For a President who in his salad days of politics championed human rights, his first six months in office has been a story of blood and gory with the darker side of the beeshanaya era rearing its ugly head complete with headless bodies put on public display.
The gamay chandiya approach of aerial bombardment after the suicide bomb attack at Army Headquarters which led to thousands of civilians having to flee their homes, the large number of civilian killings including five students in Trincomalee by armed gangs in government-controlled areas and the attack on
the Uthayan newspaper office did not help the government's case either, though it may have elicited some whistles from the gallery audience of extremists agitating for war.
The last straw of course came with the massacre of 13 civilians including a four-month-old baby and his four-year-old brother and parents in Kayts last week, and with the LTTE quick to launch a propaganda blitzkrieg accusing the navy and the paramilitary EPDP of being responsible, the heat was on.
Thus, given the rising ceasefire violations by the LTTE including the suicide bomb attack in Colombo, the government rather than launch a crippling international campaign against the Tigers to draw unqualified support, possibly even military aid, decided on a macho approach in a bid to keep the more
extreme elements in the south quiet, in the process losing much needed ground internationally.
As pointed out in this column on April 23 and 30, rather than use brain in the wake of gross CFA violations by the LTTE, the government leaned on brawn and even hemmed and hawed on the agreements reached in Geneva at the first round of talks, thus cementing the perception in the minds of the international
community that not only were the Tigers extremists, but also the government. The refusal to move against the paramilitaries and even deny any involvement did not help enhance the government's credibility either, not to mention the rising civilian killings.
To make matters worse, the JVP, whose support the government is dependent on for survival in parliament, openly called for a declaration of war whilst the government itself leaked a shopping list of weapons submitted to Pakistan following the President's recent visit, once again hoping to keep the southern
And mind you, such actions fitted in perfectly with the hard-line policy platform on which Rajapakse campaigned for the presidency, thereby raising questions on his sincerity and commitment to the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) and the peace process, which he agreed to uphold and respect in the eyes of the
international community in Geneva.
True, the LTTE were outcasts in the eyes of the international community with several countries including the US, Canada, India, Australia and now the EU possibly banning the organisation, but then again, that has not impacted heavily on the Tigers in the past and they have carried on regardless with their
campaign for separation, not dependent on any of these countries for aid.
The 1991 ban in India for example did not prevent the LTTE from blowing up the Central Bank or the Kolonnawa oil installation a couple of years later, nor did the US ban in 1997 stop the Tigers from attacking the Bandaranaike International Airport and blowing up several aircraft or killing over 1,000
soldiers and taking over the Elephant Pass Army Camp in the year 2000.
Such developments did not prevent the free flow of funds to the Tigers either and whilst welcoming the ban in the EU and milking it for propaganda value in the south, the government in this backdrop would do well at least now to take a realistic view of the message emanating from the international
community through these developments, whatever spin the hurrah boys put on it.
The LTTE unlike the government is not dependent on foreign aid, foreign investors or tourism to keep them ticking whereas the state is totally dependent on such factors not only to keep the economy afloat but even to sustain a war effort. For that a healthy respect for human rights and the rights of the
minorities become crucial.
And that was the unmistakable message the international community, particularly India, US and Japan conveyed to the government of Sri Lanka in no uncertain terms last week.
It is in the same backdrop the possible EU ban has to be viewed because now the international community has clearly signalled to the government they have heeded the call for the LTTE's proscription and it was now upto the government to step upto the plate and deliver on human rights and political autonomy
for the Tamil people if their continued support is to be assured.
This message is expected to be delivered loud and clear after the Co-Chairs meeting on May 30 in Tokyo and that is when President Rajapakse will have to face his political ghosts in the south in the form of the JVP at the risk of losing his parliamentary majority.
The EU ban is expected to come into force on May 30 but in that ban may well be a highly explosive landmine the government would have to navigate.
Information coming from Brussels is that the ban when imposed will include the Karuna group as well, thus forcing the issue of disarming the paramilitary group operating in government-controlled areas on the Rajapakse regime.
For, if the government is seen dealing with the Karuna group after the ban comes into force, the Rajapakse administration itself will be reduced to pariah status. This may well be the strategy of the international community in forcing the government's hand on the issue.
Norway has in fact asked the EU whether the ban will cover break-away groups of the LTTE and impact on the workings of the SLMM given that three countries in the monitoring team, Sweden, Denmark and Finland, are members of the EU.
Interestingly, given the hectic diplomacy following reports of the EU ban and the impact it would have on continuing with the peace process, the Royal Norwegian Embassyin Colombo, on behalf of the EU presidency issued a statement clarifying the factual position.
"At this stage a possible listing of the LTTE is under active consideration by the member states of the EU. This process will be concluded in due course of time by a decision of the council of ministers of the EU members," the statement read.
And with pressure mounting on the EU to list the Karuna group also if the LTTE is to be banned, there can still be many a slip between the cup and lip before the council of ministers meets.
It is to set the stage for this final chance for Sri Lanka that both Japan's Special Envoy Yasushi Akashi and US Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Donald Camp visited the country and met with key state actors.
In fact for the first time in several years, the US went on public record calling on the government to uphold the rule of law and address legitimate Tamil grievances in the strongest possible terms. The clear inference is that it was not the case at present.
And after making the expected critical comments on the LTTE, Camp had this to say publicly - "That said, we hold democratic governments to high standards. And when there are killings in areas controlled by the government, it is certainly the government's responsibility to uphold law and order. There
need to be investigations, and we have encouraged this on the government and they have assured us that they are carrying out such investigations. There need to be investigations and there need to be prosecutions. That is crucial to what the government is trying to do, which is to reassure members of all minority groups in the country that everyone is equal and everyone is treated equally. There needs to be reassurance
and the government needs to address legitimate Tamil grievances."
More important was Camp's response when the Rupavahini interviewer bowled a full toss hoping for a strong message of support to the government, a response President Rajapakse will do well to take note of when considering the war option he is pushed towards by the extremists in the absence of a substantial
offer of devolution in the form of federalism for the Tamils.
Asked the SLRC interviewer - "What can the US say to help Sri Lanka during this war of aggression launched by the LTTE, especially if Pirapaharan escalates into full-scale conflict?"
Replied Camp: "Sri Lanka has always known that it has the moral support, the diplomatic support of the United States, and that will continue to be true. Certainly, the LTTE is a terrorist group of the first order. That said, there's no question that the government of Sri Lanka has responsibilities as
well. One of those, which the government has certainly acknowledged, is the legitimate grievances of the Tamil people. That includes, of course, dealing with the disturbing number of killings in recent months. This is something the government has said it will investigate. We think those investigations should be carried out promptly and thoroughly. We think it is the responsibility of the government to uphold law and
order and that is the responsibility of any democratic government."
It is significant to note that Camp does not speak of military or logistical support but simply moral and diplomatic support whilst putting the ball back into the government's court to investigate civilian killings and address Tamil grievances.
And grievances include in the view of the international community political rights in the form of a federal structure and security.
The EU parliament in adopting its resolution did just that in the qualifying preamble, stating inter alia: "having regard to the Oslo Declaration of December 2002, in which the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE agreed to try to find a federal solution within a united Sri Lanka...."
The EU parliament added the need for compliance with the CFA, promotion and protection of human rights, gender equality and progress towards a final political settlement in the resolution, effectively telling the government to deliver on its commitments if continued support is expected.
The adoption of this resolution coincided with Camp's statement, indicative of the international community working to a common agenda on Sri Lanka.
Hot on the heels of Camp's comments also came a statement from Amnesty International (AI) on the human rights situation wherein the human rights watchdog while welcoming the government's pledge to investigate the Kayts killings had this to say: "...but notes there is a disturbing pattern of incomplete
or ineffective investigations by the government with the result that perpetrators of such violence generally operate with impunity."
And then dealing with navy's denial of involvement in the massacre, the AI has this to say - "However, AI has received credible reports that Sri Lanka Navy personnel and armed cadres affiliated with the Eelam People's Democratic Party, a Tamil political party that is opposed to the LTTE, were present
at the scene of the killings. The government in turn has suggested that the LTTE orchestrated the attack in order to divest international opinion."
Then comes the punch comment similar to the one made by Camp which read as follows - "Regardless of who is responsible for the attacks, the Sri Lanka government has obligations under international law to take steps to prevent such killings to ensure that those who commit them are brought to justice
and that the families of those killed are able to obtain redress."
Earlier India too sent a strong message to the government that it was disturbed at the rising incidents of civilian killings in the north east, sentiments Akashi also expressed during his visit.
It is with those tough comments ringing in his ears that President Rajapakse walked into cabinet on Wednesday, May 17 where he discussed the issue of human rights at the very outset even before going into the weekly cabinet papers.
Thus, no sooner he sat down President Rajapakse said the LTTE was getting ready for a massive human rights campaign internationally and the government must be ready to meet the challenge.
"We now have a Human Rights Minister and he must take over the responsibility of responding fast to the charges with an effective campaign and brief whoever and put the record straight," Rajapakse said.
Having said that, the President looked towards UNP's Mahinda Samarasinghe for a response and respond he did, taking a realistic view of the emerging scenario.
Said Samarasinghe, "I can do that and put the record straight. At the same time, if we are going to counter the charges, we must ensure what needs to be done in Sri Lanka is also done properly. You are the President for all the citizens of this country. When incidents such as Kayts happened, you
issued a statement promptly and called for an inquiry. That is what people approve."
Continuing, Samarasinghe said calling for investigations alone is not enough but that it should be clean and independent with the culprits brought to book within a short time-frame.
"If we do that, the LTTE propaganda will be thrown out by the international community," he added.
Nodding his assent, the President said that was exactly what he wanted Samarasinghe to do.
Replied Samarasinghe - "I will do it. I will need to meet with you to discuss the strategy."
Samarasinghe no doubt realised the political implications of his assignment given the role of Mangala Samaraweera as Foreign Minister, who incidentally was not present in cabinet and the Human Rights Minister quickly brought him into the picture as well, particularly given Rajapakse's inclination to lean
towards UNPers to pull the chestnuts out of his fire.
The President has already assigned the defence spokesman title to another UNP Minister, Keheliya Rambukwella and the third UNPer in his camp, Rohitha Bogallagma was earlier appointed spokesperson on the peace process - factors not lost on the SLFP ministers.
Thus Minister Samarasinghe said he has already discussed a human rights campaign with Minister Samaraweera and that they decided to revive the permanent standing committee on human rights.
Said he - "It was earlier chaired by Lakshman Kadirgamar. The last meeting was in 2002. Now it will be co-chaired by the ministers in charge of human rights and foreign affairs. It will have the defence chiefs, IGP and the Attorney General. We will go into the various cases and ensure follow up
Added Samarasinghe - "I will also chair the inter-ministerial committee and ensure recommendations made by treaty bodies are implemented. Then when we go for the UN Human Rights Council meeting in June, we will be in a position to counter the charges."
Chipped in the President - "Very good. Keep me informed of the progress."
But Samarasinghe was not yet finished. Said he, "At the same time, the Head of State must issue a statement to reassure, punity will not be tolerated against civilians by whomsoever."
Agreeing to the proposal, the President said in relation to the Kayts incident, it was completely false to accuse the navy of involvement but assured the culprits will be brought to book irrespective of who was involved.
Interestingly, Minister Douglas Devananda who was present at the meeting did not utter one word either by way of refuting the charges against the involvement of EPDP cadres or claim it to be the work of the LTTE.
He maintained a stony silence, with the President having already had a fiery exchange of words with him the previous day on the issue.
And to further show his commitment towards human rights in the face of the international onslaught, the President said he would be reconstituting the Human Rights Commission the following day, Thursday.
Ironically, in doing so, he was by passing the constitutional requirement of awaiting the Constitutional Council recommendations but then again given the fact he had already done it with the Police Commission, such legal requirements were no big deal.
Having said that, the President dropped another bombshell which had the ministers under shock and wondering who had fallen prey to a LTTE trap.
Said the President - "Be very careful about LTTE infiltrations and traps set. Day before yesterday, a minister told me he can contact three LTTE leaders to revive the peace process and sought my approval to meet with them. I did not give him an answer immediately but asked for the three names. Then I
forwarded the names to the security council later that day. They checked and said all three are intelligence operatives of the LTTE. Obviously the LTTE is trying to tap our ministers to get information. It is a tactic of theirs. Don't eat their dead ropes."
Butting in quickly albeit somewhat sheepishly was Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, who said, "Yes we have to be careful."
More was to follow with Minister Maithripala Sirisena also having a bone to pick with his colleagues for not rising to his rescue following a LTTE threat.
The Minister said when details of the threat on him surfaced, not a single member of the government spoke about it.
"They should have used it to show what type of ruthlessness the LTTE is capable of. We could have got international mileage out of the incident," Sirisena said.
Offering words of comfort on that occasion was President Rajapakse who told the cabinet, in future if there was such a threat on a minister everyone should speak in one voice.
At the same time, the President also impressed upon the role civic groups can play in issues relating to human rights which can have a negative impact on the government.
He said when Japan's Envoy Akashi first met him, he was in a good frame of mind but later became hostile after meeting with some NGOs.
"They have poisoned his mind. His mood changed completely later. That is the type of campaign that the LTTE is carrying out through some NGOs," the President said.
That the human rights issue was going to dog the government was thus plain to see.
Even in the EU parliament resolution, article 10 said it "recognises that Sri Lanka's recent election as a member of the UN Human Rights Council places an obligation on the government to manifest its commitment to uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights."
Interestingly, the previous paragraph made specific reference to attacks on Tamil organisations and newspapers and read thus: "Strongly condemn the particular repression against Tamil language press or Tamil organisations, and calls for a thorough investigation into the murders of Matyilvaganum
Nimalarajan and Dharmaratnam Sivaram as well as the two employees of the newspaper Uthayan."
That apart, India is also getting increasingly concerned at the human rights situation and attempts by the Foreign Ministry to sideline it purportedly on the basis of hints made by the US.
In fact, though Akashi called on India to be present at the Co-Chairs meeting on May 30, no formal invitation was extended and India was not inclined to attend.
Instead, India has sent a clear message to the government it was seriously concerned about the civilian killings in the north east and urged urgent measures to bring the situation under control.
The bottom line is, the government has been sent a clear signal it will be held responsible for human rights violations of civilians and should be mindful of that fact in prosecuting even a low intensity war, particularly given the role of the paramilitary groups.
In any event, the battle is on and it remains to be seen what hand the Co-Chairs will deal on May 30 and the LTTE's response to the EU ban.
It was days after Canada banned the LTTE, the suicide bomb attack at the Army Headquarters was carried out and the government will do well to brace itself for tougher days ahead.
Funeral of a sailor killed in the sea battle
|Intl. community damns
By Amantha Perera
A violence filled one-and half-month period reached crunch time last week when persistent international pressure on the Tigers resulted in the European Union moving to ban the Tigers.
Diplomatic circles in Colombo indicated that on May 17, there had been several rounds of discussions among EU member states on the ban.
The Tigers themselves tried to pre- empt the move when Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham said in a statement that any such ban would be detrimental to future talks. That statement came out more than 12 hours before the EU was to announce its decision on Friday, May
The EU action came just seven days after the Tigers tried to attack a convoy of navy boats including the troop carrier Pearl Cruiser with 700 on board off the Jaffna peninsula. The Tigers came under intense international pressure following the attack, with the EU, US and a whole host of countries
condemning the attack.
In Colombo, visiting US State Department official Donald Camp warned the Tigers to pull back from the violence unleashed by them. The next day in Washington, US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns said that Sri Lanka was precariously close to war and blamed the deteriorating
situation on the Tigers.
"We think they (Sri Lanka) should be rid of the pernicious influence of the Tamil Tigers, the LTTE," he said adding, "We do not support in any way, shape or form the terrorist tactics of the Tamil Tigers of the last several weeks," Burns said
during a speech at the Carnegie Endowment in Washington.
The pressure is likely to continue and Burns said that within the next week he would be in Japan and talk with other international partners involved in the peace process to achieve a breakthrough.
"I will be going to Tokyo in 10 days time to join with all those countries to try to find a way to help the government of Sri Lanka cope with this insurgency, and convince the Tamil Tigers to go back to the peace talks in Switzerland as they had committed to before this recent outbreak of
violence," he said.
Browbeating the Tigers
Even as they led the global chorus against the Tigers, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera said in Japan that if the Tigers fail to return to talks, they should be banned in Europe.
The last time the US was so conspicuous, verbally browbeating the Tigers, was in January when Burns himself warned in Colombo that Tigers should stop the violence.
"We call upon the LTTE, especially, to cease and desist from the violence and terrorism that it has afflicted upon the people of this country. The bombing this morning, which cost two lives; the repeated attacks over the past several weeks; and of course the attacks over many, many years upon the
political leadership and the average citizens of this country, are reprehensible and they are condemned by the international community.
"And we hope that the LTTE will understand that it will have no relationship with my government and, indeed, no effective relationship with any country in this world as long as it seeks to redress its own grievances through the barrel of a gun. Now, we understand the Tamil community here has
legitimate grievances, and legitimate issues that ought to be addressed by the government. And there ought to be a dialogue, a better dialogue, between the government and the Tamil community. But the responsibility here lies with the LTTE, which has taken up terrorism and violence as its political weapon," he said on January 23.
A few days later Erik Solheim was able to persuade the Tigers to come back to the negotiating table after a hiatus of almost three years.
US Embassy officials in Colombo have privately expressed that they were satisfied the Burns comments in January helped to stem the tide towards violence. However the Tigers indicated earlier in the week that they would not cow down easily to international strictures.
The tone was set when senior Tigers started contesting the stance taken by the SLMM after the attack on the naval convoy that the Tigers did not have any rights over the sea according to the truce agreement.
Senior Tigers said they felt they had absolute rights over the sea adjoining areas under their control and the same tone was taken by pro-Tiger media. Sea Tiger Leader Soosai and Political Head S.P. Tamilselvan were the first to criticise the SLMM. Then during the funerals of the Sea Tigers killed in the
sea battle during last weekend, others joined in. They remarked that the sea confrontation could well be a turning point.
"The Thalayady sea battle in which four of our Sea Tigers sacrificed their lives is of great significance at a time when our people are being blatantly victimised in an undeclared war by the Sri Lanka government armed forces and the paramilitaries. Though the loss of these four able Sea Tigers caused
us deep grief, the Thalayady sea battle is crucial as an open declaration of the determination of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in asserting our sovereign rights to seas which had been recaptured at the cost of the lives of thousands of Tigers," K.V. Balakumaran said in Puthukudirrupu attending a funeral of a cadre named Kaviyalaki.
"Our sea belongs to us"
At Muliyaweli, Tamilini, the political head of female cadres, reiterated the stand at the funeral of Sanchana. "We have once again said to the world that our sea belongs to no one but us. Our struggle for the liberation of our Tamil homeland is gaining momentum towards final victory. We have paid a
very high price to redeem and maintain the Tamils' sovereignty over their homeland and the four courageous Sea Tigers have offered their lives for our cause. They shine as glorious examples for all of us dedicated to the liberation of our land, sea and the air," she said.
Two days after the funerals, LTTE Peace Secretariat Head S. Puleedevan told several media organisations that the Tigers were ready for war.
In fact despite a four year ceasefire right from the time the truce took effect in February 2002, the LTTE has kept the military option open.
Prefer to fight
Female cadres at Muhamalai attending the opening of the A9 in April 2002 said that they would rather prefer to fight for their freedom and die, but were abiding by their leader's commands. This was while top Tigers and army officers from Jaffna met half way through the no-man's land to iron out last minute
differences and a group of Tigers triumphantly entered Jaffna.
Two years later in June 2004 Tamilini herself summed up the situation when she said that "only the guns were silent" in the north east. The Tamil Guardian, which reflects Tiger thinking and is published in London was also critical of the censuring by the international community.
"The SLMM, however, is following the conduct of leading international actors involved in Sri Lanka's 'peace process.' Amid very real fears that Sri Lanka is slipping back towards a major conflict, the international community, resolutely refusing to look at the localised dynamics of the 'shadow war'
(now, according to the SLMM a 'low-intensity war') is focused primarily on pressuring one side, the LTTE. The Tamils have repeatedly argued that the violence is a cycle, whose continuation stems from the actions of both sides. But rather than condemn and pressure the Sinhala nationalist government of President Mahinda Rajapakse, the international community is instead
praising Colombo and condemning the LTTE."
Tamil Guardian editorial
"The wider framework of peace and political accommodation are irrelevant to the Tamils now. Physical security is the only concern. Thus it is the international community's continuing reluctance to rein in the Sinhala leadership that is going to precipitate a major confrontation. Some Tamils suspect
the international community is allowing Colombo space to terrorise the rebellious minority into pressuring the Tigers to be more accommodative. Such logic ignores the history of the conflict. Indeed, Tamil media report a sudden flood of recruits to the Tigers, rather than a flurry of petitions.
"In the meantime, the impassive, implacable attitude of the international community is eroding Tamil faith in international commitment to their well-being," it said in its editorial last week.
SLMM Head Ulf Henricsson who has come in for some rap from both the government and the Tigers was selected out for the same treatment by the Tamil Guardian.
While the Tigers kept the signals coming hard and fast, in areas under their control, the sense of imminent hostilities was also taking effect. In Kilinochchi and other areas there was mass training of civilians carried out by the Tigers.
The Tigers said they had so far imparted basic training to at least 70,000 civilians in areas under their control in the north east since they launched the civilian training programme late last year. The training is broken into four levels of 15 days training each. Each daily programme consists of two
hours, one hour in the morning and one in the afternoon.
Civilian training programme
The beginners get basic physical training while at level two they are imparted first aid. It is at level three that self defence techniques and other basic military type training begins. At the last level trainees get weapons training. Eye witnesses said that the trainees ranged from ages 14 to as old as
LTTE Spokesperson Daya Master told visiting journalists last week that the civilians were given training partly due to the drift towards war.
It is not only in the LTTE areas that civilians have begun to feel that war, more than peace, was what the future held. In Trincomalee, home-guard units in Sinhala villages under threat have been strengthened following several attacks at Gomarankadawala and nearby areas.
Anti-personnel mines reappear
The dreaded, Johnny anti-personnel mines made a reappearance last week for the first time in four years since the 2002 February truce. A soldier was injured in Alleswatte, north of Trincomalee town on May 16 when he stepped on a mine.
The Defence Spokesperson's office said that it was the first time that anti-personnel mines had been used against government forces since the truce. It made its second appearance during the week at Nagarkovil
in Jaffna a day later. A soldier was injured in the incident.
Military Spokesperson Brig. Prasad Samarasinghe told The Sunday Leader the army was aware of the dreaded weapon making a come back. "We have taken precautions already," he said.
SLMM to increase monitors
The SLMM will initially increase its monitors by 25% after SLMM Head Ulf Henricsson holds discussions with Norwegian officials, SLMM Spokesperson Helen Olfasdottir said.
Currently the SLMM has 60 monitors based in Colombo and six field offices and a liaison office in Kilinochchi. They also operate several contact points.
The SLMM last week sent a letter to both the government and the LTTE forwarding their requests. However as of late last week neither party had replied officially. Olfasdottir said the government had responded unofficially.
Minister Keheliya Rambukwella told the press that the government had no problems in agreeing to the SLMM's new requests. There was no reaction from the Tigers, who nevertheless have been critical of the monitors of late.
Henricsson told The Sunday Leader that the monitors had several rounds of discussions last week following the sea battle off Jaffna the week before in which monitors too were caught in the crossfire.
Sea Tiger boats attacked naval crafts carrying the SLMM flag, arguing that they had warned the monitors not to board navy vessels. So far the SLMM has not taken a decision on when they would resume monitoring in the sea.
- Jamila Najmuddin