute Jayawardena's financial status in life. However, the fact remains if Jayawardena says he continues as project coordinator without financial remuneration, well and good. But all this could have been avoided then had he done the same with the earlier GFATM committee.

Aroff Razack meanwhile similarly to Ranjan Jayawardena also categorically and emphatically denies any misappropriation of funds from the GFATM project account stressing, "that a reputed firm of auditors - BDO Burah Hathy, audited the accounts."

We can only reiterate what we have already stated in our previous expose. If such is the case how is it that Ashroff Razack kept in his possession a sum of Rs. 400,000 instead of depositing it in the GFATM Current Account?

The controversial launch banquet was held on December 17, 2003 and the money was deposited by Ashroff Razack, GFATM Current Account on March 17, 2005 after a period of 14 months. He is responsible for the funds, which were deposited only when the Multiple Council demanded the money from him warning, that if the funds are not deposited that they would be compelled to hand over the matter to the Criminal Investigations Department. If Razack denies misappropriating money what did he do with these funds for 14 months?

Subsidised dinner

Referring to having used donor funds to hold a tamasha at the Colombo Plaza where Razack has been faulted for subsidising even the sale of dinner tickets while also paying Rs. 103,200 for liquor, wines and champagne, he says, "this was not my intention but of the current Multiple Council Chairperson, Marcella Silva and the council members during that period. He adds, "I was vehemently opposed to any subsidising of dinner tickets for the banquet. However, the governors in office pleaded and begged that the dinner tickets be priced at Rs. 1000 when the hotel had quoted Rs. 1,500 per person."

"They also wanted the best of wines, champagnes and liquors to be served at this banquet," Razack charged.

The fact is the current Multiple Council Chairperson, Marcella Silva was not the council chairperson at that time. It was a different council chairperson with whom Razack organised this banquet.

Razack in similar vein to Ranjan Jayawardena had bitterly criticised the appointment of Past Council Chairman, Dayantha Fernando who headed the committee of inquiry.  He says Fernando "had complained of irregularities with regard to the banquet and the handling of the GFATM project by its chairman. Ironically, the Multiple Council appointed this same person to head the inquiring committee. This act is in violation of the rules of natural justice," he says, pointing out the complainant cannot be appointed as investigator.

Why Razack and Jayawardena never protested about the appointment of PCC Dayantha Fernando as the chairman of the inquiry committee right at the outset instead of waiting till the report was completed and handed over is not clear.

Razack also denies having taken a salary saying, "However, I was approved a reimbursement of a sum of Rs. 15,000 for expenses on my travels, lodging, food and telephone bills on this project. This paltry sum was a pittance to what my expenses were when I had to travel to remote villages in the districts of Ampara, Batticaloa, Mannar, Jaffna, Trincomalee and Polonnaruwa.

The committee of inquiry categorically states that Razack indeed took a salary or allowance of Rs. 15,000 monthly. There were no records placed before the committee of any reimbursement claimed on travel to remote villages.

Additional claims submitted by Razack were for reimbursement of upto 50% of his private mobile phone bills, even making claims when the cell phone was used on roaming facility.

Cost difference

Razack further maintains that a massive Rs. 1.5 million spent to transport nets to the north and east included door to door deliveries as well as logical constraints all of which had to be borne by the transporter which resulted in this cost.

If this is the case how is it that transport of nets was done in 2005 at a total cost of only Rs. 8,000 which is approximately Rs. 13.50 per net, where as Razack's committee has spent approximately Rs. 30.00 per net?

"It is incorrect to say I was hiding monies for 14 months since the monies received from sponsorships and ticket sales came in long after the launch and a new chairman was appointed in May that year," Razack said.

If we are to accept what Razack says as correct, in receiving his sponsorship and the tickets monies, the question still arises why he did not deposit in the account as and when he received the monies. Since sponsorship monies were deposited in March 2004, why could not the Rs. 400,000 also have been deposited then?

"After submitting my audited accounts, I waited for more than three months for Dayantha Fernando to confirm that the audited accounts were in order. It is only after this that I could deposit monies into the GFATM account," Razack counters.

Razack apparently had his own company auditors Bura Hathy & Co to audit the accounts. The Council decided that it should be an independent auditor recommended by current council treasurer and this nomination received the concurrence of Sarvodaya. The auditor is Jayasuriya & Co.

As stated by Razack there was no necessity to wait for three months, because Dayantha Fernando was not going to give him any confirmation on these accounts, other than submit the report of the committee.

Mangala goes to town with SLPA funds

Mangala and Dilan 

By Frederica Jansz

Millions of rupees are to be diverted from Ports Authority coffers to fund projects initiatedbyMinisterMangala Samaraweera which have little or no connection to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority.  

The SLPA is to pay Rs. 10 million for a walkway to be built from the Galle Fort along the water front up to Unawatuna.

Another Rs. 30 million is to be spent to build a 'Marina,' a specially designed harbour with moorings for pleasure yachts in the Galle harbour, which Minister Mangala Samaraweera has insisted is necessary to promote tourism.

Separately monies from the SLPA are to be allocated for the construction of a community centre at Matara which will cost Rs. 20 million and another in Badulla for Rs. 15 million.  The latter has received approval as a result of the Deputy Ports Minister, Dilan Perera hailing from Badulla.  The design for this centre is already complete, while the design for the Matara community centre is still being done.

Matara Park

The SLPA is to also spend Rs. 20 million on constructing a beach park at Matara - the electorate and stronghold of Mangala Samaraweera.

Another Rs. 5 million has been set aside to renovate the Galle Aker Staff Bungalow.  The renowned architect Ashley de Vos has been contracted for this purpose. Work commenced in November 2004, and is expected to be completed later this month.

Similarly, the new circuit bungalow at Trincomalee and Orr's Hill Bungalow also in Trincomalee are to be refurbished.

Three new luxury Audi cars are also to be purchased out of SLPA funds.  Rs. 18 million is to be taken out of SLPA coffers for this purpose.

The projects received the green light at a meeting held on February 7 this year which was chaired by Samaraweera and attended by his Deputy Dilan Perera as well as SLPA Chairman, Dileepa Wijesundera and other directors.

According to documentary proof in our possession, at this meeting it was also decided to initiate the second phase of the Beira Lake development project.  Work in this regard it was decided must begin immediately.

It has also been decided that the resettlement of squatters around Beira Lake should be done by the SLPA with the Urban Development Authority (UDA) only assisting it.

According to a document prepared by REEL, an arm of the UDA, the SLPA is expected to fork out a massive Rs. 1 billion to construct buildings at a land allocated at Dematagoda, to relocate those currently living around the lake.

In addition to the government forking out US $ 100 million for an oil tank farm in Hambantota, an additional Rs. 100 million is to now to be spent by the SLPA to conduct a feasibility study for the development of a sea port at Hambantota.   

The issue here is that even the US $ 100 million for the oil tank farm at Hambantota is US$ 67 million more than that estimated in a feasibility study which stated that only US$ 33 million would be required.  The reason for the massive increase has never been explained by the Minister. 

Separately, a children's park is to be constructed at Wennappuwa while five road bridges are to be built in Deniyaya and another five in Badulla.  The cost for the building of the 10 bridges is estimated at Rs. 30 million.

Office refurbish

Additionally an estimated Rs. 80 million is to be spent out of SLPA funds to refurbish office space at the Ports Authority to house Samaraweera.

The Minister has this time around surpassed his last effort when he took over as minister of urban development  and spent Rs. 25 million out of UDA funds to install designer style wash-basins, paintings and a host of other luxury items in order to ensure his work surroundings are luxurious.    

Nela de Soysa, architect and interior designer has been chosen by the Minister this time to refurbish and equip his office at the SLPA.

Already an estimated Rs. 5 million has been spent while inside sources revealed that a claim by Ms. De Soysa to the tune of Rs. 40 million cannot be met as the SLPA can only pass upto Rs. 25 million at a time.  

Another Rs. 55 million is to be spent to purchase radio equipment for the Hanskawa dredger which does maintenance dredging inside the Colombo harbour.  This is despite having received other quotations for only Rs. 25 million for the equipment.  The purchase of the equipment is to be made from Access who are the local agents.

Political monks hijacking Buddhism

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

The proposal to create a joint mechanism between the government and the Liberation Tigers to handle tsunami relief has triggered off an emotional response throughout the country with the Maha Sangha themselves leading the protest campaigns against such a mechanism.

As the astrologically recommended days for the signing of the agreement drew near, the tempo of these protests also increased with at least two prominent monks holding fasts unto death, which received considerable public support.

What is significant about the monk protests are, that though polarised in political views - the saffron robed are treated with unparalleled respect by Sri Lankan society. It is an advantage, the Buddhist monks have put to very good use time and again.

The views of bhikkus have always been respectfully received here. They have acted as counsel to ancient rulers and much of state policy has been remodelled according to their thinking.

However, there has been an erosion of the role played by them with the advent of representative democracy. But their significance has certainly not dulled as they continue to influence the thinking of the people.

As far as the proposed joint mechanism goes, the sangha community stands divided. While there are distinctly different political parties like the JVP and the JHU who oppose the mechanism and show their protest  holding fasts unto death, there are monks who actively support the formation of some link between the state and the LTTE.

The first of the protesting bhikkus, Ven. Dr. Omalpe Sobitha Thero has fasted on previous occasions regarding issues close to his heart, like the time when the JHU demanded the introduction of an anti conversion bill in parliament to prevent 'unethical' conversions.

The issues, this time around as far as the JHU is concerned are simple. They demand, first and foremost that the joint mechanism draft policy be submitted to a referendum.

The JHU's argument is that Article 157 of the Constitution debars the state from entering into any agreement with a separatist movement, and hence President Chandrika Kumaratunga is not empowered to enter into an agreement with the LTTE for the setting up of a joint mechanism.

According to Vice President, JHU, Ven. Dr Sobitha Thero, the truce between the UNF government and the LTTE has created a disadvantageous situation for Sri Lanka.

"While there is a case filed against the signing of the truce, the joint mechanism is a far worse step that seeks to legitimise a terrorist organization," claims Ven. Dr.  Sobitha Thero.

The JHU further argues that parliamentary sanction is not sufficient for a far reaching political decision, and insists on the holding of a referendum to receive the public's stamp of approval.

In the meantime, the JHU Vice President is of the firm view that there is no need for the JVP to quit the alliance on account of a joint mechanism and insists that the JHU is not concerned about breaking and making governments. They claim their singular concern is the prevention of the establishment of  the Post Tsunami Operations Management Structure (P-TOMS).

The JHU monk's fast unto death however drew less attention to the issues affecting the joint mechanism as the protests themselves  stole the attention.

The sight of Ven. Sobitha's  fasting triggered off a highly emotional response among the Buddhists who largely responded by signing a million signature petition against the joint mechanism.

Spokesman for the  JHU, Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero however said that people did not place their signatures on the petition simply because they were moved by the sight of the eminent monk lying in the Mahamaluwa area. " That's what they believed in," he said.

With the JHU fast gathering momentum, the JVP-associated monks led by Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thero of the Jathika Bhikku Front (JBF) too quickly galvanised into action and launched their own fast  to show their protest.

For the Marxists, the joint mechanism is an emotional issue as much as it is a political one.

One striking difference between the two protests was that the JHU protest was more on religious lines with the element of sacrifice being emphasised. Also, many Buddhist rituals were held in the Buddhist city of Kandy while the monk fasted.

In contrast, Ven. Dr. Dambara Amila Thero's fast in front of the Fort Railway Station had only political connotations. There were no rituals associated with it, but lusty speeches by others, distribution of posters and strangely, a poster of the fasting monk which most people could have mistaken for the JHU's Ven. Dr. Sobitha Thero's face.

According to the JVP, no compromises are possible and a simple undertaking by the President to the Mahanayakes that they would be heard before a final draft is prepared remains unacceptable.

The JVP insists on the dropping of the entire idea and warn that the nation's security is facing great peril. The assurances, according to the JVP are completely insufficient and not strong enough for them to stay on in the rainbow coalition. 

They also oppose holding discussions with the chief prelates as an unnecessary move to win favour.

" Why should there be discussions on the joint mechanism at all? The fact that Kumaratunga is initiating a dialogue with the Maha Sangha and others only prove that it is very much a set up that is about to be set up," said a protesting monk of the JVP-affiliated National Bhikku Front (NBF).

But the fact that President Kumaratunga is  at least officially willing to initiate a dialogue on the joint mechanism does not make the JVP happy.

They rejected outright an assurance from the Malwatte Chief Priest, Thibbotuwawe Sri Sumangala Thero who requested Ven. Amila Thero to discontinue his fast saying there would be a consultation process before a final decision is taken.

" It is a move to legitimise a terrorist group", says JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa while an angry President Kumaratunga seeks to pin the  blame on her former Marxists allies for any eventuality that may occur following their decision to make the UPFA a minority government in parliament creating political instability.

With the two key protests coming to an end, it is as if monks are out to compete with each other through their protest actions opposing the joint mechanism.

The discontinuation of the two protests has in no way dulled both parties' desire to hold more fasts until the joint mechanism idea is dropped.

The JVP being the highly active political organisation it is, has introduced a fast by 10 more monks the very moment Ven. Dambara Amila was taken away for  medical attention last Wednesday. (15)

However, the protests come much to the dismay of the Buddhist population with monks who have donned the robe renouncing everything, are now seen not only protesting on the road, but claiming their right to territory.

Whether this is in accordance with the Vinaya rules is another matter. "Their renunciation obviously has serious limitations, often etched with political thinking," a pavement seller in the Colombo Fort area said, disgusted seeing saffron robes these days only at protest venues.

In the mˆl‚e, the entire concept of "sacrifice" too appears to have acquired new meaning. With supporters of these protests quoting the 'Sasa Jathaka' in which the Bodhisatva, born as a hare sacrificed his life to feed a starving man. This today is equated to the death fasts performed by Buddhsit monks.

And the respect this country extended to the Buddhist clergy is certainly on the wane given how politically motivated the saffron clad are. And it is not applicable only to those who have the obvious links.

There were sighs of relief on Wednesday afternoon when Ven. Dr. Dambara Amila was removed by policemen in plainclothes from the protest venue. The situation was so serious that IGP Chandra Fernando obtained a court order to have the monk physically removed.

The monk at that time was unconscious and was declared to be in a critical condition.

Spokesman, NBF, Ven. Wathumulle Uditha Thero said that assurances on paper are not acceptable to the JVP.

" We want a serious commitment that a joint mechanism will not  be created. If the fasting priest was warded, there are others who are ready to undertake the fast," he said.

And true to his word, 10 other monks commenced a similar fast, the moment Amila Thero was removed. Both parties vow to continue the action.  

As most onlookers commented, in the recent past, 'protests' have become the monks' domain. Yet it is a role the monks fiercely defend and claim that since the advent of Buddhism, monks have played a decisive political role and defended the country zealously, sometimes even joining the war.

Meanwhile, President Kumara- tunga, though determined to go ahead with the joint mechanism, like all other leaders before her will try to win the favour of the saffron clad-if only to sell her wares to the public. And if history has taught anything, it is that Sri Lanka has often backtracked at politically significant moments and put decisions on the reverse gear perpetuating problems.

As tension mounts, it is the monks who are holding sway with their protests. And the country sits on a volcano. And more protests by the saffron clad could lead only towards  civil commotion, at a time when the nation requires persons of the stature of 'statesmen' to look up to. 

Kilinochchi wants 'true freedom'

Tenacious peace but life goes on as usual in Tiger-land

By Easwaran Rutnam In Kilinochchi

Daytime breaks in the rebel stronghold of Kilinochchi. Instead of  the usual Sri Lankan national anthem you hear in the morning on local radio in most parts of the country the radios in this town as well as loud speakers on the streets are playing a song that speaks of the freedom struggle of the LTTE.

As the day progresses with the usual hustle and bustle of the town, which was at one time the site of exploding bombs and gunfire, it would seem everything is normal.

But in reality that is not the case.

While the benefits of peace has seen Killinochchi develop with the construction of a new road network, electricity and more recently a massive water tank funded by the World Bank, the beneficiaries say it is only a 'concession' to their real need  -  Freedom.

Tamils in the area say they are willing to forego all what they are enjoying for the sake of 'true freedom'.

The LTTE says the Kilinochchi township will not be satisfied with the chance they could walk on the streets fearless of an aerial bomb falling on their heads and indeed the Tamils at large in Sri Lanka are treated equally by deed and not just by word.

With strong opposition to the joint mechanism by extremists in the south gathering momentum the Tamil community in Kilinochchi fear they may be pushed back to what was three years ago  -  a life not worth living.

LTTE Political Head S. P. Tamilselvan speaking to The Sunday Leader said "Tamils will not be cheated by the repairing of roads,  uninterrupted electricity and water supply or other material things. For us to live a normal life so many factors need to be dealt with."

Sticky issues

So what are these so-called 'factors'? One of the most sticking issues is the high security zone in the north where the military continues to occupy civilian homes.

Protests against the occupation were held last weekend in Jaffna with civilians and members of the Tamil National Alliance saying in order for there to be normalcy the military must pull out.

However the military says the high security zones will have to remain with the interest of national security at stake.

Military spokesman Brigadier Daya Ratnayake told The Sunday Leader that the army is in fact paying rent to all the private houses it is occupying in the north and east.

"We could have vacated these homes if the LTTE had not acted in a manner that did not build confidence towards the military during the three year period since the CFA was signed," Ratnayake said.

The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) says although the military occupation of private houses does not go against the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) vacating them will contribute immensely to normalising life for the Jaffna community.

"The CFA says the military must vacate places of worship, schools and public buildings. There has never been a ruling on the occupation of private property although civilians have complained to us and we have investigated them," SLMM Spokeswoman Helen Olatsdofftir said.

The SLMM spokeswoman however said that the high security zone has been reshaped in some areas by the army to provide easy access to places of worship and schools.

One other factor that concerns the Tamils in rebel territory is the fact that every time a solution to their problems is arrived at, extremists in the south prevent it from being implemented.

The failure to fully implement the CFA due to the change of government in 2002 and now the agitation campaigns launched by extremist groups in the south including Buddhist monks has irked the Tamils in the north with the LTTE saying the Tamils need to be vigilant and be prepared to face the consequences.

In the meantime there are several Sri Lankan Tamils languishing in refugee camps in India willing to return to their homeland with peace seemingly secured despite the isolated incidents that prove otherwise.

While there are those who can afford to make the trip back home by air from India, many others use illegal means like sneaking in shipping boats, although most of them fail to make it all the way.

Fear psychosis

One young Sri Lankan who returned from India after four years was happy to see his homeland but was worried of what the future holds with the crisis in the south.

"The place looks much better than what it was four years ago," he said  looking at the developed infrastructure in the north.

The fact that a lot has to be done to create confidence among the Tamils for them to really enjoy a normal life was evident when The Sunday Leader returned to Colombo from Kilinochchi in a cab driven by a Tamil civilian from the town.

The driver was visibly scared as he entered Colombo and saw the strong military presence in the town.

His fear of being apprehended by the military simply because he is a Tamil from the north was so strong that he refused to proceed the full distance of the hire.

"These soldiers might take me into custody because I'm from Kilinochchi so I will rather avoid them," he said.

Meanwhile the LTTE in a move to strengthen its image is doing their best to make visitors to the rebel town comfortable by giving them easy access to areas they wish to visit to get a first hand view of life in rebel territory.

Among the sites now being used as a tourist stopover is Elephant Pass, where an intense battle took place between the army and the LTTE in 2000.

While passing through the site The Sunday Leader came across several armed LTTE cadres in uniform posing for a foreigner in front of a wrecked army vehicle, proud of the damage they had caused.

Tamilselvan told The Sunday Leader that in his view Tamils are willing to work together with the Sinhalese three years after the war halted but are forced to do otherwise because of extremist elements.

"There has to be at least humanitarian considerations towards the Tamils to ensure they enjoy some kind of normalcy or else their point of tolerance will break apart," he warned.

With more new infrastructure coming up in the town the question many are asking, taking into account the situation in the south and the incidents in the east, is for how long will these new structures remain standing and will real peace ever be experienced?

The answer it seems will be, not  in the near future!

A search for peace and a race for arms in the sub continent

THE half century old   acerbic rhetoric across the Himalayan border has of late pleasantly mellowed to cricketing metaphors following Indo-Pak cricketing encounters and President Pervez Mushraff's visit to New Delhi in mid- April. 

A Pakistani commentator Seyed Talat Hussain, writing about General Musharaff's  rapprochement  towards New Delhi states: "Pakistan's policy towards India has fundamentally departed from the past pattern: it no longer aims for a diplomatic score as exciting as Shahid Afridi's 45 ball hundred in Kanpur; it is tuned to  play a long test series, even if the matches keep ending in frustrating draws on Kashmir."

The cricketing metaphors are less numerous on the India side probably because Saurav Ganguly's team did not perform up to expectations. The recent furore caused by the Bharathiya Janata Party's ( BJP ) Lal Advani's visit to  Pakistan  where he paid  generous compliments  to Pakistan's founder Mohamed Ali Jinnah  could , we venture, to describe in cricketing terms, as Advani getting out hit wicket but being asked to bat again by sympathetic umpires.

Advani, the current Indian leader of the opposition who led a march of militant  Hindu's to destroy the Babri Masjid Mosque at Ayodhya and caused widespread Hindu- Moslem riots, now praising Jinnah who is still loathed by Indian Hindus for his role in the partition of India, is indicative of this growing  Indo- Pakistan comaraderie. But how long it will last is anybody's guess. India and Pakistan leaders have met before, embraced each other resulting in much hope and euphoria but only to return to the status quo ante, soon after.

To outsiders President Musharaff, the Pakistan army commander who seized power from an elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, evoking a world wide outcry,  seems to be now doing pretty well. The Kargill incident in the Himalayas that threatened an Indo-Pak war again, the nuclear explosions in addition to the violence and terrorism prevailing in his country, left Musharaff in a precarious position but Osama bin Laden with his bombing of New York's Twin Towers on 9/11, unwittingly saved Musharaff. Having extended the fullest co- operation to the United States in its fight against the Taliban which Pakistan had earlier helped to create and support,  it did a volte - face  and became an ally of  the US and other Western powers such as Britain that has previously wanted Pakistan expelled from the Commonwealth. Musharaff is now regarded by the west as a bulwark against terrorism and he is enhancing his image as a key and responsible South Asian leader by promoting the dialogue with India in a genuine effort to resolve the intractable Kashmir problem.

While the world applauds Musharaff for his rapprochement with India, it appears to be a far less a popular move in  his home country. The opposition parties, particularly the hardcore religious groups, have called the Delhi Summit a 'national humiliation.' They claim that India has not given any vital commitment on Kashmir such as on the scaling down of troops in Kashmir whereas Musharaff's moves appear to  be that Pakistan is  giving into India's agenda on Kashmir. In Pakistan itself Musharaff's  close relations with the US and his crackdown on  al Qaeda elements is reported to be extremely unpopular and reports indicate that a great majority of Pakistanis support the al Qaeda and oppose close ties with the US.  Musharaff is indeed living very dangerously.

Soft border

Yet, there are others who see the Pakistani President's moves as having very far reaching objectives in bringing about a rapprochement with India, particularly on Kashmir. An Indian commentator Siddarth Varadarajan, deputy editor of The Hindu, in a post Delhi summit commentary says' ... "no Pakistani or Indian analyst should make a mistake of believing the results of the recent  summit between the General and the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, were anything less than momentous. For the first time in recent years, the two sides managed to establish something resembling a relationship of trust with each other. If the General agreed to stay the course and continue to rein in armed extremists who are out to scuttle the peace process, Manmohan assured his guest that India would not shy away from discusssions about a final settlement of the Kashmir issue."

Among the notable features of the joint statement issued after the visit were: Stressing of the irreversibility  of the peace process under way; the joint  avowal   by the two leaders not to  permit terrorism to undermine the peace process; the inclusion of the term 'final settlement' to Kashmir which India has been attempting to avoid after agreeing to it at the Simla Summit way back in 1972 and other confidence building measures such as the opening up of the road through the Line of Control (LoC) demarcating Pakistan and Indian controlled regions of Kashmir.

Indeed even though both sides are not playing up the consensus that is building on the idea of ' soft borders'  it could be the key that could result in the much wanted breakthrough on the intractable Kashmir issue. The LoC was drawn up soon after the partition of the subcontinent, dividing  Azad  Kashmir under the control of Pakistan and   Kashmir under the control of Indian troops. While the Kashmiris rejected the partition of their country on this line and Pakistan too refused to recognise it officially,  the Indian proposal  was that the LoC should materialise as the international boundary separating   two countries. The soft border implies that the LoC cannot be a permanent border. It means that a permanent border must be made irrelevant and boundaries cannot be altered.

The soft border proposal is an administrative arrangement which would  permit India and Pakistan to maintain their de facto and de jure sovereignties in Kashmir while not coming in the way of the people of the divided state enjoying the fruits of a unified  territory. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has been advocating 'soft borders' 'from day one' and General Musharaff has been its active supporter.

 It does seem a way out of the problem which has defied a solution for the past 55 years.

Commentators on both sides of the LoC as well as politicians are not putting it into focus as yet but it does seem to be a way out.

Indian Prime Minister, the Cambridge and Oxford educated Sikh is not an elected prime minister being a nominee of Sonia Gandhi of the Congress. He no doubt is about the best premier India could have right now having boosted the Indian economy that was tottering in 1992 to become the vibrant economy it is today having switched over to a free market economy. However his freedom of action is limited, his government being a 'rag bag' of 16 coalition parties dictated by two Communist parties from outside the coalition government whose parliamentary support is required to carry on the government. Whether he will be in hot water as Lal Advani found himself in, if he strays too far on Kashmir is another matter for speculation. But with the only Superpower more or less playing the role of godfather to both nations, stability does seem to be real.

Arms race

The irony of it all is that  with all  these  positive developments between the two arch foes, the dream of men of peace and idealists,  of the dawn of peace resulting in swords converted  into ploughshares or guns and bombs being made into rice and curry  is a far cry for  the poverty stricken billion of South Asia.

While the 'Nuclear Armageddon' in the Indian sub continent that was drummed up by the West which did not want the lesser nations to join their exclusive nuclear club is no more, right now   stupendous arms build up in the two countries has commenced. 

In 1989 the US refused to hand over 28 F-16 fighter planes for which Pakistan had paid 1.4 billion dollars because of its nuclear programme. Now all sanctions against Pakistan are off and the USA has offered the sale of F- 16 once again to Pakistan at a cost of one billion dollars and at the same time the US offered sales of F-16 fighter planes and even more advanced F -18 super hornet planes to India. Both poverty stricken countries are diverting colossal amounts for defence in the next five years - it being estimated that India's defence expenditure will total Rs 65,000 crore while Pakistan will spend Rs 10,000 crore. India will not depend solely on US military sales but will attempt to diversify its armament  purchases from other countries as has been its practice.

Explaining the sale of F-16 sales to Pakistan, US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice has said that Afghanistan and Central Asian states are important to American interests in the future. "Here is an entire area very important to American interests in the future." Commenting on the deal with India she is reported to have said that the US administration wanted to project itself as a reliable supplier of high quality defence equipment.

A defence analyst pointing out to these arms sales states: Given the fall in the real value of US arms exports during the last two years, the benefits of the F- 16 sales to the US are axiomatic. Pakistan's order alone saved Lockheed Martin production line for F-16 aircraft from closure. Bush's decision to sell F-16 fighter planes to Pakistan has therefore been warmly greeted in Forth Worth as it has been in Pakistan's power corridors. By offering arms to India and Pakistan, the US also expects to gain a certain amount of leverage with both countries.And why do both these countries with the majority of their people below the poverty line seek military power?

India wants to have great power status - to be a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Such status does not come easily to countries preaching  Ahimsa and possessing ramshackle armies. As for Pakistan, their motto has been: 'Anything you can do I can do better!'

The rise and fall of a Sandanaya

JVP Supremo Somawansa Amarasinghe, A massive crowd of JVP protesters gather at Liption Circus, K.D. Lalkantha and Handunhetti

By Amantha Perera

The clock at Liptons Circus was striking 4 p.m. last Tuesday. The throng that had gathered around it waited in anticipation. Sweat beads appeared on the tired faces as some leaned on to the railing. Some of them  had travelled from far off to join hands in a show of raw power. There was determination written on their faces, they had once again heeded their party leaders' calls and poured into the streets.

Some of them had faced water cannons and police riot squads the day before. But this was to be the big show.  The final growl before the party carried out its ultimatum. They hardly paid any notice to the anxious office workers walking hurriedly through them, to get away from the very thing, they waited for.

Faced with a President unwilling to budge under pressure, the JVP had reverted to its time tested manoeuvre, raw cadre power. Thousands were marching to the Lipton Circus, denouncing the Joint Mechanism and warning President Chandrika Kumaratunga that she had little over 24 hours to fold it and dump it, or else she will lose her parliamentary majority.

Deadline for Sandanaya

"We gave the President a final date. If she does not let go of the Joint Mechanism by tomorrow midnight (15th), there will be no Sandanaya by 16th morning," General Secretary Tilvin Silva holding the fort in the absence of party leader, Somawansa Amarasinghe reiterated the threat.

The 10,000-strong crowd cheered, waving red flags and massive banners. Silva gave them more. Twenty four hours before Kumaratunga had received conditional support to the mechanism from the UNP when she met Opposition Leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The UNP's 67 seats in parliament gave a clear escape route to the beleaguered President, at least on the short term. Her daring had been further boosted by an endorsement by the donor community. The JVP wanted to show that there was more trouble ahead.

"If the mechanism is pursued we will do everything democratically possible to stop it," Silva said. The threat of massive public protests paralysing Colombo was one part of the move. The other was a subtle indication that the presidential insistence on the JM could splinter her own beloved SLFP. The hint was that there were SLFPers and PA members willing to break ranks and join the JVP-led protests.

Lipton Circus drama

Silva told the party supporters that the JVP had been right in front of the battering-ram that had kicked out the Wickremesinghe administration in 2004.  Then as now, protesters at Lipton Circus were a common sight. It was the ceasefire agreement and the ISGA proposals that were galvanising the party then. Silva saw no difference now. It was one more street fight and the JVP had the supporters to do it.

The JVP was telling Kumaratunga in no uncertain terms that it was either the JM or the JVP. Ten thousand voices were there to send the message, much to the chagrin of office workers who had to trudge from Town Hall to Borella to catch the bus home. 

The final call made, the JVP dispersed and waited. The next day saw a barrage of letters appearing at its party office. SLFP General Secretary, Maithripala Sirisena wrote to Silva asking him to reconsider the move to quit. Susil Premjayanth followed more or less saying the same thing.

Late Wednesday evening, the JVP received a lengthy missive from Kumaratunga herself, giving  her arguments to issues raised by the JVP against the JM. She ended her letter by telling her Marxist allies that they would have to be responsible for the chaos created by their action.  Throughout the day, JVPers were saying that they were holding on to the door latch. Sunil Handunhetti was among the seniors who said that they were getting ready to quit and that the ministers were already packing up.

When the midnight ultimatum arrived, most of the country was asleep, when senior JVPers in the form of Nandana Gunathillake and Vijitha Herath confirmed to the media that the party had quit the alliance as Kumaratunga had remained unmoved.

"Even simple political arithmetic seems not to have pierced the thick cloud of confusion," Amarasinghe told the press 10 hours after the deadline. The simple arithmetic was that without the JVP the government could not survive, not in parliament, not in the provincial councils. 

Predicting future of  Alliance

"The Sandanaya will vanish," he predicted when the political reality takes effect, that of hamstrung administrations all over the country. "The situation will be clear in the coming weeks." In effect the JVP was playing true to its threat, no JVP, no UPFA despite the PA holding 69 seats in the coalition, two of them donated by the Marxists.

Silva reminded that some had predicted that the JVP would be playing truant with the threat. "We take political decisions and we stand by them."

The four JVP ministers submitted their resignations later in the day and parliamentary group leader, Wimal Weerawansa wrote to  the Secretary General of Parliament informing her that the JVP would henceforth function as an independant group in the opposition. One small hitch though, there will not be enough seats on the opposition side to accommodate all 39 JVPers. Weerawansa had realised this and said some of the JVPers would have to continue to sit  with the government. "Don't judge this by where we sit," he said awkwardly. 

There are only five seats available on the opposition side leaving 34 JVPers to sit on the government side.

Bidding farewell

Two JVPers, K. D. Lalkantha and his deputy, Handunhetti made their journey to bid farewell to their ministerial staff in the afternoon after the press conference. They were making the statement loud and clear - they arrived at the ministry in their official vehicles, but went back in a hired van after handing over the vehicles. The officials' mobile phones too were handed over immediately.

The party however remained tight-lipped on its future course of action. "Let us wait and see what the reaction is," Amarasinghe said. There were no indications that public protests would continue as threatened two days before. Police had tightened security in the city and riot squads were deployed near President's House as a precaution.

The JVP was letting the sting of its walkout seep deep and hard into its coalition partner, and it was revelling in the power play. 'Wait and see' Amarasinghe kept repeating.

Not the last alliance

The JVP was careful not to shut the door bolt tight on the PA. In the same breath Amarasinghe said that this was not the first coalition between the SLFP and the JVP and it most certainly would not be the last. "Let us wait and see for the reaction from the other side." That came late the same night from Kumaratunga and it was harsher than the previous day's letter.

Amarasinghe was equally emphatic of the UNP's future. "UNP will never come to power in the country again. We will see that it will not come to power," he said.  The same tone came out dealing with the LTTE. Amarasinghe said that the JM was a licence to kill for the LTTE and that the JVP was for negotiations that dealt with a permanent solution.

"The international community and others should influence the LTTE to join the democratic framework," he said.

While Amarasinghe was toughening his party's stance, Kumaratunga appeared equally adamant. She echoed the JVP sentiments when she said on national TV that she hoped that the JVP would realise its mistake and return to UPFA fold.  Kumaratunga was banking on the support of the other parties in parliament except the JHU and the JVP for support. The international community had already given her a boost two days before the JVP pull out. The Co-chairs of the Sri Lanka Donor Group came out with a statement supporting Kumaratunga's commitment to pursue the JM.

However, even while Kumaratunga was playing tough-girl with the JVP, others close to her were optimistic that the JVP could be roped in. Here  again it was political arithmetic.

"The JVP is only against the JM, we can get the JM through in parliament with the support of the TNA and UNP. The JVP will support other policies," Deputy Minister Dilan Perera who of late has been close to the President said.

He said that Kumaratunga had been discussing the JM with the JVP since April 29, when the LTTE agreed after nine weeks of consultations. Perera felt that despite the JVP's expressed concerns on the JM - the Marxists claim that the JM would allow a 'terrorist group' to enter into an agreement with a legitimately elected government, the party's main grouse was that it was left out of the discussions with the Tigers on the mechanism. "The problem was that they wanted to be part of the process with the LTTE. But first the government had to get the LTTE to agree with the content and then move from there."

Not end of partnership

Perera's logic was that since the JVP had said it was not on a quest to topple the government, there was still the chance of raproachement. "The UNP and some sections of the media would want to believe that the partnership is over. This is not the end of SLFP-JVP cooperation. We have an ongoing dialogue and we will be talking, and we will work together," he said.

The thinking going on in the Kumaratunga camp appeared to be that with the support of the international community and parties like the TNA and the UNP, the minority government could survive long enough to either get the JVP back on board, or to jump start the tsunami reconstruction effort. Kumaratunga had shifted focus last week to bring the proposed mechanism to parliament seeking ratification. If it goes through, the JVP would have a tougher case to argue to those other than its hardcore membership.

Amarasinghe was right on the money when he said it was political arithmetic. Now it is a question of finding out who had grossly overplayed their hand.

Battle stations at President's House

At President's House, a series of discussions were held last week with the President no less at the helm. The most crucial of these she held with the eight deputy ministers who have remained her staunch allies throughout her crises with the JVP.

Deputy Minister Dilan Perera took the lead as always, spearheading operations. The President was recommending that a massive propaganda and public support campaign be organised immediately, in favour of the joint mechanism.

She felt the best course of action would be to conduct the publicity campaign the way the Sudu Nelum project was managed and added the monies needed for this campaign would come from the government coffers. The public awareness campaign could be conducted on several fronts including rallies, posters and leaflets.

President Kumaratunga also went so far as to name all the SLFP ministers who are working against the implementation of the joint mechanism, showing the deputy ministers how the SLFPers were doing things because of their agreement with the JVP's position.

The eight deputy ministers pleaded with her to gather these dissenting SLFPers together and win them over to her side, to which she responded the best option was to summon a parliamentary group meeting where a unanimous decision could be made.

"The JVPers have created a fear in our own ministers and MPs that the joint mechanism is another way of giving the LTTE an interim administration that would in effect divide the country. So what we need to do is to make sure they are made aware of what this agreement is," said Perera to the President.

President Kumaratunga replied she had already begun drafting a document that outlined the key aspects of the agreement clearly, and summoned an officer to obtain eight photocopies of the document she spoke of.

"This makes it clear what the agreement is about. You people can go home and study this and suggest any amendments, but please ensure this is kept confidential," the President instructed, distributing the leaflets.

President Kumaratunga also decided to summon an emergency meeting of the SLFP parliamentary group and decided to hand over a specific task to her favourite, UPFA National List MP, Mervyn Silva.

The President instructed Silva to invite the Maha Sangha to Viharamahadevi Park and hold an Adishtana Poojawa at the venue. "We need to line up the Sangha in support of the mechanism. There must be at least 5,000 monks at this ceremony," she told him. "Not 5,000, if you say so, I will get more," vowed Silva.

Only a few hours had passed since the meeting when Ports Minister, Mangala Samaraweera heard about what had transpired and that the President had distributed an English document relevant to the joint mechanism to her eight loyal deputy ministers.

Samaraweera was keen to know the contents of the document and calling up JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa to inform him of this, went about conspiring with the JVP on how to lay hands on the document.

The first task was to determine the names of the eight who had been present at the President's House meeting. Then, it was imperative to use a third party to obtain the document itself.

Accordingly, the third party was chosen and allocated the task. By evening of the same day, he had performed exceedingly well and managed to get a copy of the document to Samaraweera and Weerawansa.

When this third party went to the relevant MP to obtain the document, the parliamentarian received a phone call. On the line was a deputy minister who appealed to the MP to keep the document confidential and not release it under any circumstances. He said the reason for this need for secrecy was particularly the fact the President intended to remove certain clauses in the document before distributing it to the rest of the SLFP ministers.

However, by the time the call came, it was already too late. Weerawansa and Samaraweera already knew the contents of the document, including the parts the President intended to delete.

As soon as they got their hands on the document, Samaraweera and Weerawansa engaged in a lengthy phone conversation during which the JVP MP told the Minister there was a serious conflict with regard to the joint mechanism agreement. It was then that Samaraweera enlightened Weerawansa, the President's intention was to exclude the clause about money going to the north and east via the Treasury when she made the document public.

"Keep this document with you and make sure you get a copy of what is distributed at the President's meeting with the SLFP MPs tomorrow as well. It will help all your protest campaigns around the country and be evidence," advised Samaraweera. The Minister also instructed Weerawansa to keep quiet about the fact they had received copies of the documents distributed to the deputy ministers that day.

CBK asks Ranil for support

The meeting between President Chandrika Kumaratunga and UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was to take place at 3 p.m. on Monday, June 13. Having informed the President he had another important meeting at 4 p.m. the same evening, Wickremesinghe requested the meeting with the President be held on time for once. He also requested the meeting be exclusively between the two of them.

As per the Opposition Leader's request, Kumaratunga met him at 3 p.m. and at the meeting, they discussed at length the joint mechanism and the problems the JVP had created over the issue. She also asked the UNP Leader if, in the event the JVP quits the government, the UNP would be willing to extend its support to her.

Wickremesinghe emphasised throughout the meeting that as Head of State, the President had to make a decision about the mechanism, adding if she intended to sign the agreement, it should be done as soon as possible. He said the longer the signing is put off, the problems in the country would worsen.

Wickremesinghe went on to say once the mechanism was made public, the UNP would release a statement about it, adding if it contributed to the advancement of the peace process and was in keeping with the Oslo communique and the Tokyo Declaration, the UNP should have no problems with the agreement.

Wickremesinghe also informed the President the UNP would not be party to using this opportunity to topple the government and also that under these circumstances, the UNP was not interested in taking over the reigns of government.

President Kumaratunga told the Opposition Leader that if necessary she would consult with him again at a later date.

Talks into the night

The President's meeting with the SLFP parliamentary group resulted in the MPs being flustered about what was to come. With the President reiterating she would sign the joint mechanism no matter what, the MPs knew the JVP's June 15 deadline was going to prove more than just an ultimatum and was going to become a reality.

Several MPs and ministers gathered at Minister Mangala Samaraweera's residence to talk things over, very much afraid that June 16 would signal the end of the alliance and by extension, the government. They appealed to Samaraweera to intervene and prevent the collapse of the UPFA.

One among those who appealed to him was Minister Pavithra Wanniaarachchi. She told Samaraweera although the President took a hardline stance at the meeting, she was in fact worn down mentally.

Pricking up his ears at this, Samaraweera shot back quickly - "Why Pavithra, what makes you say that?"

Said Wanniaarachchi, "After all of you left, the President got very emotional. She spoke to me with a lot of feeling and tears also came to her eyes. What she shows the world is not the true picture. She is down in the dumps."

While Samaraweera dug out more details about this exchange from Wanniaarachchi, another deputy minister present said the President had called a parliamentary group meeting for another reason.

"She was trying to get full support for the joint mechanism by holding this meeting but the meeting ended without her having got our vote of confidence," he said.

Samaraweera realised at once this was probably true. He knew if this was defeat in a sense for the President, then the JVP had an opportunity to come to a compromise as a result of the circumstances. Calling up JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa immediately, Samaraweera instructed him to come over to his house the next day.

When Weerawansa arrived as scheduled, they held discussions that lasted three hours and during the meeting, Premier Mahinda Rajapakse also spoke to Samaraweera over the telephone. They were trying to decide how this matter could be resolved.

Weerawansa maintained the JVP would find it difficult to step back from its position, but added since there was a growing opinion within both the JVP and the SLFP the decision was too hasty, there was an opportunity to salvage the situation.

Realising the need to strike while the iron was hot, Samaraweera immediately scheduled a meeting with Weerawansa and JVP Leader, Somawansa Amarasinghe at Temple Trees.  Weerawansa went back to Amarasinghe with news of the meeting and they discussed the matter together.

The JVP Leader believed this was a matter that needed to be discussed with the President and not the Premier. "We can't come to a decision by talking to the Prime Minister. This must be decided with the President," he said.

However, in the end it was decided that JVP General Secretary, Tilvin Silva and UPFA Co-Convenor, Nandana Gunatilleke would attend the meeting.

Also invited were NUA Leader, Ferial Ashraff, Trade Minister, Jeyraj Fernandopulle, Minister Dinesh Gunewardena and Samaraweera himself. The meeting, presided over by the Premier went on till 2 a.m., with the various parties putting forward various ideas.

Everyone present knew there was no way the President was going to retract her position on the mechanism and they discussed the fact that if she did so, she would be ruined internationally and within the country as well.

At this point, Silva and Gunatilleke put forward a theory that a group of Western countries including the US were intent on getting the JVP out of the government. They said from the day the government came to power, this conspiracy has been continuing and finally it has succeeded.

Responding to this, Minister Samaraweera said Western countries do not understand politics in Sri Lanka and the Premier nodded, agreeing with this statement. Silva meanwhile insisted this problem would not be resolved before June 16.

Soon the discussion moved on to how the government was to be sustained even if the JVP pulled out. Premier Rajapakse asked the JVP representatives whether they would consider supporting the government if the joint mechanism was brought to parliament as a special regulation and ratified.

The JVPers responded, if it came to parliament, their opposition to the structure would be minimal, but added that under no circumstances could they remain within the government. Rajapakse promised to meet the President and talk about bringing the mechanism to parliament for approval.

A last ditch effort

Even as the seconds ticked away to midnight on May 15 for the UPFA as it did for Cinderella, a group of ministers including Jeyaraj Fernandopulle and Deputy Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna were following the President's instructions and engaging in a last ditch effort to salvage the alliance and held talks with JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa.

Weerawansa said the idea to bring the mechanism draft to parliament was a good one but added the President had to bow to one condition - that the agreement is approved with 113 votes. However, this dismayed Fernandopulle. "The President hopes to get it approved with a simple majority," he said.

Deciding to be stubborn, Weerawansa said in that case the JVP could not support it. Fernandopulle then asked whether the JVP could not remain within the government and oppose the mechanism, but Weerawansa replied the time for that had passed.

"If we continue to remain in the government while fighting against its policies any longer, the people will laugh at us. They'll say we are enjoying the privileges and going against our policies. Let's continue these struggles separately and then one day when the President's term ends, if there is a possibility of getting together again, let's do that," Weerawansa said.

Finally, Fernandopulle requested the JVP MP to consider allowing the JVP Ministers to attend cabinet that day and express their views about the joint mechanism, adding that the draft of the mechanism would be brought to cabinet that evening.

"If the draft is being brought to cabinet today, then consider that the last cabinet meeting is the final one the JVP ministers attended. We will not come," said Weerawansa in reply, and it ended there.

Jeyaraj's strange  request

A discussion was held at President's House on Tuesday with Premier Rajapakse, Ministers Anura Bandaranaike, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, John Seneviratne, Sarath Amunu-gama, Maithripala Sirisena and Deputy Ministers Lasantha Alagiyawanna and Dilan Perera participating.

The Prime Minister told the President what had transpired at the meeting with the two JVPers at Temple Trees the previous evening. A long discussion was held about the possibility of bringing the joint mechanism to parliament. Fernandopulle made a recommendation at this point, which seemed a way out of the conundrum to most of those who were present.

"If we bring this in as a sort of a regulation in the tsunami bill, wouldn't that sort a few problems out?" ventured Fernandopulle.

The President responded, "I have already discussed the possibility of bringing this to parliament with the Norwegians. The problem is the LTTE is standing firm on the decision that no matter what happens in parliament, this agreement has to be signed as two equal partners outside the legislature."

But Premier Rajapakse countered, if a bill passed in parliament was signed by two parties outside the House, it would cause some problems. Fernandopulle pointed out if this were to happen, anybody could say officially there were two governments in the country.

"If we can cancel the signing of the agreement, that would be a huge victory. But the LTTE is not willing to dance to your changing tunes and I can't be sending messages back and forth either," snapped the President.

Finally, however, it was decided the joint mechanism would come to parliament as part of the tsunami bill. It was also decided to discuss the matter in parliament and also check with Weerawansa whether an agreement would be possible at this stage.

The strangest thing happened at the end of this meeting. For some time now, Minister Fernandopulle has remained out of the Presidential limelight, having had some disagreements with the President.

It was after some time that he was even involving himself in the talks regarding the mechanism. Suddenly at the end of the meeting, he turned to the President and said - "Don't you think it would be a good idea to release SB?"

Shocked by the suddenness of the question, the President said - "For what? I have stopped this granting amnesty to prisoners. Anyway, it is not right for me to change the sentences imposed by the courts."

Fernandopulle maintained if S.B. Dissanayake were to be released, the President could gain important political mileage.

But the President said, "What politics for him now? Six months have passed already. Even if he comes out, he will have to confine himself to the house. No more politics for him."

Joining in the discussion, Premier Rajapakse also argued if SB were put on the list of prisoners to be released on Poson Poya, one headache would be over for her. But Kumaratunga wouldn't hear of it. "I have put a stop to all these releases," she said.

Fernandopulle, unwilling to rest his case, said if Dissanayake was granted a Presidential pardon, he would be able to engage in politics again. "How is that possible?" asked the President.

"You can grant him pardon based on his history. After that, we can win him over to our side," said Fernandopulle.

Even as the Minister spoke, President Kumaratunga rose from her chair and began to walk down the stairs of President's House. Stopping on her way down she looked up at the crowd upstairs. "When that man condemned me in raw filth, not even the Prime Minister who is speaking for him now said a word. The Minister who is speaking for him now didn't defend me," she said, raising her voice, so that everyone in the vicinity heard.

Hurt at her words Premier Rajapakse immediately pointed his hand at her and said, "Here, don't get me involved in these trashy issues." Miffed, the President walked away.

Leaked!

On Monday, June 13, just 72 hours to D-day, an English daily carried a news item on its front page as an 'exclusive' that caused a stir at President's House - the document the President had distributed among her deputy ministers the previous day, asking them to keep it highly confidential, had been reproduced in the newspaper.

President Kumaratunga was more than stunned. As she lay pondering the ways in which the document could have been leaked, a staff member walked up to her and said journalist Bandula Padmakumara was on Swarnavahini at that moment, highlighting the news item on his Mul Pituwa programme.

"Here is the joint mechanism agreement neither the Premier nor the cabinet is aware of," Padmakumara had said as he presented the story.

Flustered at this news, Kumaratunga called Premier Mahinda Rajapakse on the telephone immediately. "Mahinda, a news item has appeared saying it is the joint mechanism draft. This is just a document I drafted in connection with the mechanism. Yesterday, I distributed it to eight people asking them to study it and get back to me. This is not a final draft. Anyway, I was planning to give you also one at the group meeting we are having today," said the President in an attempt at damage control.

Premier Rajapakse asked the President whether this document was in fact authentic. Kumaratunga responded that it was, although a few amendments had to be made here and there.

The most important thing for President Kumaratunga at the time was to ensure that Rajapakse was not upset by the document being leaked, since she had released it to eight of her old faithfuls before showing him a copy. Since Rajapakse did not appear to be too concerned, they discussed a few more matters as well before ending the conversation.

Tsunami victims' wrath over JVP's antics

S.P. Liyanage, Hettiarachchi Prematunga and W. Ariyaratna

By Jamila Najmuddin In Hikkaduwa

The tent communities in the south are furious over the JVP's opposition to the joint mechanism claiming the Marxists are using the mechanism to earn political mileage at the cost of their suffering. While donors have pledged funds worth US$ 3 billion for tsunami victims, the tent communities claim the government should take immediate steps in signing the mechanism without any further delay.

The JVP which initially only launched a verbal protest against the joint mechanism, aggravated their campaign following the fast unto death staged by the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) monks.

The tsunami victims who continue to live without shelter now in the sixth month, claim that the non-signing of the agreement would pave the way for discrimination against Tamil victims in the north and east who have been affected by the tsunami just as the victims in the south. Not seen or heard the plight of the Tamil victims, the victims in the south remain firm on their decision that a joint mechanism should be signed to distribute aid fairly and equally to all sections of the island. "We want aid to be distributed to all - Muslims, Sinhalese, and Tamils. There should be no discrimination this time," the victims said.

Standing firm

However, the joint mechanism which has been the subject of heated discussions over the past few months is likely to receive the green light with President Chandrika Kumaratunga agreeing to a mechanism between the government and the LTTE for the distribution of aid before the end of the month.

Following the split in the government last week with the JVP giving up its portfolios, the tent communities are of the view that while political parties such as the JVP voiced their likes and dislikes over the mechanism, it was time the President stood firm and made her own decisions.

"Whoever wants to split from the government can split. As the President of this nation, it is time she made her own decisions and sticks to it," the tent communities expressed.

They claim while Colombo was in a state of panic following the series of protests held by the JHU and JVP MPs in the past few weeks, the tent communities in the south remained disconcerted over the government's delay in the distribution of aid. "The further the government delays signing the mechanism, the further we get delayed in receiving funds which have been pledged for us. We do not care who opposes or favours the joint mechanism as long as we get what we deserve," Hettiarachchi Prematunga said.

Prematunga who earns a living from the deep blue sea claims that although his fishing equipment was dragged away by the tsunami waves, he has todate not received any aid.

While he continues to live in a tent with his family within the 100 metre buffer zone, Prematunga says his only hope now remains on the monies pledged by the donors. "The country has been pledged US$3 billion due to the tsunami. It is time the country realises that these monies have been pledged for us. The mechanism will only distribute aid fairly and equally to both sides of the country. Therefore, the JVP has no right opposing the mechanism," he said.

While the tsunami mechanism involves the distribution of aid to tsunami victims with the help of Tamil rebels in the LTTE controlled areas in the north and east, this Prematunga said is no cause for alarm as the affected victims only depend on receiving the aid. "We do not care about politics and we do not care who distributes the aid. We only care about receiving the aid and the LTTE and the government have to reach a firm agreement so that monies are released soon," he said.

Suffering Tamils

Having lost their livelihoods and houses to the tsunami, the tent communities in the south who continue to live in miserable conditions even after six months claim that while their sufferings are yet to ease, those affected in the LTTE controlled areas suffer the same. "We are all humans. Our plight is equal to the plight suffered by the victims in the north and east. We cannot differentiate the Tamils from the Sinhalese during these troubled times. If those affected by the tsunami are in favour of the mechanism, then the JVP or the JHU have no right opposing it as it is we who have elected them to power," Prematunga said.

The communities also maintain that while the donors have pledged monies for all tsunami victims islandwide without any discrimination, it is only right for the government to distribute the aid with the help of the Tamil rebels. "The donors have not shown any discrimination and the monies have been pledged for the people of the north and east as well. During these troubled times we should forget about our religious backgrounds and ensure that the nation has a speedy recovery," Prematunga added.

Following former US President, Bill Clinton's visit to the island recently, the tent community said while the tsunami mechanism has received the support of international leaders, it was an advantage to the country as this way the mechanism would be closely monitored by these leaders after its implementation.

During his recent visit to the island the former US President mentioned that while he strongly supports the functions of the mechanism between the government and the LTTE for equitable sharing of aid in both sides of the country, the mechanism would also have a positive impact on the peace process. He added the mechanism would also dispel apprehensions of discrimination and therefore he strongly supported it.

In response to Clinton's comment on the peace process, the tent communities were of the view the mechanism would indeed have a positive impact on the peace process as it would ease tensions between the Tamil Tigers and the government. "The mechanism will have positive signs on the peace process as both the LTTE and the government will be in close contact with each other. This is advantageous to the country," S. P. Liyanage said.

Liyanage, who lives a few metres away from Prematunga, also maintains that while the JVP and JHU used the mechanism to earn political mileage, it was only right for the President to decide on what is best for her country. "People in the north have also been affected by the tsunami so we cannot oppose the intervention of the LTTE in the distribution of aid. The JVP must stop 'barking like dogs' and concentrate on what's best for the country," Liyanage said.

He added the series of protests staged by JHU MPs also proved that the monks in this country were on par with the JVP as both had ulterior motives in opposing the tsunami joint mechanism.

Fasts unto death were launched by JHU MP, Ven. Dr. Omalpe Sobitha Thero and Buddhist monk Ven. Dambara Amila Thero, which concluded with both monks being admitted to hospital due to their deteriorating condition. This, the victims in the south claim was unnecessary and baseless, as both monks only caused further unrest in the country. "I strongly believe that monks should be in temples and not in politics. They are responsible for teaching us what is right, but today it is they who have forgotten the right from the wrong," Liyanage said.

Right and wrong

He added while it was the job of the monks to preach and educate the public on discrimination, today it was they who were discriminating the Tamils from the Sinhalese by staging fasts to express their opposition to the mechanism. "Just by remaining without food and water for days is baseless. This is not how a monk should behave. If the monks in this country want what's best for the people, then they will help the government in releasing funds to the victims without any further delay. Staging such meaningless protests only causes political unrest in the country," Liyanage said.

The JVP, having initiated a project of building 150 houses for tsunami victims in Hikkaduwa has also been labelled as "liars" by the tent communities for building these houses in haphazard conditions. "They have built the floors using concrete. They say the cement which they received to build these houses has been stolen. When we go to question them further and complain that we are unable to sleep on concrete floors, they physically push us," W. Ariyaratna said. He added while these homes did not have electricity or basic facilities such as toilets, it was evident that the JVP had built these homes just to earn votes. "However, we are not fools. We voted for the JVP, but now we regret casting our votes for these people who only want to destroy the nation," Ariyaratna said.

He added while the tsunami money had been pledged by the donors, the JVP or JHU had no right in making any decisions involving the distribution of aid. "The JVP cannot build us homes and now they voice their opinion on the mechanism. They are in power only to oppose all what is best for the country. The government is better off without them," he said.

Others in the tent communities were also of the view that while political parties continued to debate over the distribution of aid, the nation only had to watch silently as they destroyed the nation over their political arguments. "The parties who oppose the joint mechanism are unaware that the victims in the north and east have suffered a great deal. It is because of this that they are opposing foolishly. The Tamils are humans just like us and they deserve the money just like we do - no matter who distributes it, the LTTE or the government," J. H. Wijedasa said.

Wijedasa is joined by many when he says that he will not accept the aid if it is not distributed equally to the victims in the north and east as well. "We will not accept funds or aid which is distributed to only parts of the country. The country received a lot of funds soon after the tsunami, but a lot of these funds 'disappeared.' We do not want these funds disappearing as well as these monies belong to us," the tent communities expressed.

While the country continues to battle over the joint mechanism - some parties to its favour while others oppose - thousands of victims continue to suffer without shelter, food or money, silently watching the political drama in the country. But as they claim, those affected by the tsunami do not bother about politics as long as they are given the freedom of a normal and peaceful livelihood without further delay. "We have suffered enough. It is time we are given our freedom," they said in unity.

Something is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka

By D.B.S.Jeyaraj

"Something is rotten in the state of Denmark" was what the Bard from Avon said  centuries ago about the land of "Hamlet" in his drama relating to the vacillating prince of Denmark. Many of us in Sri Lanka or abroad have known that something was rotting in the Island nation for many decades since Independence from the British. Different people have had and will continue to have different ideas about who was or is to blame.Many interpretations have been given to the sequence of events troubling the country in the past.

Needless to say a dominant school of thought among the Sinhala people holds that the minority communities particularly the Tamils are to be blamed for all the problems. The Tamil armed struggle which often  took on a "terrorist" hue has made it easy for these proponents to push their line. The rise to power of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam with its ruthless and often unnecessary violence has really helped in this respect. There are many who say that there is no ethnic or political problem in Sri Lanka. The only problem is "tiger terrorism" they say.

The Thamil people on the other hand blame Sinhala Buddhist majoritarian hegemonism as the root cause for all these types of problems. The systematic discrimination , oppression and repression pushed the Tamil people to a position where they had no choice other than to take up arms is their stance. Even those Tamils who do not agree with the policies or methods of the LTTE often subscribe to this viewpoint. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has been one Sinhala leader who has had the courage to admit this and say so publicly on numerous occasions.

Recent developments however have demonstrated that there is a powerful political strand within the majority community that is still unwilling or unable to make any meaningful move towards ethnic rapprochement or reconcliation. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya with their numerous appendages are firmly opposed to President Kumaratunga entering into a joint mechanism with the LTTE for rehabilitating and reconstructing the tsunami affected areas of the North - East. The JVP has even quit the government on this issue. The saffron brigade has conducted  so called "death fasts" and is likely to do more in the future.

The anti - joint mechanism forces have launched an agitation and unless nipped in the bud will enlarge their scope of action tremendously in the future. From the time some saffron clad political activists and politicians in white nationalist gard intimidated Chandrikas father into tearing up the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayagam pact this pattern of  Sinhala - Buddhist aggression against any meaningful agreement with the Tamils has persisted. Only Junius Richard Jayewardene defied this type of resistance. But then he had the Indians threatening him with a greater danger. Sadly the Provincial Council brought in to devolve power to the Tamils works in all parts of the Island except the North - East.

If the earlier opposition was to protest some political power being given the Tamils the opposition at this juncture is indeed laughable if the matter was not so serious. The protests now are against what is essentially an administrative arrangement for providing tsunami relief and rehabilitation. Interestingly the opponents of the Joint mechanism  say that they do not know the details of the proposed structure. If so the opposition then is to the principle of a joint mechanism with the LTTE.

"No truck with a terrorist organization" is the battle cry. Fine! But then the Country -  particularly the Sinhala areas  - has been enjoying peace and relative prosperity for the past three and a half years only due to a ceasefire agreement entered into with the same terrorist organization. The logical conclusion of this argument can only result in a revocation of the ceasefire and war erupting. That is what the warmongers and the arms lobby want.

It must be frustrating indeed for the International community and other proponents of the Post - Tsunami Operational Management Structure to see the tragi - comic drama unfolding before their eyes right now. Their brainchild conceived in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster is on the verge of a forced abortion. The carefully constructed mechanism aiming to contain the tigers in rehabilitation and reconstruction may never see the light of day given the powerful ultra - Sinhala opposition to it.

The international community that aided and abetted Colombo in prosecuting a war with the LTTE realised by  the turn of the twenty - first century that the Sri Lankan forces were incapable of  achieving a military solution against the LTTE. The series of defeats suffered in the Wanni during Operation Unceasing waves, the successful military strikes in the peninsula including the fall of Elephant Pass, the siege of Jaffna, the defeat of the States much flaunted counter - offensive Operation Agnikheela etc demonstrated that a military victory was beyond the reach of Colombo.

It was then that the Western nations and Japan began actively promoting the peace process. Earlier it was lukewarm support on the one hand for peace while bankrolling South Asias longest war on the other. It was decided that the only way out was to promote a political settlement during the course of which the tigers would be "contained" in a state of non - combat. It was perceived that the longer the tigers kept away from fighting the greater their chances of dissipation, dissension and decay. It was correctly surmised that internal revolts and defections will occur. These were partly proved right in the form of Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias "Col" Karuna.

Unfortunately for the "west" the xenophobic Sinhala chauvinists were unable to realise that the peace process was being mooted and promoted for their own good. The idea was not to split Sri Lanka but to ensure the fractured Islands unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity albeit in a federal system. The west was also prepared to let the LTTE enjoy some "extra - Constitutional" power in the process. The main idea was to keep the tigers quiet and away from the battlefront. The West was ready to tolerate many human rights violations including the killing of political dissidents and conscription of minors by the tigers as long as they did not start fighting with the Sri Lankan state. Of course some token protests were raised but they were for the most part - token.

Unfortunately the West never comprehended or anticipated the extent of anti - Tamil feelings in the Sinhala supremacist psyche. They miscalculated the inherent hegemonistic attitude of the Sinhala majority  (Mahajathiya) towards the minority (Sulujathiya) communities. They rushed in like fools while angels who had burnt their wings like India feared to tread. The end result was continuous cries of opposition to the West's well - meaning efforts by the Sinhala hawks. An active conspiracy theory was floated and believed that Oslo was the catspaw of sinsister forces out to dismember tiny Sri Lanka. The bitter irony for the west was that the conspiracy  theory if at all  present in the peace process was only aimed at weakening the tigers gradually and doing away with the separatist threat . But the "Deshapremi pandithayas" have other ideas.

Given the prevailing conditions and their own constraints in discussing a federal solution the LTTE came out with its Internal - Self Government Authority proposal. Even before it was discussed the knives were out. The chief culprits in this were President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and her trusted foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. They whipped up a campaign against the ISGA and used it as a stratagem to condemn the Ranil wickremasinghe regime. The JVP . Buddhist fronts etc joined the bandwagon. After shamelessly exploiting the situation to her advantage Kumaratunga dissolved Parliament and held elections. She joined forces with the Sinhala "National Socialist " JVP. The bogeyman was Wickremasinghe who was accused of selling out to the tigers.

They won  but without an absolute majority. Worse still for Kumaratunga she found herself a captive of the JVP that had got 39 seats, four ministerial and four deputy - ministerial posts. Despite the reins of office being in her hands Kumaratunga found herself completely shackled when it came to the ethnic crisis. The JVP was against Norwegian involvement, against devolution and against having anything to do with the tigers. If Kumaratunga thouht the lure and spoils of office would have mellowed the JVP she found the national socialists as firm as ever on the tigers. In a sense the JVP was being honest to its policies, election manifesto and voters. This resulted in a deadly stalemate on the ethnic front.

The tigers were losing patience fast. By December last year the LTTE had decided on some firm action. It was decided to declare a withdrawal from the ceasefire by Feb 23rd 2005. The announcement to that effect was to be made on Jan 14th. There would be no immediate recourse to war but the LTTE would be keenly watching the situation. If that situation had come to pass a full - fledged war would have been inevitable by April - May this year.

Then came the tsunami disaster. North - eastern coasts were devastated as in the case of the South - west. Given the extent of suffering caused a return to war by either party was out of the question. On the other hand the natural calamity provided a humanitarian opportunity for resumption of dialogue. There was no need to talk of federalism or devolution or the ISGA proposal of the LTTE. Instead both parties could talk about providing relief and rehabilitation to the afflicted people. Moreover both sides could forge a common mechanism to address those needs and concerns speedily and effectively. If this did materialise then that could pave the way for further talks on more substantive issues.

In order to encourage this move the international community pledged a very generous aid package but with one big string attached. Both Colombo and Kilinochchi should forge some joint mechanism for the money to be delivered on time and as pledged. In fairness to her Kumaratunga too recognized immediately the merits of this move. Thereafter she actively promoted such a venture. The LTTE too responded positively. Yet the pace of discussions on what was an urgent humanitarian project was dismally slow. Despite the tardy progress the project reached finality. And then the excreta  collided with the oscillator.

Many years ago former TULF Parliamentarian  S. Kathiravetpillai made an apt comment about the nature of things in Sri Lanka. Comparing Sri Lanka to the apartheid South Africa state prevailing at that time Kathiravetpliilai said"  Racism in South africa is skin deep; Racism in Sri Lanka is soul deep". Even the West may have never bargained for the reaction to the so called P- Toms or Joint mechanism. Of course the objection was to giving powers to the terrorist LTTE but the underlying thoughts were fundamentally racist. After decades of exercising hegemonistic control over the Tamils the hard - liners were in no mood to accomodate sharing power even in a tsunam relief project. The Amarapura Mahanayake in an interview to the BBC  used the word "demallu" (Tamils) openly and inter- changeably when rferring to the LTTE.

Now the Sinhala chauvinist supremacists have won the first battle. They have succeeded in pressurising Kumaratunga to backtrack on the JM for the present. She has promised that she will not sign the document without consulting the Mahanayakes. She has also guaranteed that the JM will not threaten the unity, sovereignity or territorial integrity of the Country. This was no concession as the project never did harm those in any way. In fact the JM strengthened those further.

  The JVP  threatened a pull - out from the Government on June 16th if Kumaratunga did  not pull back from the project by June 15th. At midnight the JVP announced it had quit and scheduled a press conference on June 16th to explain their position.

Kumaratunga however seems equally determined and has declared that she would quit rather than go back on the Joint mechanism  She continues to delay signing the agreement perhaps due to astrological considerations. There is talk about a bill being presented to Parliament too. Defections are also in the air.Politics is the art of the possible and many turns and twists are possible in the near future.One silver lining has been the common position on joint mechanism between Kumaratunga and Wickremasinghe.

Whatever the final outcome of this unholy struggle one fact has been proved conclusively. The original sin in this garden of Eden was Sinhala - Buddhist majoritarian racism. Sri Lankas slow path to decline and destruction began with the Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinist policies of the post - Independence era. The fundamental and major problem standing in the way of a united , undivided Sri Lanka has been  majoritarian hegemonism and unwiilingness to recognize the inherent rights of the other minorities or nationalities living in the ISland. Other problems emanating from other communities are minor or lesser in nature when compared to this.

From the time this peace proces began I have been interacting with several western diplomats and journalists. They would continuously harp on the LTTE factor and project it as the biggest stumbling block to lasting peace. While agreeing that the LTTE does pose a problem I would argue that the greater problem would be the Sinhala chauvinists. The activities of the tigers would give them a pretext but historically the majority mindset will not allow any tangible rights to the Tamils I would say. I would also point out past history and say that the power elites were either unwilling or unable to withstand opposition on these issues and will be cowed down by the chauvinist forces.The response on most counts would be polite disbelief. The naked exhibition of aggressive Sinhala Buddhist consciousness against the proposed joint mechanism may have demonstrated what is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka.

Let there be no mistake about it. The rise of Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinism is the bane of modern Sri Lanka. From the days of the Buddhist Commission to the present times of a joint mechanism this underlying current is visibly present. From Anagarika Dharmapala to Omalpe Sobitha there are Buddhist champons ever ready to deprive Tamils. There are excuses always and the jargon used appears to be reasonable and just on the surface but the vicious communalism is always there. Now the brutality and violence of the LTTE is depicted as the reason justifying opposition to the joint mechanism. But then these same forces attacked SJV Chelvanayagam and Appapillai Amirthalingam as exyremists too.

The rise of the religious right is a dangerous phenomenon in South asia. India is fortunate that there  are vast numbers of intellectuals, political leaders and opinion makers from the Hindu community itself  who are prepared to combat this Hindu Chauvinsm openly and vigorously. In Sri Lanka there are very few members of the Sinhala Buddhist ethnicity who are prepared to do so. Unless and until a new breed emerges from the Sinhala - Buddhist entity to challenge this hegemonistic school of thought effectively utter ruin is unavoidable. Forget about Tamils or Muslims there is no hope for the Sinhala people in the modern world if these arch - reactionaries continue to flourish. Let us not forget that for four and a half years (1966 - 70) we had our week - ends on Poya and pre - poya day. Such was the depth of our folly in trying to appease Political Buddhism.

It has been said of the French Bourbons that they learnt nothing and forgot nothing. The same could be said of the Sinhala - Buddhist hegemonists too. If the International community does really want a genuine, just, honourable and durable peace in Sri Lanka it must address itself to this majoritarian mindset. The problem lies there. It does not matter whether the LTTE is really prepared to abandon Tamil Eelam or not at this juncture. What matters is that the  JVP and JHU are giving the tigers  a very legitimate and valid reason to decline direct talks on a lasting settlement. If the Sinhala majority is not ready to share power on a limited enterprise like the joint mechanism what chances are there then that a scheme of devolution or federalism will be accepted? would be the tiger argument. Against that backdrop the LTTE cannot be faulted if it does not come to the negotiating table. One only hopes and prays that the LTTE will not resort to war.

The recent demonstrations against the Joint mechanism and the JVP stance are a firm wake - up call to the International community.Something is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka. It is time to take note of what is really wrong in Sri Lanka. The root cause of the problem needs to be addressed. But then how long will that take?

Meanwhile The North - Eastern victims of the tsunami have waited too long for relief and redress. They cannot be expected to languish in refugee camps while the majoritarian chauvinists whip themselves into a frenzy. How are these innocent victims of a natural disaster going to receive the pledged international aid? We cannot wait for a joint mechanism to be forged in a society that is soul deep in racism. Desperate situations require desperate remedies. The suffering people should get help as soon as possible. Time is of the essence.