Allan Rock exposes govt-Karuna group nexus to UN Working Group

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

Who is the 'suddha' or white man that our pseudo-patriotic hawks love to hate the most?

Earlier it was Norwegian special peace envoy Erik Solheim. In recent times it was theCanadianAllan Rock who became the prime target. The Former Canadian cabinet minister and ex-Ambassador to the UN aroused majoritarian ire after his 10 day fact-finding mission to Sri Lanka last November. Rock was sent as special United Nations  envoy by Radhika Coomaraswamy, the UN Secretary-General's  Special Representative on Children and Armed Conflict.

Rock held a press conference in Colombo at the end of his mission where he placed the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL), Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Tiger breakaway Karuna faction known as the Tamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TMVP) in the dock over forcible recruitment of child soldiers.

Complicity of GOSL security forces

Charging the LTTE of this offence was old hat. Even TMVP guilt was becoming known but not acknowledged openly. The new element in Rock's revelations was complicity of GOSL security forces in child conscription by the TMVP. Had Rock confined himself to the "Tamil" LTTE and TMVP the die - hard Sinhala hard liners may have been soft on Rock. But Rock touched a raw nerve when he alleged that the "valiant" security forces were aiding and abetting the Karuna faction in this recruitment.

Allan Rock found himself the favourite target of all those rushing to defend the good name of the security forces. Protest demonstrations were held. His effigy was hung from a tree opposite the UNDP Office in Colombo. Rock was accused of being a Tiger agent. A massive vilification campaign was on. Instead of acting on his charges and making constructive inquiries Rock was asked to produce evidence. Keheliya Rambukwella even wanted to hand over the Raviraj murder investigation to Rock saying he was better than Scotland Yard

Final report

It was as usual the typical strategy adopted by pseudo - patriots in matters like this. Selecting a target and conducting a low - class, crude campaign of vilification and intimidation. What these vocal warriors think is that people would get terrified and go soft on the issue. Allan Rock was expected to wilt under pressure. He was expected to cave in and retract his stance when submitting a final report to the UN Security Council's working group on children and armed conflict.

Allan Rock presented his report on February 8th. He then participated in the UN Working Group discussions on Sri Lanka. The highlight of his report was the recommendation that the UN consider targeted measures against the LTTE. Most media reports focused on this. The majoritarian hawks were happy. Rock had done the needful in their perception.

Even the cabinet spokesman on defence affairs was reported as saying that he was now inclined to withdraw his remarks about Allan Rock's findings. According to a news report in a Colombo newspaper Keheliya Rambukwella now believed Rock had been provided with misleading information on abductions in the east. Here are brief excerpts -

"It has come to light that in many instances, family members of certain abductees have provided misleading information even to the police and other government authorities," Minister Rambukwella said yesterday.

The Minister said he could now understand how Rock had been misled with wrong information which he claimed to be credible evidence.

"What happens is that many informants take things for granted when providing information. For instance, it has transpired in investigations that some complainants have said their friend or relative had been whisked away in a white van merely because they had heard earlier that abductors always use white vehicles," he said.The Minister said that in his report to the UN Security Council  Rock had highlighted what he thought was factual.

"Nobody is perfect, mistakes can happen," Minister Rambukwella said.

Dangerous sign

Rambukwella's accusations about the family members having given false information is a dangerous sign. This is in keeping with the "defence" trotted out by Karuna and his minions that the LTTE was getting people to provide false allegations through family members about the Karuna faction abducting children as conscripts. It appears from Rambukwella's statement that instead of legitimately inquiring into the charges made by Rock the state is now conducting a witch-hunt against family members.

Police and security personnel are trying to intimidate the helpless families who have already lost their children to Karuna into 'confessing' that the LTTE put them up to it. They are being doubly victimised. Allan Rock refused to give specific details about victimised families to Colombo because it was feared that the state would target those families. This fear is now coming true.

No links with Karuna faction

Colombo which blackened Allan Rock's name initially is now clumsily attempting to whitewash him. Rambukwella's ramblings indicate that. With the aid of pliable sections of the media the state is now trying to project an impression that Allan Rock had only been harsh on the LTTE and to a lesser extent on the TMVP. The GOSL is now cleared by Rock is the Colombo portrayal. Colombo continues with its fig leaf of saying it has no links to the Karuna faction.

But what is the reality? Has Allan Rock retracted his position and let the GOSL and TMVP off the hook? By the looks of the full report that does not seem to have happened. The more things seem to change the more they remain the same. This cliche seems true of Allan Rock's stance vis a vis GOSL complicity in TMVP conscription too. Here are some relevant excerpts from Rock's report to the UN.

Secretary  General's Report

"The Karuna faction abducts and recruits children into its forces. It does so exclusively in the eastern districts of Sri Lanka. The Secretary-General's Report disclosed that from November 2005 to October 2006, there were 164 reports of children having been abducted by the Karuna faction, 142 of whom still remain in its ranks. Since May 2006, the number of abductions has increased sharply. In the space of one week in mid-June 2006 alone, UNICEF received 30 reports alleging that children had been abducted by the Karuna faction in the areas of Santhiveli, Kiran, Mankerni, Valachchenai and Iruthayapuram (Manmunai North) of Batticaloa District."

"As part of my mission, I met with family members from the eastern districts whose children had been abducted to be used as child soldiers. Parents, grandparents and siblings related their personal recollections and eyewitness accounts during our encounters. In all, members of 25 families described the circumstances in which their children, grandchildren, brothers or sisters were taken, and the efforts they have made to get them back. Although the vast majority of the family members I spoke to reported recent abductions by the Karuna faction, three of the families reported abductions by the LTTE."

" There were many common elements in the family members' narratives describing abductions by the Karuna faction."

 The Karuna faction abductions took place exclusively in government-controlled areas.

 The Karuna faction abductors often identified themselves as such to families during abductions, or were known by the families for their association with the group prior to the abductions.

 The Karuna faction most often targeted children for abduction whose identities they knew in advance: few of the victims were chosen at random.

 The ages of abducted children ranged from 13-17 years. To date, the Karuna faction has predominantly abducted boys, although two girls have reportedly been abducted by the Karuna faction in Ampara District.

 Most abductions took place in children's homes. Many abductions took place at night.

 The children abducted by the Karuna faction were typically taken away in unmarked white vans identified by the local population as the type of vehicle habitually used by the Karuna faction; vans of this description were often seen passing through government checkpoints without being challenged, stopped or searched.

 All of the children abducted by the Karuna faction spent time in one of several Karuna faction camps near government-controlled welikanda town in Polonnaruwa district.

 Many parents had direct contact with their children after their abduction by the Karuna faction and visited them at either TMVP offices while in transit or at a Karuna faction camp in welikanda.

What does Allan Rock say in his report about GOSL complicity in TMVP conscription?

" The fact that the Karuna faction has abducted so many children in government-controlled areas in the eastern districts of Sri Lanka raises the question why the government has not more effectively protected those children, investigated the complaints made by the children's families, and secured the release and return of the children from the Karuna faction camps that are located in areas under government control."

Complicit in the abduction of children

" Based on the facts and circumstances set out in this report, I have concluded that certain elements of the Sri Lankan security forces are complicit in the abduction of children by the Karuna faction, and that at least some elements of the security forces have facilitated and sometimes participated in those abductions."

"The complicity of certain elements of the security forces in Karuna faction abductions is common knowledge in the eastern areas where I travelled. The civilian population is in no doubt about why Karuna faction members (as described more fully below) work openly with government security forces at checkpoints, carry weapons on the streets with impunity, and escape investigation despite many complaints to police and security forces about their involvement in child abductions."

Here are some more excerpts about the alleged GOSL-LTTE nexus -

" Karuna faction abductions are taking place in government-controlled territory. According to witnesses, children abducted by the Karuna faction are driven away in vans, which then pass, without being challenged or searched, through checkpoints operated by the police and the Special Task Force (STF)."

"There are Karuna faction training camps located in Sevanapitiya, at Karupalai (which is to the west of Welikanda ), Theevuchenai and Muthukkal Village (which is also close to welikanda). Two more Karuna faction outposts have been opened in Batticaloa District, in Mankerni (in close proximity to a Sri Lanka Army (SLA) camp and in Nasivantheevu. All of these Karuna faction camps are in government-controlled territory."

"The existence and location of these and other Karuna faction training camps is well known to many civilians and members of the security forces. Indeed, parents of abducted children often travel to these and other Karuna faction camps in order to visit their abducted children and try to secure their release. When the parents pass through STF checkpoints en route, they explain where they are going and why. Yet neither the STF nor other members of the security forces have made any effort to monitor traffic or to intercept Karuna faction vans that may be travelling to those camps with abducted children. Nor have they made any effort to demand, negotiate or secure the release of children whose presence at those Karuna faction camps has been verified by their visiting parents."

" TMVP, the political wing of the Karuna faction, has been opening up offices in the eastern districts. Many of these offices have been located in close proximity to SLA and STF bases. For example, the TMVP office in Akkaraipattu abuts the STF camp. The entrance gate is about 30 metres south of the STF entrance. An STF checkpoint is also 150 metres north of the TMVP office entrance. Another TMVP office has been opened in Morakkodanchenai, Kiran Division, and it is just five metres away from an SLA camp. There are other examples of these TMVP-SLA or STF co-locations."

" There is no doubt about the close connection between TMVP and its military wing, the Karuna faction. That connection was confirmed by TMVP Secretary Ms S. Padhmini during her meeting with me in Colombo on Sunday, November 12, 2006. As developed further below, TMVP is also implicated in the Karuna faction abductions."

"TMVP vehicles have been seen inside the STF camps, including the STF camp in Kanchirankuda."

Police inaction

Rock also cites the failure of security forces and police to investigate Karuna faction abductions of children . He also outlines many instances of police inaction with respect to families' complaints of Karuna faction abductions.Here are some excerpts -

"On 21 June 2006, a father went to register the case of the abduction of his son with the police and he was informed that the report could not be registered since the Officer in Charge (OIC) of the station was not there."

" On 28 June 2006, a father went to register the case of the abduction of his son at a police station but was informed that the case would not be registered and that instead he should go and report to UNICEF;"

" In August 2006, the parents of a child who had gone missing but later was found to have been abducted by the Karuna faction reported that they went to register the case at a police station but were told to return the following day because "the entry book was full."

"On October 23, 2006, children who appeared to be 14 or 15 years old were observed with weapons at the TMVP office in Akkaraipattu. This was immediately reported to the acting OIC at the Akkaraipattu police station, who immediately contacted the OIC at the STF camp at Akkaraipattu. The Ampara police Deputy Inspector General and the STF Director of Operations during my meeting with them on November 7, 2006, asserted that they were not aware of this report."

"In June 2006, some families of abducted children reported to SLMM that they had just visited the TMVP office in Batticaloa, and that although they had been told by TMVP that their children were not with the Karuna faction, they had seen their children in the TMVP premises. SLMM informed Batticaloa police asking for a search of the premises on these grounds. It was two hours before the premises were searched and, by that time, the premises were empty."

Rock also provides more examples of theKaruna faction-security forces collusion and cooperation.

" Some families reported that their abducted children were held overnight at an SLA camp before being transported to a Karuna faction camp.

" Karuna faction cadres have been observed standing alongside and working with army personnel at checkpoints, scrutinising citizens passing through."

Paramilitary operations

"The Karuna faction has conducted paramilitary operations while the STF was within view, watching the events. This occurred in Thirukkovil DS (Vinayagapuram, Thirukkovil and Thambiluvil) and Alayadewembu DS (Alayadewembu) and Akkaraipattu town areas. Many civilians have reported seeing STF escorting Karuna faction cadres in these town areas."

"The assertions in the five paragraphs that follow were made to me by family members of children abducted by the Karuna faction. In each case, the family members told me that they spoke from personal knowledge and/or eyewitness observations."

" On June 13, 2006, security forces entered a village and rounded up all the boys, bringing them to the main road. The security forces then formed a circle, holding hands, with the boys detained inside the circle. Karuna faction cadres then entered the circle and chose those boys that they wanted to abduct."

"On another occasion, security forces arrived in a town at 10 a.m. and asked all the children to come to the main road. There, the security forces took photographs of all the children. Later in the day, Karuna faction cadres arrived in uniform and took eight of the children away. After the eight children were abducted, they spent overnight in an SLA camp located one mile from the town. The next day, they were taken to a Karuna faction camp."

"A mother recounted that her 15 year old son was one of three boys abducted by Karuna faction cadres at 9 p.m. on June 14, 2006 from a wedding party being held next door to her home. The child is at the Karuna faction camp at Theevuchenai, where she has since visited him. Her son told her that one of the three boys abducted that night was killed in military action while fighting with the Karuna faction against LTTE forces near Vakarai."

" The mother referred to in the preceding paragraph spoke to an army officer while passing through a checkpoint en route to the Karuna faction camp to visit her abducted son. The woman recalled that the officer told her: 'I have two children. LTTE wants to kill me and my children. As long as the Karuna faction is there, we're safer."

These are but a few excerpts from Rock's report. The full version needs to be studied in detail to comprehend the issue more fully. But one thing seems clear. The intimidation campaign against Allan Rock has failed miserably. Sordid details about TMVP conscriptions and GOSL complicity have gone right up to the UN Security Council Working Group. The government's hypocrisy has been exposed at the highest level.

The LTTE is supposedly "terrorist" and the TMVP allegedly "para - military" but the GOSL is a democratically elected regime adhering to the rule of law and international norms on human rights and conduct of war. Allan Rock's report has put all three in the dock. The LTTE and its off - shoot TMVP can live with it but can the Government of Sri Lanka ?

Douglas, Anandasangari and 13th Amendment 'Plus'

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

I recently saw on television an interview given by the President to the BBC's new correspondent in Colombo. He reiterated, "I will give them a political solution."

What was frightening in that interview was the fact that to Mahinda 'Tamils' and 'Tigers' were coterminous. He was boasting that he was sending medicine, fuel, food, etc., to the Tigers, but in reality those are being sent to the Tamil people.

The government for propaganda purposes emphasises that the Tamils and Tigers are two distinct entities. But in practice this regime targets Tamil civilians in a way that has never been done before. The Executive President's inability and/or unwillingness to draw a distinction between Tamils and Tigers shows where the fault lies.

Dangerous mindset

This mindset is dangerously similar to that of Sinhala ethno-fascists who maintain that Tamils have not been deprived of any rights and therefore have no problems. What we have is a 'terrorist' problem they say. A 'terrorist' problem needs no political solution but only a military solution, they argue.

The conduct of the Rajapakse regime has demonstrated that 'Medamulane Mahinda' is also of the opinion that a military solution, and not a political solution, is necessary. Rajapakse has however grudgingly acknowledged that the Tamils have to be given something at least for the sake of V. Anandasangari and Douglas Devananda. So there is a need to come out with a political solution.

Realistically the Rajapakse regime has to go through the motions of a search for a political solution due to international pressure. There is every chance that foreign aid and financial assistance would dry up if something is not on the table soon. Some countries are tolerating Colombo's military drive only because they think Rajapakse will also deliver a political settlement.

Tamil aspirations

There is worldwide consensus that a southern consensus or pan-Sinhala consensus is very necessary for a satisfactory resolution of the national question. There is little doubt among international circles that ultimately a political settlement redressing Tamil grievances and accommodating legitimate Tamil aspirations is necessary.

Of course, it would be within the parameters of Sri Lanka's unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty. So even Mahinda has to maintain appearances of going in for a political solution.

This is where Anandasangari and Devananda are helping Rajapakse. The former is doing so unwittingly while the latter is doing so wittingly.

The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) President is doing yeoman service to the Tamil cause by propagating the need for a federal solution based on the Indian model. But he does not specify what or how that model solution should be formulated.

Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam of the TULF along with Prof. Gamini Lakshman Peiris formulated a very worthwhile devolution package. Tiruchelvam was maligned by the LTTE as a 'traitor' for that commendable effort. He was assassinated in 1999 but character assassination preceded it for four years.

Tiruchelvam draft

Years later Anton Stanislaus Balasingham stated publicly that the Tiruchelvam draft was positive and acceptable. The TULF President can take up this creditable package and promote it as a political solution but regrettably has not done so despite the efforts of many to persuade him.

Then there is the Majority Report of the Experts Panel. Some of the recommendations in that report were far-reaching. The report can be a very solid basis to build upon. The report was signed by six Sinhala, four Tamil and one Muslim person. At a time when the Sinhala hard-liners came down heavily on the report it was the duty of Tamil political parties to defend it on principle.

Yet Anandasangari has been conspicuously silent about that report so far. When a member of the expert panel solicited Anandasangari's opinion recently he was told that the TULF President was studying them. Other Tamil parties including the government constituent Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) have also maintained a deafening silence.

Tissa Vitharana proposals

There is also the Tissa Vitharana proposals which encompasses about 90% of the Majority Experts Report. Prof. Vitharana has done the Sama Samaajists proud by presenting a report that is very, very progressive. Dr. N.M. Perera's nephew displayed shades of the old LSSP which conducted itself honourably during the time when Citizenship and Official Language Bills were passed. Anandasangaree the disciple of Dr. N.M. Perera has not been supportive of even the Trotskyite's efforts.

Merely repeating the manthra 'Indian model federalism' will not be useful without making efforts to evolve a concrete solution or at least back the best available proposal. The bane of the TULF from Appapillai Amirthalingam's time has been the attitude of waiting for the other party to come up with a 'viable alternative.'

If the Tamil 'moderates' desire an alternative solution to Tamil Eelam, then they must come out with what they want or extend constructive support to proposals like the Vitharana or Majority Report. Waiting for Mahinda to come out with a solution instead would result in being offered only a watered down version. It is lamentable that a man of Anandasangari's experience fails to see this in perspective.

Cat's paw

While Anandasangari plays unwittingly into Rajapakse's hands, the EPDP's Douglas Devananda is wittingly becoming a cat's paw in Rajapakse's hands. Apart from actively collaborating in acts of state terror, Devananda is also involved in helping Rajapakse to sell a political dummy to the Tamils.

Devananda has been talking much of his earlier three-stage scheme of 13th Amendment Plus. This is music to Mahinda's ears. What Rajapakse hopes to present as a 'political solution' is nothing more than the 13th Amendment with modifications. Douglas Malli is helping Mahinda Aiya by harking back to the 13th Amendment again.

Three-stage formula

Devananda has conveniently forgotten the background to this three-stage scheme. Actually this proposal was not that of Devananda's but of his erstwhile Political Adviser Dr. K. Vigneswaran. It was this former secretary of the North Eastern Provincial Council who came up with this suggestion in the late '90s.

Chandrika Kumaratunga was president then and the war with the LTTE was raging. The people of the north east needed some regional administrative set-up with political leadership. The practical alternative was to work the defunct 13th Amendment. It was for this that the three-stage formula was proposed.

The first stage was to set up an interim administrative council for the north east. The representation in the council was to be of the same proportions that north eastern political parties were represented in parliament. Since the EPDP held nine seats out of the total 31, the party was to get the most representatives as well as the interim chairman post.

The second stage was to enhance devolution . The idea was to do away with the concurrent list in keeping with the Mangala Moonesinghe report. This would give greater powers to the periphery. Sec. 154 (G) enables greater powers being given to the provincial councils by legislative amendments  through simple majority. All provincial councils should pass legislation to that effect in their respective councils. If all provincial councils were united in this, then parliament too could pass legislation through simple majority.

The third stage was implementing enhanced devolution through an interim council for the north east while the overall search for a political solution should continue. The rationale was that the absence of a political solution should not prevent the north eastern people from enjoying the benefits of devolution.

Hitch

Kumaratunga was very sympathetic towards the idea and even gazetted provisions for a north east interim council. Since the UNP and SLFP had agreed during the Mangala Moonesinghe committee sittings to do away with the concurrent list, there was no hitch to enhanced devolution.

Besides the People's Alliance controlled provincial councils then, the north east would have the interim body. All councils were expected to support greater powers for themselves.

Everything was hunky dory but nothing positive happened. Why? The cause was none other than Devananda - who in the words of the late Kethesh Loganathan, fancied himself as the sole alternative to Velupillai Pirapaharan, the so called sole representative.

When Kumaratunga wanted names from the EPDP for the interim council, Douglas wanted to head it himself. Kumaratunga disagreed as he was then a MP. But Douglas wanted both posts and refused to budge. So the project was shelved.

Now the very same man who killed the idea then is reviving the 13th Amendment Plus project. It is seemingly at the behest of Mahinda.

Federalism

The 13th Amendment Plus proposal was thought of at a particular time under different circumstances. Much water has flowed down the Mahaweli, Kelani, Aruvi and Verugal rivers since then.

Concrete legislation for a political settlement was drafted as a bill in August 2000. The 2002 Ceasefire Agreement brought an end to the 'official' war. Direct talks between the government and LTTE resulted in the Oslo Declaration where both sides have pledged to explore federalism. The international community  is for a settlement on federal lines.

Against that backdrop there is no need to go back to the past of the 13th Amendment with or without 'plus.' What is necessary is for the nation to proceed forward on the road to federalism. The EPDP wants the country to go back to the 13th Amendment period. This amounts to a gross betrayal of the Sri Lankan Tamils.

Mahinda and his 'solution' for the sri Lankan Tamils

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

In recent times President Mahendra Percival Rajapakse has gone on record frequently saying "I will give them a political solution." He is of course referring to the Sri Lankan Tamils as 'them' though very often in practice those Tamil people are equated with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and treated as such.

What could be this 'solution' President Mahinda says "I will give them"?

It cannot be pure 'federalism' in form and content because everyone knows Mahinda is against it. Mahinda is for an unitary state. This has been explicitly stated in the Mahinda Chinthanaya. No quibbling over 'united' or 'unitary'for Mahinda. It has to be 'ekeeya' and not 'eksath.'

He will not tolerate alternative nomenclatures to federal like 'union' , 'union of regions', 'indissoluble union of regions in an indivisible' Sri Lanka. Even the device suggested by the Majority Experts  Group in its report - of not referring directly to either 'unitary' or 'federal' - is also not for Mahinda.

Maximum devolution

There is also the possibility of going in for maximum devolution within a unitary state. But that too is not for this President. Besides the presidential system as well as certain specific clauses in the constitution will not allow meaningful devolution. Also in the case of prickly issues the courts are not likely to be 'devolution friendly' when the constitution is unambiguously 'unitary.'

If these are the subjective and objective constraints involved in going for federalism , quasi - federalism or greater devolution amounting to federalism, then what is the political solution Mahinda says "I will give them"?

Recent developments indicate that President Mahinda is trying to re-introduce the provincial councils scheme of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution as his political solution for the Tamil national question. The Indo-Lanka Accord envisaged a merged North -Eastern Province as the provincial unit. But now the North - East is de - merged so there will be two units of devolution.Also Mahinda has plans of taking strategic areas out of the north and east and administer them directly as central territories.

What Mahinda has in mind as the solution seems to be the 13th  Amendment with some 'tinkered' powers. But the unit will not be north - east as a whole. Both provinces will have separate provincial councils. Furthermore extensive chunks of territory in both provinces will not be under these councils.

There are plans to demarcate certain areas in the country as central territories. This will be like the union territories in India. They will be under central  government control. Apparently Colombo, Galle and Hambantota will be central territories in the south.

Off - shore oil excavation

In the north, Mannar Island along with adjacent coastal areas of Mannar mainland will be central territory. Since much off - shore oil excavation for oil is expected to be underway soon the Mannar coast and island are to be under central control. The peninsula will see the Palaly - Myliddy - Kankesanthurai triangle areas and other coastal areas like Mathagal, Ponnalai , Valalai etc. under  central territories. The Weli - Oya region too will be a central territory with further enlargement.

In the east the Trincomalee District will suffer most. Apart from the  harbour and adjacent areas in the town including of course Fort Frederick with Koneswaram temple and areas up to China Bay and even  Kantale will all be part of central territory. Furthermore the coastal strip in Trinco south from Sampur down to Verugal Muhathuvaaram as well as the coastal strip up to Pulmoddai (with Imenite)in Trinco north will be central territory. I am unaware at present of plans for Batticaloa and Amparai districts.

Future military plans are likely to keep "project central territory" in mind. Already much of the military campaigns are being conceived and implemented with this design. If and when these plans succeed to a certain extent two moth - eaten  administrations will be set up for the east and north. Whether they are 'interim' or permanent will depend on the military successes of the Rajapakse regime. Douglas and Karuna have high hopes of being propped up as puppet rulers of the north and east respectively.

No comment from Tigers

So when Rajapakse finds the time ripe to offer a moth - eaten political solution  how would the LTTE react? It is pertinent to note that the Tigers have not commented on the Majority Experts  Report  or the Vitharana report so far. This is in contrast to 1995 when the LTTE held a press conference and vehemently rejected the 'GL - Neelan' package even before it was presented to them.

The current mindset of the LTTE could be gauged to some extent by what Tiger political commissar Suppiah Paramu Tamilselvan told Norwegian envoy Hans Brattskar in Kilinochchi recently. On the question of direct talks with the Government Tamilselvan said that the security forces had to withdraw to positions as at the time the ceasefire came into force.

When asked about the APRC proposals the Tiger political chief had said they were studying them. He also raised doubts whether the final product of the APRC will be on the lines of the Majority Experts or Vitharana reports.

A military solution

When Mahinda talks of a political solution that he would give them he is not very keen on incoroporating provisions broadly acceptable to the Tamil people. So if the 'solution' is found wanting and the LTTE rejects it as a basis for negotiations then what? It is more war of course!

Rajapakse and his war - monger siblings want to defeat the LTTE and impose a military solution. It is a dictated peace they have in mind. The offer of diluted devolution is in effect a stratagem. He wants the LTTE to reject it thereby helping to justify his military solution to the international community.

All this brings us back to the All Party Representative Committee. The Tissa Vitharana proposals will be the basis on which further discussions will be held. Rajapakse is purportedly annoyed with recent happenings. Eleven out of 17 experts presented a report envisaging maximum devolution and/ or quasi - federalism. The report was attacked in a concerted campaign with blessings from the Araliya abode.

Then came Tissa Vitharana. In a situation where four reports were submitted by the divided experts the Trotskyite professor stepped in with a report of his own. Though the proposals of all four reports were to be incorporated Vitharana very wisely has refrained from trying to reconcile the irreconcilable. So he left out some 'controversial' proposals of the Majority report and included the others in his Report. Thus around 90% of the Majority Report is now in the Vitharana report.

Furious over Vitharana

There were media reports that Rajapakse was furious at Vitharana and had jettisoned the report. Yet that has not happened so far and the report is very much on the agenda. The other ruse adopted by Mahinda to negate this development was an attempt to devalue the APRC indirectly.

As stated in these columns earlier a significant political development in recent times was the memorandum of understanding between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP) The APRC gained credibilty as a result and the elusive southern consensus was in sight.

The UNP made a positive contribution by intitially supporting the Majority Experts  Report. Then the party submitted its own proposals to the APRC. It was very much in line with the Majority Report. It even surpassed that report in some spheres.

A chagrined Rajapakse then violated the spirit of the SLFP - UNP agreement by encouraging defections from the UNP. At least 18 came out and some more may follow. The idea of turning the Government into an elephant orphanage for UNP pachyderms  was among other things a crude attempt to get the UNP out of the MOU. Once the SLFP - UNP cooperation was over the fate of a viable political solution was sealed.

A silver lining

Yet there is a silver lining. Despite Rukman Senanayake's dramatic but understandable gesture of tearing up the MOU in public the UNP has not given up on the search for a political solution. The party may not attend the APRC but will remain in the All Party Conference. Ranil Wickremesinghe seemed amenable to Prof. Vitharana's entreaties that the UNP should not go out even if the MOU was invalid. It all depends on whether Ranil could convince his seething working committee.

Rajapakse has gone on record that he would implement whatever the APRC came out with. But with the conference displaying signs of coming out with proposals unpalatable to him the President is now out to scuttle the APRC or dilute its final proposals. Thus the SLFP too has now announced that it would submit its own proposals.

Prof. Wiswa Warnapala is the chairman of the party committe to formulate proposals. Other members are Sarath Amunugama, John Seneviratne, Susil Premjayanth, Reginald Cooray and Dilan Perera. The SLFP is expected to present its proposals at the next APRC meeting on February 22. They have to be endorsed by the SLFP centtral committee first.

Problem

Therein lies the problem. The central commitee is practically a docile body in the hands of Mahinda. If the SLFP committee does present positive proposals the CC is likely to reject it if Mahinda desires so. On the other hand the proposals have to be toned down to the state of "13th plus" if Rajapakse is to give the nod.

Under these circumstances the question is whether the six man committee of five ministers and one chief minister will have the courage of the majority experts and Tissa Vitharana or whether they will simply play according to Rajapakse's wishes. If they do present a positive document they run the risk of incurring Rajapakse's wrath. The Central Committee will reject it. If Rajapakse is to accept it the CC will endorse it. But the content will have to be whittled down

There is of course the question whether the SLFP could regress from its earlier stance. The SLFP draft bill of 2000 was also positive and provided scope for maximum devolution. Can the SLFP climb down from its earlier position and yet retain an honourable image in public perception?

But the SLFP of 2000 is not the SLFP of 2007. Horagolla has given way to Medamulana. Let it not be forgotten that Mahinda played a "double game" then to sabotage the bill. He was at the site of the Buddhist priest on a death fast and was seen talking to protestors.

Revised stance

With Rajapakse unravelling the Bandaranaike legacy and re - moulding the party according to Mahinda Chinthana many values held sacred are being eroded. So there is nothing to prevent the SLFP from revising its earlier stance.

Kumaratunga with all her faults was a person intellectually and emotionally convinceed of the need for greater devolution. Rajapakse is primarily for a centralised state and anti - devolution. His reluctant lip service to devolution is due to international pressure alone.

In the final analysis only international pressure can make Rajapakse evolve meaningful devolution. It is time for the world to emphasise the need for greater devolution. The LTTE is a problem but it is not the only one. The need of the hour is to rein in this militaristic monster and play mid- wife to a genuine political solution.

The balance 40% shared by over 80 ministers

How Mahinda has got his hands on 60% of the budgetary allocations

Not only has President Mahinda Rajapakse paved the way for his mammoth sized cabinet to enter the Guinness Book of World Records but in a classic case of rigid financial control has also forked out approximately Rs.776 billion -  nearly 60% of the total budgetary allocations for 2007 for institutions and projects coming under his own purview.

Rajapakse it now appears believes in a sheer concentration of power by clinging to several important portfolios, namely Defence, Finance and Planning, Public Security, Law and Order, Religious Affairs and Nation Building and Estate Infrastructure Development. Not stopping at keeping the most coveted portfolios for himself, he has now tightly closed his fingers around the government kitty, controlling state finances in similar fashion. To top it all, he has also taken under his belt the Ports and Aviation Ministries.

The Gazette Extraordinary No 1482/9 of January 29,2007 which announced the number of ministers, ministries and the assignment of subjects, functions, departments and statutory institutions, and subject allocations bear testimony to the above fact.

Financial control

The allocation for the Office of the President is a colossal Rs. 6,898 million while Rs. 1,115 million had been allocated for the portfolio of Religious Affairs.

The Ministry of Finance and Planning's specific allocation is Rs. 495,167 million and Rajapakse's other important portfolio, Defence, Law and Order has an allocation of Rs. 145,711 million.

Finally, the allocations originally made under different heads have been collectively brought under the Ministry of Nation Building. For this portfolio alone there is an allocation of Rs. 27,405 million.

In addition, the allocation of Rs. 70,145 million for the Ministry of Rural Economic Development, Rs. 11,000 million allocated for 27 different institutions not specified in the Gazette and Rs. 9,143 million allocated for the Ministry of Ports and Civil Aviation (following Managala Samaraweera being stripped of his portfolio) will make up for the tidy sum of Rs.90, 288 million.

Altogether, for the five ministries under his care as well as the other 27 institutions brought under his control as well as the Ministry of Ports and Civil Aviation, President Rajapakse has managed to bring under his authority a colossal Rs. 766,584 million , which is no mean feat.

More so, when the entire budgetary allocations for the year is only Rs.1,319,426 million. 

Out of this, Rajapakse's portfolios, departments and institutions will account for nearly 60% of the allocations whereas all other 106 ministries will be compelled to share Rs. 552,842 million.

Nation Building Ministry

It is important also to take into account the number of ministries brought under the umbrella of the Nation Building Ministry.

The Ministries of Rural Economic Development (Rs. 545 million), Fisheries Housing (Rs. 964 million), Samurdhi (Rs. 17,603 million), Rural Development (Rs. 3,381 million) and Rural Livelihood Development (Rs. 4,390 million) now come under this single portfolio.

Besides the ministerial allocations, some 26 subjects have been now brought under the President's care, as it is customary that all subjects, functions, departments and statutory institutions not assigned specifically to any minister to remain with the President.

The 26 subjects together add Rs. 746,441 million to the collective funds coming directly under the President.

The Reconstruction and Development Agency (RADA) with an allocation of Rs. 8,720 million, Secretariat of Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs in the North and East (SIHRAN) with Rs.12, 360 million, Transport and Highways Unit (Rs. 1,320 million), Department of Upcountry Peasantry Rehabilitation (Rs. 28 million) and the Tsunami Housing and Reconstruction Unit (THRU) with Rs. 2,820 million come under the Nation Building Ministry.

In addition, the Fisheries Housing Unit (Rs. 7870 million), Road Development Unit (Rs. 220 million), Water and Power Supply Unit (Rs.310 million), Infrastructure Development Unit (Rs. 430 million), Estate Community Housing Development Unit (Rs. 310 million)  also come under the same.

Further, the International Centre for the Training of Rural Leaders (Embilipitiya) with Rs.30 million, Rural Development Training and Research Institute (Rs 40 million), Gama Neguma Secretariat (Rs. 6,553 million), District Planning Secretariats (Rs. 1,531 million), Gemi Diriya Programme (Rs. 720 million) and the Southern Development Authority (Rs. 3,311) also come under the President.

Likewise, the Regional Development Division (Rs.11, 453 million), Southern Rural Economic Advancement Project (Rs. 315 million), Revolving Credit Programme - Kegalle District (Rs. 200 million), Revolving Credit Programme - Ratnapura District (Rs. 160 million), NWP Dry Zone Participatory Development Project (Rs. 330 million), Matale Rural Economic Advancement Project (Rs. 160 million), Uva Rural Economic Advancement Project (Rs.215 million), Udarata Development Authority (Rs. 130 million), Project for Maintenance In structure for Alleviation of Rural Poverty(Rs. 260 million) and Ten Thousand Tanks Project (Rs 380 million) have also been grouped and gazetted together. 

In view of the above, it is needless to overemphasise the fact that besides being an exercise of sheer concentration of power with most subjects, projects and institutions being brought under one portfolio in violation of the principle of decentralisation, disbursement of funds has also been effectively prevented by this move.

Subject allocation

The subject allocation equally lacks coherence and smells of a political effort to bring a vast number of subjects under individual control.

Hence, there are overlapping subjects, some ministers with no institutions to head, some appointed to oversee mere projects and one minister specially appointed to assist special projects run by other ministers while not having a single department, statutory board, project or unit assigned to him. 

Through the Gazette Eextra-ordinary, President Rajapakse has also brought four departments and statutory boards under supervisory control of the Ministry of Finance and Planning. None of these were kept under this portfolio prior to the January 2007 subject allocation.

They are the Housing Development Finance Corporation Bank (HDFCB), Department of Import and Export Control, Lanka Putra Development Bank and Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) Bank.   

Non gazetted subjects

Gazette Extraordinary No 1482/9 of January 29, 2007 specifically states that "all subjects and functions and departments and statutory institutions not assigned specifically to any minister will continue to remain in the charge of the President."

Under this, 28 ungazzetted subjects have also been brought under President Mahinda Rajapakse.

These institutions include some key institutions like the Land Reclamation Commission (LRC), Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC), Public Enterprise Reform Commission (PERC), Mihin Air Private Ltd, Defence Procurements Company, Millennium City Project, Sri Lanka Land Filling and Development Corporation, German Technical Training Institute and the Human Rights Commission (HRC).

Further, the Hadabima Authority, National Human Resource Development Council, Sri Lanka Innovations Commission, all primary education institutes, Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI), Commissioner General of Essential Services, Skills Development Fund, Private Sector Infrastructure Development Corporation, North Sea Corporation, Estate Development Trust, Manthi Salt Corporation, Lanka Leyland Company, all information technology institutes, policy studies institutes, Textile Training and Services Centre and the Secretariat for Elders have been brought under the President's wing.          

An eye opener

The above list should serve as a warning. As well as an eye opener.

It is apparent that there cannot be any justification for a head of state to disburse 60% of the annual financial allocations among a handful of ministries and projects which come under him and some of them, personally identified with himself.

Significant and reputed programmes such as Samurdhi, a recognised scheme aimed at poverty alleviation have now been reduced to mere projects and swept under the carpet as if lacking any value. However, subjects such as Samurdhi have been grouped under the Ministry of Nation Building which seems to be a ministry simply created for concentration of subjects and an easy way to control finances.

The other ministries naturally will receive only the crumbs falling off the Presidential table, with the record 106 ministries now required to share the remaining 40% allocations which would naturally prove totally inadequate.

It does not take a genius to figure out that this has been one huge political exercise that lacks transparency as well as democracy. Instead of decentralisation, Rajapakse's effort had been to both exert financial and political control over  vast areas of subjects and projects.

Interestingly enough, President Rajapakse has now come to control Rs. 11,000 million without even gazetting 27 subjects. Though a permitted exercise, it is worthwhile to question why this has been done at a time when the entire would is veering towards good governance practices and transparency in financial handling.

President the beneficiary

As things stand, the entire reshuffle appears to be one negative exercise where ministries have been split without rhyme or reason with the end result being the excessive burden on the poor tax payer. Perhaps the only one to truly benefit is President Mahinda Rajapakse himself who has come to control 60% of the country's budgetary allocations, thereby shamelessly concentrating power with scant respect for transparency.

Whether the public would accept the blatant disregard for a justifiable finance disbursement plan and the treatment meted out to the rest of the ministries that do not come under his direct purview is a question that is worth raising. Perhaps that's what Mahinda Chinthana is all about.

Countdown to the split in government

Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe recently made a statement that the government, which was trying to ensure that the UNP was down with the flu, has now contracted the chikungunya virus.

By likening the government's ailments to chikungunya, Wickremesinghe only showed the gravity of the crisis brewing within the government, which in a few days could result in a huge split within the government's rank and file.

Events that took place on Friday, February 9, brought into the open the clashes within the government, which until then were taking place behind the scenes.

The President's decision to oust Mangala Samaraweera, Anura Bandaranaike and Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi from their portfolios brought into the open the split within the government.

Bandaranaike's stance

Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake who approached Bandaranaike in parliament before he was to make a speech advised him not to go ahead with the speech. "Don't make the speech. If you do so, there are chances of you losing your portfolio," he said.

However, Bandaranaike responded, "I don't need his portfolio. He has already hit us. I will make this speech."

Bandaranaike therefore made the speech ready to face the consequences.

The following day Sooriyaarachchi heard the news of the President's move to appoint a new organiser for the SLFP Kelaniya electorate. This led Sooriyaarachchi and Samaraweera to believe that the President was preparing to make a political move.

On Thursday (8), Samaraweera left for Singapore on a personal visit.

It was Sooriyaarachchi who first heard the news of the trio being sacked from their portfolios. He heard the news even before the letters sacking them were ordered to be typed.

Sooriyaarachchi immediately informed Samaraweera in Singapore and Bandaranaike of the President's move. Upon hearing the news, Samaraweera had told Sooriyaarachchi that since the President had the right to make any decision that pleased him, there was no need to be overly worried about it.

However, Bandaranaike's response to it was rather different. "I don't believe it. Mahinda is never a man who can make a decision alone. This can never be," he said.

Be that as it may, the first letter sacking the trio reached Bandaranaike at Visumpaya around 5 p.m. The letters then reached Samaraweera's and Sooriyaarachchi's residences respectively.

Sooriyaarachchi immediately called Samaraweera in Singapore and informed him that letters sacking them from their portfolios signed by the President had been delivered to their residences. He also informed Samaraweera that the SLFP Executive Committee was summoned for a meeting at Temple Trees the following day.

Samaraweera advised Sooriyaara-chchi that the President was exercising his powers and that irrespective of this; they should carry on with their political battle.

By the time Sooriyaarachchi got through to Bandaranaike, he had already given interviews to weekend newspapers.

Sooriyaarachchi inquired from Bandaranaike the nature of the statements he had made to the media. Bandaranaike said that he made statements against the President and the government.

Celebrations

Meanwhile, Samaraweera celebrated the news in style. Hearing the news that he was sacked by the President whom he was instrumental in bringing into power, Samaraweera got down a special bottle of champagne and celebrated with his friends until late.

Sooriyaarachchi and Samaraweera's confidants, who were updating him of the latest developments in Colombo, got the feeling that Samaraweera was in fact celebrating the news. Upon being questioned on the matter, Samaraweera said that he was celebrating and advised them also to follow suit, as this was good news for him.

The President who sacked the Ministers by 5 p.m. directed the Defence Ministry by 7 p.m. to withdraw their security personnel and ordered the ministry secretaries to immediately recall the official vehicles and the staff given to each minister.

Following orders of the President, security personnel attached to the Ports Authority surrounded an official residence belonging to the Authority down Bullers Road, Saturday morning. The house was considered an important place, as it was the headquarters used by Samaraweera during the last presidential election to carry out Rajapakse's campaign.

Samaraweera's Coordinating Secretary, Ruwan Ferdinands was in charge of this residence then and it was here that all the campaigns against the UNP and its Leader Wickremesinghe were carried out.

During the last presidential election, the UNP wrote to the IGP on several occasions requesting him to take over this residence down Bullers Road citing that the residence was being used illegally to support President Mahinda Rajapakse's campaign.

Bullers Road house issue

Soon after the presidential election the house was abandoned, but it was Presidential Advisor Dulles Alahapperuma who reminded the President of this house. He pointed out that since Ferdinands used the residence as the campaign headquarters during the election, they would be able to find secret documents that could be held against Samaraweera if the house was raided.

During the presidential election, over 102 public servants worked around the clock tirelessly at this venue to ensure Rajapakse's victory. Alahapperuma who visited the house once during the election had even praised the workers there.

The workers requested Alahapperuma to ensure that they would be paid their relevant salaries from the institutions they were assigned to even though they were at the time engaged in election propaganda work.

Alahapperuma immediately told Ferdinands, "Machang, we have to do the right thing by these people as soon as we win. You make a list, we will do it."

Rajapakse won the election and Ferdinands sent the list of 102 names to Alahapperuma to get what they were entitled to, but what happened was quite to the contrary.

The 102 persons were identified as Samaraweera supporters and were continuously attacked. This was the beginning of the cold war between Samaraweera and Rajapakse.

It was in this backdrop that Alahapperuma ordered the Bullers Road house to be raided. The SLPA security personnel who surrounded the house asked the official present where Ferdinands was. The security personnel were informed that Ferdinands had not sighted the house after the election.

Futile search

However, the security personnel who entered the house a while later saw posters of Rajapakse printed during the last presidential election pasted on every wall and they also witnessed that the house had not been cleaned in a while. The security personnel informed the higher authorities of their find.

All attention was then focused on Samaraweera's arrival in the island. Many were curious about what Samaraweera would say following his sacking.

SLFP supporters from the Matara District were angered by the President's move and they raised black flags in the town on Friday night. These supporters made various proposals to Sooriyaarachchi and Samaraweera's secretaries - "Sir, let's start a fast unto death. Let's have a protest march to Colombo."

Samaraweera who was in Singapore said that he did not expect the SLFP supporters to launch any fast unto death campaigns and protest marches right now.

At one point, Samaraweera told Sooriyaarachchi over the phone, "These people are acting like they have gone insane. Tell our people not to create any trouble. If they do so they will be attacked regardless of the fact that they are SLFPers. Then our people will get hammered by our own government. So don't allow them to do anything unwanted."

However, the day Samaraweera reached the island, a large number of SLFPers were at the airport to greet him.

Hearing this news earlier, orders were sent to the security personnel from above asking them to prevent the SLFPers from reaching the airport. However, due to the large crowd that gathered, the security personnel were unable to control them.

Rousing welcome

Samaraweera was greeted by the crowds near the Katunayake milepost. The security personnel around had to finally force Samaraweera into the vehicle.

Samaraweera who was on his way to his official residence at Stanmore Crescent had to undergo a different kind of experience at the Bauddhaloka Mawatha security post.

The gates that are usually opened for Samaraweera's vehicle to pass through on other days did not open that day. The security forces personnel at the post stopped the vehicle and told Samaraweera, "Sir, there is nothing we can do. We are sorry. Orders have been sent from above to permit only you and your close family members into your house. We have been ordered not to send anyone else inside."

Samaraweera questioned as to how such a thing could happen. "So does that mean I am under house arrest?" Samaraweera asked.

"We don't know sir. We just told you the order that was sent to us. We do not like doing this," the security personnel said.

Samaraweera then inquired as to who had made the order. The response made him realise that the order was made by a highly placed official in the Defence Ministry.

House arrest

Sooriyaarachchi then shouted, "This government was brought to power by Minister Mangala. It was he who made Mahinda the president. Are they now attacking this very same man?"

However, Samaraweera decided not to make an issue of it and made his way to his residence with his family members. At home, Samaraweera received an emotional welcome from his mother.

Samaraweera's security personnel had already been removed by then. Many who made their way to Samaraweera's residence were turned away at the security posts saying they did not have permission to proceed. By evening news was out that Samaraweera was unofficially under house arrest.

In order to know the real situation, JVP Parliamentarian Anura Kumara Dissanayake called Ferdinands and Sooriyaarachchi and was informed that it seemed as if Samaraweera was indeed under house arrest.

"How can that be? Has the government fallen so low as to keep Mangala under house arrest? Okay, we will see. I'm coming at 8 p.m. You also come," Dissanayake said.

At 8 p.m. Dissanayake made his way to the security post. The security personnel gave their usual speech, but Dissanayake did not turn away.

He continued to argue with the security personnel and it was witnessed by everyone present. Orders were immediately sent from higher authorities to allow him to pass through. Dissanayake, Sooriyaarachchi and the crowd then made their way to Samaraweera's residence.

"What do you think of Mahinda Rajapakse's work?" Samaraweera asked Dissanayake while welcoming him into the house.

"That is something we should be asking you," Dissanayake said.

"Why is that?" questioned Samaraweera.

Ungrateful

"Why do you ask that? It was you Sripathi and Ruwan who asked us to help Mahinda win. You asked us to work for Mahinda. Didn't you know that Mahinda Rajapakse was a man who did not know the meaning of the word gratitude?" Dissanayake said, and Samaraweera could only smile in agreement.

From then on until about 1:30 a.m., Samaraweera, Sooriyaarachchi and Dissanayake were engaged in discussion.

"When Mahinda Rajapakse made this decision on Friday, our party also decided that we could no longer go ahead with him. We have decided that Mahinda is now going on the wrong path. We took several decisions. The party asked me to meet with you. It is my duty to inform you of the decisions," Dissanayake said.

From thereon, the conversation was a politically decisive one.

The JVP put in place its machinery and started its first poster campaign against Rajapakse Monday night. The first line on the poster was, "Government on the wrong track" and the posters said that a massive rally where the JVP leaders would address the nation would be held on February 15 in Nugegoda.

The Dulles plan to drum up media support

Stories behind the SLFP Executive Committee meeting, which was held soon after Anura Bandaranaike, Mangala Samaraweera and Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi were ousted from their portfolios, have now surfaced.

President Mahinda Rajapakse initially decided to call the SLFP parliamentary group to brief them on his decision soon after ousting the ministers. However, Ministers Maithripala Sirisena and Dulles Alahapperuma advised the President against the move.

They explained that since they believed at least 11 to 14 MPs were supportive of Samaraweera, meeting first with the parliamentary group soon after the move would be unwise. Sirisena and Alahapperuma told the President not to summon the parliamentary group.

Strategy

Rajapakse on the other hand believed that such a move would help him identify the Samaraweera supporters, which would help his future course of action. Sirisena and Alahapperuma insisted that such a move would be quite dangerous.

Alahapperuma then proposed that the newly elected SLFP Executive Committee, which consists mostly of members supportive of the President, should be summoned first. Rajapakse also agreed.

Alahapperuma then called the heads of the state run media, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and ITN and asked them to collect statements from parliamentarians against Bandaranaike, Samaraweera and Sooriyaarachchi by visiting their homes. The President too agreed to this proposal.

However, both these state media institutions experienced something unexpected. Most of the parliamentarians refrained from making any statements to the two media institutions, leaving the head of ITN no option but to call Alahapperuma and inform him that most parliamentarians had refused to make any statement against the ousted ministers.

Alahapperuma met with the President to inform him of this development. The duo then discussed at length how best to address the situation. The President told Alahapperuma that it clearly indicated that most parliamentarians were having secret dealings with Samaraweera.

Alahapperuma however said that regardless of the situation, some action should be taken to get some parliamentarians to make statements against Samaraweera and the rest even by force.

Alahapperuma's proposal

Alahapperuma then came up with a brilliant proposal. That was to hold the SLFP Executive Committee meeting at Temple Trees and to get ITN and Rupavahini to be stationed with two camera crews outside the exit, so that the MPs would be forced to make statements soon after the meeting at Temple Trees itself. Rajapakse agreed at once.

"That is good. Then they will make statements out of fear. I too can come out occasionally and have a look and see for myself who would make statements and who would avoid doing so. Write down the list of names of those who avoid giving any statement," the President said. Alahapperuma immediately called the two media institutions and informed them of the plan.

A few minutes later, Sooriyaarachchi and Samaraweera confidants learnt of the President's plan to force statements out of ministers at Temple Trees. Most ministers were then informed to make statements and pretend to be aligned with the President.

Seeing the taped comments of the ministers telecast on the state media institutions may have misled the public, but the President and Alahapperuma, the masterminds behind the plan, would in the next few weeks realise all is not well in government. When parliament meets this week, new alliances will be formed and new trends will emerge and many changes are likely to take place within the government and opposition ranks.

Claims defectors have ruined their political futures

SB vows to make Ranil, President

The UNP Working Committee met last Thursday evening at party headquarters, Sirikotha, under the chairmanship of Party Leader Ranil Wickreme-singhe.

After reading the agenda, the first matter to be taken up were the letters of explanation sent by the 18 UNP MPs who defected to the government. Legal Secretary Daya Pelpola presented the letters of 17 defectors sent to the party, which were all written in the same format.

Navin Dissanayake however, stood out from the rest of the 17 members as he decided to send a different kind of letter to the party. In his letter, Dissanayake had advised Wickremesinghe on how to take the party forward.

Dealing with the defectors

The other 17 defectors had not accepted the party's decision to sack them from the Working Committee, claiming they were unaware of the party's authority to do so and said the party had not given them an opportunity for an explanation.

They had also requested to know the reasons behind the party's decision to sack them from the Working Committee.

After discussing the matter, the Working Committee decided to send the defectors letters outlining the reasons for the party's decision to remove them from the Working Committee. It was also decided to allow them the opportunity to come before the Working Committee to present their explanations. Wickremesinghe agreed to the proposals.

S. B. Dissanayake then requested time to make a statement. In his statement, Dissanayake spoke of the party reforms, their implementation so far and the party's special convention planned for March.

Dissanayake commended Wickremesinghe for giving the freedom to implement the party reforms and pledged his support to the Party Leader in the future. Dissanayake also pledged to safeguard the Party Leader.

He then made a proposal on behalf of Wickremesinghe. Dissanayake observed that Wickremesinghe should be made president by mid next year.

Dissanayake then analysed the deteriorating situation of the government. He observed that the government could not continue with the war adding that the country's economy had now fallen into the doldrums.

Making Ranil president

"The 18 who defected to the government now regret making that decision. They fell into a mess. They have no salvation. There is no point talking about it. Now we have to work with Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. I will give my fullest support to make him president," Dissanayake said.

It was Lakshman Seneviratne who addressed the gathering after Dissanayake. He commenced his speech by leveling several allegations against Dissanayake.

He charged that it was Dissanayake who created the whole mess by bringing forward party reforms. Seneviratne said that the final result of the reforms was the defection of 18 members to the government. Alleging that Dissanayake had to bear the responsibility for all these issues, Seneviratne said that it was Dissanayake who started to challenge the party leadership.

Vajira Abeywardena, Johnston Fernando, Renuka Herath and Jayalath Jayawardena also blamed Dissanayake for the issues faced by the party. Jayawardena charged that Dissanayake could not be trusted and Herath charged that Dissanayake during his days in the PA government constantly harassed her supporters in the electorate.

Call for unity

Fernando who also found fault with Dissanayake finally said that all differences had to be cast aside as they had to now work together.

Abeywardena made a proposal to Dissanayake. He said that if Dissanayake was genuinely interested in developing the party, then he should do so by putting aside all posts and privileges.

The first to speak on behalf of Dissanayake was Opposition Leader, Uva Provincial Council, Upali Samaraweera.

"Why is everyone attacking one person? This is a time when we all have to come together. I thought all other issues were sorted, but still there are problems. This effort is to chase another set of members away and not to work together," he said.

It was Ravi Samaraweera who spoke next. He recalled various incidents that took place in the party since 1990. He spoke of the period when Gamini Dissanayake was appointed opposition leader and Wickreme-singhe was defeated for the post. He noted that Wickremesinghe at the time operated from an office down Jawatte Road.

"You won't have any of these things if Gamini was here today," Samaraweera said. In an indirect manner he said that the party would have been different if Gamini was alive today.

Annamalai Kathiresan then said that it was time for unity among party members and Sarathchandra Rajakaruna endorsed the statement.

Dissanayake's stance

Wickremesinghe then requested Dissanayake to make the final points of his speech.

"I accept certain allegations. But I did not start the reforms, I was in jail then, I joined later on. I did not leave the party even though I was not offered any post," Dissanayake said.

However, John Amaratunga requested Dissanayake to make the statement on oath. Dissanayake said that he had made the statement on previous occasions as well, but Amaratunga said, "No, say it properly."

"John don't try to walk all over me," Dissanayake said angrily.

However, everyone prevented the issue from being dragged any further.

Wickremesinghe then appointed the heads for the party's district committees and appointed Dissanayake as the national organiser. Sarath Ranawaka was appointed as the deputy national organiser.

The first to wish Dissanayake were Ravi Karunanayake and Sajith Premadasa.

More Issues Articles....

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Mahinda and his 'solution'
for the sri Lankan Tamils

How Mahinda has got his
hands on 60% of the
budgetary allocations