Secret deal with the Tigers that is not going away

Basil wanted para military groups disbanded during Geneva

Basil chaired meeting at Sri Lankan mission in Geneva

LTTE does not deny deal

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

A month after leveling allegations against President Mahinda Rajapakse for purportedly entering into a secret pact with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to secure a crucial victory at the 2005 presidential poll, dissident Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi is now requesting  the appointment of a parliamentary select committee to probe the deal.

When the House meets next week, Sooriyaarachchi is expected to hand over a motion to Speaker W. J. M. Lokubandara, requesting the appointment of a select committee to probe the serious charges he has leveled against the head of state.

While it is undeniable that select committees are not designed for quick action and are incapable of prompting any action besides making recommendations, it seems that the presidential detractors are ready to place 'their facts' before a high level committee and through it to make 'their facts' public.

While it is natural for the public to feel curious about the veracity of the charge that President Rajapakse had struck some deal with the Liberation Tigers to defeat his opponent Ranil Wickremesinghe at the crucial 2005 presidential poll, if proven, it is needless to emphasise how it gives the lie to Rajapakse's southern mandate.

Breach of public trust

That Rajapakse, if the facts are proven, had severely breached public trust in violation of his mandate which was to crush the LTTE, as a precursor to reaching a political settlement also remains undisputed.

However, there seems to be more to the 'Tiger deals' than what meets the eye. Since the infamous handing over of arms to the LTTE by former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, the UNP has never been able to shake off the label of being Tiger friendly. To date, it remains stuck like glue to the party.

When Ranil Wickremesinghe openly called for asymmetric power sharing within a federal structure, it was interpreted to be natural for the next UNP leader to take a 'Tiger soft' stance. His elections were fought against trumpeted charges of having secret pacts with the Liberation Tigers and an alleged pledge to formally recognise a Tamil homeland in the northeast.

The CFA hence was torn to smithereens by Wickremesinghe detractors and is referred to as the Ali- Koti  deal. The JVP, well aided by some SLFP sections reduced the power sharing exercises proposed by the UNP as being specially designed to cater to the LTTE needs.

Today, it is a clear case of what is good for the goose also being good for the gander. After all, some of those making overt as well covert allegations about Rajapakse's Tiger links are those who put the final nails in the coffin as far as Wickremesinghe went. It is undoubtedly the Ali-Koti branding that significantly reduced Wickremesinghe's popularity in the south and made him snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

Hint of truth

And it now transpires that there could be at least a hint of truth to what the Samaraweera-Sooriyaarachchi duo allege, especially in the context of two challenges. They are for starters, willing to place their facts before a fact finding parliamentary select committee. Secondly, they challenge the President and his powerful brothers to legally press charges against them - a challenge that had fallen on deaf ears.

The only thing so far done by President Mahinda Rajapakse is to attempt giving the Samaraweera-Sooriyaarachchi duo the Tiger label by alleging that they failed to be present at the time of voting when the state of emergency was to be extended.

Irked by the Tiger labeling, both have publicly responded that they could prove who indeed had the links and how these links proved politically beneficial in defeating Wickremesinghe in November 2005.

What's more, they blame the President for not calling all of the 80 government members who were absent at the time of the emergency extension vote Tiger sympathisers, out of whom26 were cabinet rankers.

"How can he be selective and name two out of 80 as being pro-LTTE merely because we were absent?" they counter charge.

 LTTE links

It is in this backdrop that the two members have decided to publicly discuss about LTTE links with the President and his brother Basil Rajapakse. It has not helped the case of the Rajapakse brothers that the LTTE which would under normal conditions rush to deny such allegations, has taken the position it does not wish to comment on the issue.

Sooriyaarachchi's repeated claims that Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapakse has reached a secret pact with the LTTE and financially rewarded the Tigers handsomely to secure his brother's victory in fact has a history. Though the recent comments have raised a hornet's nest, the purported agreement mildly came into the open during the Geneva talks.

"I went to Geneva for the first round of peace talks and decided to walk out from the discussion table due to LTTE opposition. This was owing to a disagreement I had with an LTTE representative," says Sooriyaarachchi.

During Geneva 1, it was reported that Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapakse convened a separate discussion with the LTTE delegation and later with the government delegation at the Sri Lankan mission in Oslo which he chaired. Sooriyaarachchi refers to this closed-door discussion as one specially designed to appease their requirements given the Tiger delegation's demand that the Tamil paramilitary groups be disarmed.

Sooriyaaarachchi objected. It is Basil who insisted at this meeting that it be agreed to disarm the Karuna group.

Sooriyaarachchi objected

Having opposed the move, Sooriyaarachchi had gone to a toilet and telephoned Gotabhaya Rajapakse and Wimal Weerawansa from Geneva and briefed them of the developments and urged them to intervene with the President and stop agreeing to including in the joint statement the disarming of the para military groups.

But not wanting the pre election deal to surface Sooriyaarachchi lost the day and Basil convinced the other ministers in the delegation to accept the contents of the joint statement.

It is also significant to note that though Basil Rajapakse was not a member of the government delegation at the talks, it was he who was conducting them for the state from behind the scenes, even chairing the meetings at the Embassy in Geneva with the ministers including Nimal Siripala de Silva having to play second fiddle

It is alleged that there was some understanding that by February 20, the LTTE would strike at the Karuna cadres now openly working with government troops in the east.

Multiple duties

Not only that, The Sunday Leader  issue of October 30, 2005 exclusively reported the then Chairman, Airport and Aviation Authority, Tiran Alles has earlier performed multiple duties as go-between to broker a deal on behalf of the President to gain electoral support. Similar information was published in another Sunday newspaper.

Given this background, the dissidents now claim that the government troops were not given instructions to target Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi, the Tamil heartland. It is there that Pirapaharan has set up home, the LTTE operations headquarters as well as its international centre.

"The heartland remains untouched because of that part of the deal. Renegade eastern commander, Karuna Amman allowed some 6,000 cadres to return home to the north and Pirapaharan now is plagued by loyalty concerns," claims Sooriyaarachchi.

Understanding reached

Another allegation is that troops are made to attack the east as that too is part of the understanding reached between Basil Rajapakse on behalf of President Rajapakse - with the LTTE.

"These so called tactical withdrawals are performances that give expression to this pact yet again. They are politically manipulated to boost the image of the President. The armed forces are helpless in this thoroughly politicised exercise and being used and made to lose life and limb," alleges Sooriyaarachchi.

While the veracity of these charges only an honest probe could establish, given their sensitivity and the serious implications to national security, the best course of action would be to remain open for a thorough probe.

Instead, when the main opposition in parliament a fortnight ago raised the matter, premier Ratnasiri Wickremanayake almost scoffed at the allegation in his brief reply. He offered no replies except to deny the charges. His explanation was simplistic - there was no such agreement, and hence there was no possibility of tabling any agreement that only existed, by innuendo, in the minds of the detractors.

Establish credibility

If this were so, it would have been easy for the government to announce some kind of inquiry - to establish its own credibility. And that's what is missing in the government response to the claims.

Others also argue that Wickremanayake did not possess sufficient knowledge to reply, given his lack of involvement in the presidential campaign and not being party to the strategising of the presidential campaign.

Meanwhile, the backbenchers demand that if the allegations are deemed  'irresponsible and damaging utterances,' the least the government could do is to resort to some action. "At the drop of a hat they file defamation suits. We challenge them to do so. Then we can unravel the entire sordid story," insists Sooriyaarachchi.

Aiding this argument, SLFP strongman Mangala Samaraweera adds, " The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and the emergency regulations should be sufficient for them to do so."

 The government's stoic silence and refusal to treat the allegations as being serious enough, gives rise to the question whether the government is indeed resorting to the precautionary principle in self-interest. While the dissidents have perhaps managed to create a small dent in the government's armour, opening itself to a complete probe might open the floodgates, subject to the condition that the charges may contain some truth.

LTTE label stamped

And now the other political parties are also becoming vocal. Having suffered severely due to the LTTE label stamped on the party, UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake says that the matter needs to be probed, especially because the election was won by a whisker.

"We were lampooned as LTTE agents. But now there is at least a doubt that the Rajapakse administration perhaps reached an understanding with the Tigers that prevented the people from voting. That distorted the election result,"Attanayake charges.

In the meantime, a JVP spokesman on the basis of anonymity said that information about an alleged deal was received by the JVP as well.

" We have always represented a certain school of thought. We have openly critiqued those who sought agreements with the LTTE and openly condemned the CFA. This is why we did not wish to accept cabinet portfolios from a government which may have formed some unholy union with the Tigers to win a poll," the spokesman said.

Partners of the government

But does this affect the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), one of the new partners of the government?

Legal Advisor Udaya Gammanpila feels that those who are making the allegation must also prove the charges. " So far, the allegations are not more than mere gossiping. That too by two government discards which might lead us to assume that they are smarting under the summary dismissal. They should take it to a higher level of inquiry, and then the government must respond," noted Gammanpila.

He said, no substantial evidence has been placed before a court or in the public domain and there was presumption of innocence - still. " We will decide our course of action if the charges are proved," he concluded.

And the SLFP is ready to simply brush these accusations under the carpet. General Secretary, Minister Maithripala Sirisena feels that these are 'hallucinations of an angry politician.'  When asked why no action was taken, especially through the legal arm, Sirisiena responded that hallucinations did not merit legal action.

"On the contrary, the MP claims to be in possession of some electronic evidence. Ask him to make them public," Sirisena added.

Not divulged earlier

It then leads to the valid question as to why the information was not divulged earlier, asserts Sirisena.

The fact that silence was maintained even by those who are threatening to now reveal an alleged unholy alliance shows that there was great complicity within the government camp to gain politically and is not a valid defence for the Rajapakse camp. The charge they have to meet is not on the timing of the allegation but the veracity of it and that is where the government has failed to meet the test.

Yet, in the present circumstances, 15 months after President Rajapakse's election, it becomes all the more important for a head of state who vowed to defend the integrity of the nation, to initiate an inquiry. If only to reconfirm his integrity before the people.

The real challenge therefore lies before the President, the Speaker as well as the government to not run away from the issue. Rajapakse's treatment of the allegation as a mere reaction to being denied a portfolio is way too simplistic, given the enormity of the allegation. The same applies to his vain attempt to paint Samaraweera and Sooriyarachchi as being pro-LTTE.

To avoid a serious credibility crisis, President Rajapakse must take the courageous step to defend his honour and his mandate by initiating some action. At present, it is only two government backbenchers who are resorting to some action by taking an all-powerful Executive President and his powerful brothers head on.

Sripathi exposes Basil's hand in multi million dollar deals

Letter sent to President implicating Basil on several deals

Minister Sooriyaarachchi sacked 48 hours after sending letter

Interference on the Hingurana Sugar Corp. deal highlighted

Called for probe on Ukraine MIG deal

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

Just two days prior to being ousted from ministerial office, former Minister of Ports Development, Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi had written to President Mahinda Rajapakse on the issue of increasing government corruption and interference in government business by Senior Presidential Adviser, Basil Rajapakse.

In his letter dated February 7, Sooriyaarachchi has referred to specific instances of corruption and irregularities within his own ministry since 2005 due to the interference of Basil Rajapakse and other presidential confidants undermining the government's firm pledge to ensure a graft free society.

Sooriyaarachchi has in his letter also warned that unless the problem is recognised and measures are introduced to curb the situation, the crisis that has already begun would become critical.

Referring to his own previous portfolio of Skills Development and Public Enterprise Reform, Sooriyaarachchi claims to have put an end to the culture of selling of state assets through  PERC, which then came under his purview.

The letter adds that Lanka Phosphate Fertiliser Company and Lanka Mineral Sands Company which were slated to be sold was transferred to the relevant ministries during his tenure without being sold fora pittance.

"Hingurana Sugar Corporation is a government owned enterprise that was scheduled to be privatised. Several companies had submitted their bids for it in a tender process. In February 2006, Senior Advisor to the President,  Basil Rajapakse called top officials of PERC and instructed them to allow three companies, Castle AG, Daya Apparel and Pelwatta Sugar Company who had already submitted their bids through the tender process, to re-submit new bids for Hingurana Sugar Corporation. These three companies submitted three new bids in this manner. One of these buyers was prepared to buy Hingurana Sugar Corporation for a very large sum of money but the entire process has now been stopped. This entire transaction was done without my knowledge," the letter further states.

Giving an exhaustive explanation of some other irregularities within his ministry and others where interference by the Rajapakses was apparent, Sooriyaarachchi has added: "People of this country believe that a SLFP led government is less corrupt than governments headed by other parties." (See box for full letter)

Much earlier, in December 2005, Sooriyaarachchi in a cabinet memorandum also called for urgent government action to prevent state assets being sold for a pittance.

Equally devastating is the allegation made by Sooriyaarachchi on the BCC deal where he has refrained from naming the party involved but that is only for the time being withBasil Rajapakse once again expected to figure prominently.

In a memo titled "Auditor General's prior review for contracts over Rs. 100 million," Sooriyaarachchi had stated that almost all the government and business undertakings which were privatised had been making losses primarily due to mismanagement including violation of tender guidelines and other financial regulations.

In the same memo, he has recommended that Sri Lanka also adopt several steps to curb corruption by making all approving authorities of public sector institutions forward reports for acquisition of goods, services and revenue contracts such as sale, lease, transfer of government properties, shares or  agreements costing Rs. 100 million or more to the Auditor General for observation, for all authorities to accept and implement such observations and to allow the Auditor General to exercise his statutory right to conduct a comprehensive post audit if he so wishes.

The President did not respond to the charges levelled by Sooriyaarachchi or probe theallegations but simply sacked him two days later for daring to reveal some home truths.

07 February 2007
HIGHLY CONFIDENTIAL
HE President Mahinda Rajapakse
President's House
Colombo 1. 

Your Excellency,

I am writing to you because of the love and respect I have for our country, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and for you.

As one of the six leaders who managed your election campaign, I risked my life to ensure that you would become the President. We did it with the hope that you would develop Sri Lanka, ensure and protect the well being of the people and secure the future of our beloved Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Furthermore, in early 2006, when you requested the entire Cabinet of ministers to hand over their extra portfolios, I gave up the Deputy Minister Portfolio of Investment Promotion and Enterprise. I was the only minister to do so, because I consider principled politics far more important than positions of power.

During the presidential election, I was able to go on television and argue with all opposition party politicians to ensure your victory because nobody had any cause to accuse me of corruption or abuse of power.

Of all the allegations that are now made against your government, the most grave accusation is that of corruption.  Unless we recognise this fact and quickly bring about measures to curb corruption, the crisis that has already started in parliament will intensify and become critical. I bring this issue to your attention because the people of this country believe that a SLFP led government is less corrupt than governments headed by other parties. When comparing different governments, the people of this country accept the fact that the government which lasted until 2005 had the least amount of corruption. 

However, I would be remiss in my duty if I do not inform Your Excellency about events happening in your government. Perhaps you are unaware of these matters, but I feel that it would be a betrayal of the citizens of this country, of the SLFP and those who voted for us if I do not bring it to your attention.

Your Excellency, I hope that you will take necessary action to control these acts of corruption that I am about to expose to you and put your government on the correct path once again.

People make all sorts of allegations against the Government, but I only wish to highlight what I know. When I was the Minister of Skills Development and Public Enterprise Reform, I was the minister responsible for Public Enterprise Reform Commission (PERC). This organisation was engaged is selling government owned enterprises and when I took over, I put an end to this practice. I wish to point out to you that during my tenure, Lanka Phosphate Fertiliser Company and Lanka Mineral Sands Company, which were slated to be sold, were transferred to the relevant ministries after I did a study on the companies and submitted cabinet papers to this effect.

Hingurana Sugar Corporation is a Government owned enterprise that was scheduled to be privatised. Several companies had submitted bids for it in a tender process. In February 2006, Senior Advisor to the President Mr. Basil Rajapakse called top officials of PERC and instructed them to allow three companies, Castle AG, Daya Apparel and Pelawatte Sugar Company, who had already submitted their bids through the tender process, to re-submit new bids for Hingurana Sugar Corporation. 

These three companies submitted three new bids in this manner. One of these buyers was prepared to buy Hingurana Sugar Corporation for a very large sum of money but the entire process has now been stopped. This entire transaction was done without my knowledge.

A Cabinet Sub-Committee appointed by you, under the leadership of Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, decided that unless the Treasury provides funds to Hingurana Sugar Corporation and distillery, a private investor should be found. After having received cabinet approval, PERC had made arrangements to find potential investors through the stock exchange. While this was being implemented, the Cabinet Sub-Committee on Investment Promotion headed by you gave an order for the Hingurana Sugar Corporation and distillery to be given to Brown & Company and Lanka Orix Company. When the cabinet had given approval to PERC to find an investor in a transparent manner through the Stock Exchange, it was very unethical and corrupt to give an order for a national asset to be handed over to a company which had neither submitted a bid through a tender process nor provided a business proposal regarding the sugar mill and distillery.  Even though officials of PERC and I were under severe pressure by Mr. Basil Rajapakse, I rejected this order to hand over Hingurana Sugar Corporation in such an unethical and illegal manner.  This was done with the intention of protecting your reputation and saving the country's assets.

I am sure that you are fully aware of the situation concerning BCC Company. There was an attempt to hand over 16 acres of prime land in the heart of Colombo as well as other assets of BCC worth in excess of Rs. 8 billion without any tender process or any agreement indicating payment to the government. These assets were to be handed over to Azaar SDS Company, a business that was only formed on  June 26, 2006.

I was completely opposed to this proposal and submitted a very lengthy Cabinet paper on  January 1, 2007 to try and prevent this blatant attempt to steal BCC's assets. I don't think I need to remind you of the person behind this corrupt agreement as you are fully aware of what transpired.

Furthermore, there were many attempts by corrupt businessmen and racketeers to buy institutions and real estate that were under the control of PERC at rock bottom prices. With great difficulty, I was able to prevent these deals from happening.  But it earned me the enmity of these persons. I am proud to state that despite enormous hardships and pressure brought on me, in 2006, I was able to run PERC without any government asset being sold and without any allegation of corruption or financial impropriety.

Your Excellency, I have mentioned only a few examples of corruption that I have seen firsthand. When I meet and speak to other ministers, I see that the situation has reached critical proportions. Most ministers complain that they are unable to do any work due to interference by certain individuals in high positions. Needless to say, this will create a very negative perception of you amongst the people. Many are already complaining about these persons in high office taking billions of rupees in bribes to restrict imports of and give Prima flour mill a monopoly in flour.  More allegations of corruption will only further damage your reputation.

Iqbal Athas, the defence correspondent for Sunday Times reported that there were massive bribes and kickbacks in the Mig fighter plane deal that the Ministry of Defence recently concluded with Ukraine. We should take steps to investigate this matter and punish those responsible. There are many other such incidents but I will not go into detail at this juncture.

COPE, which is chaired by President's Counsel Wijedasa Rajapaksa and where I am a member as well, has prepared a report on waste and corruption that will further exacerbate these problems.

According to the COPE report, there has been corruption and waste in excess of Rs. 125 billion at a few government institutions. These events have occurred primarily at Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation, Lanka Marine Services and in the transfer of 100 petrol stations. Two politicians accused of large scale corruption and waste are Karu Jayasuriya and Milinda Moragoda. As they are now ministers in your government, the allegations of corruption and waste within the government have increased dramatically.

 Even we are having difficulties facing our constituents due to this reason. Four days after SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena stated that stern action would be taken against corrupt politicians, regardless of the party,  Karu Jayasuriya and Milinda Moragoda crossed over and joined your cabinet as senior ministers. This move has made the government into a joke amongst the people of this country.

Your Excellency, despite fair criticism leveled by the JVP in certain situations, they have always supported the government wholeheartedly as long as the policies laid out in Mahinda Chinthana were followed. The UNP signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the government stating their unconditional support to the government for two years. Under such circumstances, it is very damaging to give cabinet portfolios to those who have been accused of serious corruption. It is clear that such a move is completely unacceptable to the people of the country.

I fully believe that this situation should be immediately rectified. When you have an opportunity to lead this country for 12 years without any problems, it is very dangerous and harmful to our country and for the SLFP to continue in this manner without taking action against corruption. Therefore, when persons or groups willfully abuse the office of the Presidential Secretariat and their positions of power, it negatively impacts your reputation and standing.  Therefore, I respectfully request that such persons' activities be curtailed and ministers and high government officials be allowed to function without undue interference from these people.

Immediate steps should be taken to bring to justice those persons who have been accused of bribery, corruption and waste in the COPE report. This is the duty of the government. For your journey forward, it is essential that you be perceived as an honest and straight politician. I am of the opinion that this is something that should not be treated lightly.

Although I mentioned a few instances of corruption here, there are many other allegations of very serious corruption. I respectfully request that you take action to curb such actions.

I have forwarded these facts with the honest intention of ensuring the continuation of your Presidency and for the benefit and development of our country and  people.

May the Noble Triple Gem bless you.

Sincerely,
Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi
Minister of Ports Development

Carnival begins for the jumbo cabinet

Ministers scramble for luxury vehicles

15 bullet proof BMW cars ordered

Treasury merely approving authority

Procurements only by Presidential Secretariat

A Rs. 100,000 housing allowance for some

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

An ugly scramble for vehicles and houses in Colombo is now taking place, following the appointment of a jumbo cabinet in January.

The earlier pronouncements that the entire top heavy administration would be made to draw the salary of ordinary parliamentarians as a sign of austerity has now, as expected flown out of the window with the new ministers now getting ensnared in vehicle politics - and some in securing a thumping housing allowance.

Treasury Secretary, Dr. P. B. Jayasundera has already directed Director-General Budget, Sudharma Karunaratne to prepare a policy guideline circular on the allocation of new vehicles.

Treasury sources said that new vehicles would be approved on a case-by-case basis. The Treasury has received six applications so far.

However, the Treasury has decided to order some 40 super luxury vehicles including at least 15 bulletproof BMW cars. Each bullet proof BMW will cost the state a tidy sum of Rs. 80 million. This means, no less than Rs. 840 million is to be spent purely on the purchase of bulletproof vehicles for a handful of ministers.

Purchasing by presidential secretariat

"That's the current requirement. But we may review this position," a top official said. "It may become necessary to review, if we are informed that more ministers require such vehicles. Their individual security threats would be taken into account by the government when requesting the Treasury to approve vehicle orders," he added.

An interesting fact is that the Treasury is reduced merely to an  approving authority and hence required to make the financial allocations only. The actual procurement of vehicles is to be done by the Presidential Secretariat in a sheer departure from established practice.

With the return of some prodigals, a group of UNP defectors and other political party members, it now appears that the President is quite willing to ensure comfortable living for all of them - complete with BMW cars, a thumping salary increase, a housing allowance and many other perks.

It was not too long ago that the parliamentarians were granted the opportunity to secure fresh duty free vehicles, some under the Indian line of credit.

At that time, luxury vehicles for some 71 legislators  were ordered costing the state Rs. 300 million by way of import duty. The duty free prices the MPs have to pay on installment basis for these vehicles range from Rs. 6 million to Rs. 2 million.

All the same

What's more, during the previous scramble for vehicles, JVP legislators who often adopted the holier than thou attitude about enjoying the perks at their disposal and even one JHU monk, who according to Buddhist teaching had taken a vow of austere living, purchased these duty free vehicles. While the rule did not apply to all of them, some from both groups also followed the shameless habit of both the PA and UNP legislators.

Besides the fresh bid for super luxury vehicles, there is now a clamouring for the housing allowance made available for those not having an official residence in  Colombo city.

The allowance, paid post promotion, is a handsome Rs. 100,000  on top of their recent salary hike with arrears. What's more, with the scrapping of two co-ordinating secretaries, they will be adding on their collective salaries of Rs. 46,000 to their own wages. Not to mention the several other allowances at their disposal.

According to the Ministry of Finance, it is a daunting task to meet all the needs of the jumbo cabinet-given its sheer size. "We had limited buildings, both as official residences and office space. But it is an entitlement of a minister to have an official residence in Colombo, provided he/she does not privately own one," top Finance Ministry officials explained.

The official explained that this was the reason for the circular requesting cabinet and non-cabinet ministers sharing the same portfolio to also share office space. "Otherwise, expenses would have doubled," he added.

Huge task

"It is no mean task to cater to all the logistical requirements of 54 cabinet ministers, 34 non-cabinet ministers and 20 deputy ministers," he commented.

Other than the salary, ministers are entitled to a minimum of two duty free official vehicles and a personal staff of 15 in the case of a minister and 10 for his deputy. A minister is also entitled to five telephone lines and a fax machine while a deputy minister gets four telephone connections and a fax machine with a separate connection.

As stated by the Treasury official, the number of vehicles allocated could be increased on the recommendation of the Defence Ministry. "We only cater to the demand. This time around, even procurement is done by the Presidential Secretariat. So the decision is entirely with them," the official added.

Bagfull of  perks

Besides the vehicles, their other perks include a monthly fuel allowance and a telephone allowance- both for land telephone connections as well as the mobile device. In addition they also receive an allowance for overseas trips amounting to Rs. 25,000 per trip - an entitlement denied to ordinary legislators.

Ministers and deputy ministers are now given a fuel allowance of Rs. 65,000. However, there is provision for an additional supply depending on the areas they represent and the distances they have to travel. They are also paid a monthly telephone allowance of Rs. 34,000 while their deputies receive Rs. 17,000 for the same.

Some of the personal staff members including their private secretaries are entitled to five official vehicles while the staff of deputy ministers is permitted to use three vehicles. They also enjoy a monthly fuel allowance ranging from Rs. 13,200 to Rs. 19,400.

Some staff members are also given separate telephone lines and phone allowances. Accordingly, a private secretary of a minister receives a maximum of Rs. 5,250 while Rs. 4,000 each per month is paid to the coordinating secretary, media secretary and public relations officer.

Party goes on

While the state now considers purchasing BMW vehicles for the ministers, it is pertinent to draw attention to the fact that it was in November last year that all parliamentarians indulged in a yet another act of self-service by collectively passing a resolution that granted them a 100% salary hike. No political divisions were observed at that point.

The ordinary parliamentarians now receive Rs.54, 285 as their salary.

The resolution was adopted on November 23, 2006 which granted a salary increase to all 225 parliamentarians according to the ranks they held at the time.

Under this, the Prime Minister's salary was revised from Rs. 34,000 to Rs. 71,500. The Speaker's salary also shot up from Rs.31, 800 to Rs.68, 500 while all cabinet and non-cabinet ministers together with the leader of the opposition also had their monthly salaries raised from Rs. 29,815 to Rs. 65,000.

Adding a further dimension to this tale of self-service, each parliamentarian will receive salary arrears of a minimum Rs. 192,500 amounting to a total of Rs. 43, 312,500 for the entire House of 225.

These actions, tend to demonstrate the duplicitous nature of the present day politicians.

Not only are they governed by sheer lust for power, their desire for the comforts of life appear to be stunning and selfish, given the conditions that prevail in the country.

What is worse is that some of those who are quick to line up for their benefits are the very people who used to advocate austere living from their unhappy opposition benches. With power, it often tends to be a different tune, and one that the voters are increasingly getting familiar with.

The flirtation of politicians with simple living is often a fallacy. It is often a handy tool in the hands of opposition politicians. But when the first opportunity presents itself, they shy away - not from the opportunity, but from their original pledges to uphold simple living and to remain true to their mandates.

Irresistible

Besides power, it is perks that appear irresistible before the collective body of politicians. And there are other temptations that come in the form of commissions an - at a higher level - stark corruption.

In any event, what the people demand today is an immediate cancellation, if practicable, of the ordering of these vehicles. The top-heavy administration consists of legislators who were also the beneficiaries of the recent duty free vehicle bonanza. It is not as if they were made to travel in outdated vehicles that are no longer roadworthy.

The government could perhaps arrange with the Supplies Department to provide vehicles needed as an austerity measure, and order the expensive contraptions for those who are genuinely under some serious threats so that the money is fruitfully spent than on a whim.

More Spotlight

Sripathi exposes 
Basil's hand in multi
million dollar deals

Carnival begins for
the jumbo cabinet