President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government were in panic mode last week following the cross over of one of the 18 UNP defectors, Deputy Railways Minister Edward Gunasekera, back to the UNP.

Although the President and his advisor, brother Basil tried to hide their feelings, the immediate actions taken following the cross-over were ample proof of the government’s mood.

The President and Basil showed a brave face to the other SLFP ministers and told them they were not deterred by Gunasekera’s move. The main reason for this attitude was the rumour that several senior SLFP ministers were planning to cross-over to the opposition. Rajapakse and Basil believed that if they were seen to be panicking following Gunasekera’s cross-over it would further encourage the senior ministers to cross-over faster.

The day following Gunasekera’s cross-over, Basil summoned an emergency meeting of all party leaders represented in the government at the Presidential Secretariat.

Basil tried his best to convince the party leaders that they were not moved one bit by the cross-over.

The party leaders however realised Basil’s mood when they saw the usually arrogant man fairly ruffled that day.

At the outset of the meeting, Basil told the party leaders that the President was well aware of the key role played by each of the parties in government to hold on to power. He also said that following the conflict situation in the north and east, the President was also aware of certain shortcomings on his part when looking into the welfare of ministers.

Basil apologised to the party leaders on behalf of the President, if they had experienced any such short comings. He then said that he was advised by the President to hold frequent discussions with the party leaders to ensure that such situations do not arise in the future.

The party leaders then began to air their views. SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem, R. Yogarajan who was representing Arumugam Thondaman of the CWC, UPF Leader P. Chandrasekeran and UNP rebel Karu Jayasuriya observed that the President had not fulfilled the promises made to them when they joined the government. They also told Basil that they were unable to perform their duties in the ministries allocated to them.

Some of the party leaders told Basil firmly said that if their needs were not attended to, they would be compelled to take some drastic decisions. Basil immediately took steps to rectify several issues raised by Hakeem and Yogarajan. However, he said that some issues have to be resolved after discussing with the President.

Jayasuriya, the leader of the UNP defectors had a different problem. He said that the main reason behind Gunasekera’s cross-over was the fact that he was not given a conducive environment to perform his duties. According to Jayasuriya, the remaining 17 UNPers were also facing similar situations. However, Jayasuriya observed that he was not in a position to explain them in detail and requested Basil to organise a meeting for the 17 of them with the President. Basil agreed.

The party leaders meeting then came to an end. The following day, the remaining UNP defectors had a meeting at Jayasuriya‘s residence. At the meeting, Jayasuriya explained to the others, details of the party leaders meeting held the day before.

Hemakumara Nanayakkara and Gamini Lokuge observed that the present government was heavily dependent on the 17 UNPers to hold on to power. They said that they were facing issues as they did not exert pressure on the government as a team.

"If another four or five of us cross-over to the UNP, the government is in trouble. The President knows that. Even Basil knows that. But they are pretending to be unaware of it and are trying to control us. They are under the impression that we cannot return to the UNP. But Edward’s incident has been an eye opener for them," they said.

They also proposed that this was the best opportunity for them to sort out the issues faced by them in their respective ministries.

They agreed to exert pressure on the President and Basil using the present situation to their advantage. Jayasuriya was requested by the rest of the defectors to act tough when dealing with the government inside and outside cabinet.

Most of the rebels told Jayasuriya to be stronger as he was representing 17 members in the government.

Jayasuriya agreed to do so following the insistence of his colleagues. He also asked everyone to resolve any issues they had during their meeting with the President.

Jayasuriya did not take long to put into practice what was preached by his colleagues. He decided to do the opening act at the cabinet meeting that evening chaired by Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake.

At first Jayasuriya remained silent, then suddenly he began to relate an incident involving his ministry.

In doing so Jayasuriya also implied that the government’s majority in parliament was solely because of the 17 UNPers led by him.

Therefore he said that all obstacles preventing them from carrying out their duties in the ministries should be removed immediately. Most SLFP ministers realised there was sudden change in Jayasuriya’s attitude. Jayasuriya also made an extra effort to create the impression in cabinet that he was speaking on behalf of the 17 UNP rebels.

Most SLFP ministers discussed in private after the cabinet meeting that had Jayasuriya tried a similar tactic during a meeting presided by the President, he would have been put in his place. This prediction came true in a matter of days.

The President and Basil by then were informed of the details of the meeting held between the 17 UNP defectors and of Jayasuriya‘s behaviour at the cabinet meeting. Rajapakse asked Basil to summon a meeting with Jayasuriya and his team.

The meeting was called at Temple Trees. Several officials including Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga were invited for the discussion. At the outset of the meeting, the President inquired into the issues faced by the group.

As discussed earlier, they began to relate to the President all the issues faced by them in their ministries. The President as usual passed the buck to Weeratunga and stayed out of it.

In the midst of the discussion several ministers said that since they had to appoint their people into various positions, chairmen and boards of directors appointed earlier have to be removed to make way. It was following this issue that Rajapakse’s mood changed.

"Such changes cannot be made according to the whims and fancies of certain people. All those appointed have been put in those places by ministers in our government. They are the ones who worked for me during the last election. Is it right for me to now listen to you gentlemen and chase away those who worked for me and instead appoint some people who worked for Ranil Wickremesinghe? I will not approve it. Please stop thinking of these posts and start working in your ministries, then most of these problems will be solved," the President said.

Most of the ministers, who were left helpless by the President’s response, immediately looked at their leader Jayasuriya, for help. Just as the SLFP ministers had predicted at the end of the cabinet meeting, Jayasuriya ignored his colleagues and remained silent before the President.

Deflated by the President’s response, the UNPers were compelled to put aside their demands. The President then ended the meting.

"I discussed with Basil what needs to be done for you. Following the discussion we decided to allocate Rs. 50 million for each of you to carry out a project in your respective district. The money will be allocated through the Nation Building Ministry. This money could also be allocated by you to your district, electorate and members of the local government authority for development work. The UNP members at the grassroots could then be taken into government. Basil will make the necessary arrangements," Rajapakse said.

Weeratunga observed that approval had already been granted for the purpose.

Finally Jayasuriya requested for a meeting of all 17 members with the President at least once a month to discuss their issues. The President nodded, but refrained from, giving an answer.

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CBK clears the air on Indian radars

In the backdrop of the growing controversy over the Katunayake Air Force base attack by the LTTE and the effectiveness of the Indian radars which have been questioned by government authorities, former President Chandrika Kumaratunga in a telephone interview with The Sunday Leader set the record straight.

President Kumaratunga who was Defence Minister when the decision to accept the Indian radars was taken told The Sunday Leader from London that Sri Lanka got a good deal from India and that there was nothing wrong with them (the radars). She said even though then Air Force Commander Donald Perera pushed for the purchase of radars from a private Chinese company, he agreed with her at the Security Council the Indian radars were suitable for Sri Lanka’s requirements.

Kumaratunga made her revelations following reports that Donald Perera and JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa had blamed the Indian radars for the failure to thwart the LTTE air attack. Weerawansa was also reported to have supported the acquisition of the Chinese radar system.

"It is during my tenure as President that the radars from India were negotiated successfully to meet a possible air threat from the LTTE. The then foreign minister the late Lakshman Kadirgamar also participated at these discussions.

"The air force was very keen at the time in buying radars from a Chinese company at a huge cost. It was not an offer from the Chinese government but a private company and the cost involved was colossal. The then Air Force Commander, Donald Perera was very interested in this Chinese offer and made a strong case for its purchase.

 "By this time the Government of India was also discussing with us the issue of setting up radars and I had to finally take a decision in consultation with the Foreign Minister on what offer would be in the best interest of Sri Lanka. I told the Indians at the time to satisfy me with technical details why their radars would be adequate for our purpose, which they did.

"The Indians explained to us with technical details all the factors involved in setting up the radars. They said if any other country was to set up a 3D radar system in Sri Lanka they would be able to spy and listen in on sensitive defence related matters concerning India. It was also pointed out that technical experts from that third country would have to come to Sri Lanka to train our people and they could listen in on sensitive defence related matters in India.

"They also showed me maps and explained the reach and detailed the related issues. India also agreed to provide us with 2D radars which were adequate for our requirements free of charge. In addition they promised to give us a 3D radar as well once the 2D radars were operational and the 3D radars become available. At that time India was also using the same system that was offered to us free of charge.

"The decision I had to make then was whether I was to keep the goodwill of India and accept the radars which were adequate for our purposes free of charge or buy the system from a private Chinese company at a huge cost as suggested by the Air Force Commander and lose the support of India.

"I also knew there were agents interested in selling us the private product.

"The Indians had by this time also submitted a detailed technical report which I discussed with the Air Force Commander and the Security Council. I told the Security Council the 2D system was right for us and asked Donald Perera whether he could give any reason why it was not adequate for our needs. Though he was keen on the Chinese offer, he could not give any reason why the Indian radars were not right for us. The Chinese government never came into the picture because it was an offer from a private company.

"All these details will be there in the Security Council minutes unless the minutes have been destroyed. It is after considering all these factors that I decided in consultation with Lakshman Kadirgamar to accept the Indian offer

which was free of charge.

"In addition, India also agreed to develop Palaly airport free of charge. Further we were in a position to upgrade our systems by buying the additional requirements in terms of the Indian credit line. Therefore it would be wrong to pass the blame for the Katunayake Air Force Base attack on the Indian radar system. It was a good system that was in working order," Kumaratunga said.

Transport Minister Dulles Alahapperuma is known to play different roles at different times. Now it seems he is playing the role of joker.

Every state head has had his/her own ‘joker.’ President R. Premadasa had A. J. Ranasinghe and President Chandrika Kumaratunga had Mervyn Silva. However, there have been many contenders for the post under Mahinda Rajapakse. However, Alahapperuma who has so far remained behind the scenes, recently became the latest ‘joker’ in the present government.

Amidst many allegations leveled against the present government, the most serious have been on corruption, abductions and the harassment meted out to Tamil people. Most of the senior ministers have opted to remain silent without trying to defend President Mahinda Rajapakse and his brothers. As a result, the government has been on the lookout for some one to whitewash the Rajapakses and clear their names in the face of all the allegations.

The President on several occasions has called on Alahapperuma to be the one to come forward to clear the Rajapakses’ name as there were no other volunteers. Alahapperuma, who was not even a minister until recently, tactically evaded the issue by putting forward various excuses. Alahapperuma’s ulterior motives came to light only during the last cabinet reshuffle.

An American citizen, Alahapperuma arrived in the island a few weeks prior to the Presidential election and secured his way to parliament through the national list. He then accepted the transport portfolio at the last cabinet reshuffle. A few weeks later, Alahapperuma realised another dream. That was to chase away Mangala Samaraweera as the Matara District leader and become the new SLFP district leader.

Making all the right moves, Alahapperuma however tried hard not to fall into the category of a ‘joker.’

The Rajapakses who realised Alahapperuma’s modus operandi, forced him to defend them.

Alahapperuma entered the fray by trying to give Gotabhaya Rajapakse a character certificate.

In the first round, Alahapperuma managed to get away with it. He made it a point to clear only Gotabhaya’s name and not Basil’s. He did so as he was well aware that trying to clear Basil’s name would crown him as the new joker.

In his speech, Alahapperuma spoke of the alleged deal between Rajapakse and the LTTE before the presidential election highlighted by former Ministers Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi and Mangala Samaraweera.

"There was no such agreement to my knowledge. Ok, let us imagine that such an agreement did exist, what are the benefits received by the LTTE following the President’s actions? Have they been benefited? No. If there was such a thing, then the country and the nation have been betrayed. But everyone understands that such a thing has not happened," he proclaimed.

In the same speech he also took the liberty of praising himself. "I don’t freely use my words to clear the names of people. That is my policy. It is following this policy that I have given this character certificate to Gotabhaya Rajapakse," he said.

Although Alahapperuma has taken over the role of joker in the government, or rather the Rajapakse joker, he was shrewd enough not to attempt to clear Basil’s name from the allegations of bribery and corruption.

Sooriyaarachchi who met Alahapperuma in the parliament lobby after his speech said, "Dulles, there is a problem with regard to the speech made by you. You know very well of the agreement between the President and the LTTE during

the last presidential election. When you speak like this knowing very well the truth, then I too would have to speak about it in parliament. I have been silent so far, but following these things you have said, I will have to break my silence."

Alahapperuma responded, "You can do what you please, but I spoke like that because I have a problem about it. Look the President and the government are being attacked from all sides and none of the senior SLFPers are coming forward to defend the President or the government. I can no longer watch it, that is why I spoke up. I’m doing this according to my conscience, so please don’t get angry with me."

Sooriyaarachchi then started to remind Alahapperuma in detail about the agreement entered into by the President and the LTTE.

"Sripathi, I don’t know these things. You are the ones who looked after that aspect with the President. Even in my speech I said that I was not aware of it. So please don’t drag me into this debate," Alahapperuma told Sooriyaarachchi.

Several government ministers who saw Sooriyaarachchi and Alahapperuma in conversation made their way to the duo. Alahapperuma then slowly slipped away.

However, true to his word Sooriyaarachchi responded to Alahapperuma’s speech in parliament.

"I have sacrificed my life for the SLFP. But Mangala and I were labeled as Tigers. It was then that we started to speak. Basil Rajapakse and I met with the LTTE before the presidential election. Soon after the discussion and before the election, the LTTE was paid Rs. 200 million. Even after the election, the Rajapakses paid millions of rupees to the LTTE. When the Parliamentary Select Committee is appointed to probe this deal, I will prove all this with evidence. I will also reveal who had paid the Tiger terrorists," he said.

Amidst interruptions from the chair, Sooriyaarachchi charged that the LTTE had purchased aircraft from the money given to them by the Rajapakses.

Sooriyaarachchi also decided to write a letter to Alahapperuma reminding him of the deal between Rajapakse and the LTTE.

Following is the letter.

I’m herewith presenting several facts related to the statement made by you during the debate on the emergency regulations in parliament on 2007.04.05 with regard to Mahinda Rajapakse’s agreement with the Tiger terrorists. This is not to prove to you the real situation, but to remind you of some facts that you are already aware of.

During your speech you said that although a former minister of the government has made allegations about a Mahinda-Koti agreement, he has been unable to outline the benefits enjoyed by both parties to the agreement. You also said that you had no personal knowledge of the Mahinda-Koti agreement.

There may be some truth to your final statement because you joined the presidential election campaign as an America citizen even after agreements were entered into with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU).

It is not surprising to me to hear you say that you have no personal knowledge of the Mahinda-Koti agreement since you only worked on the campaign during the last 20 days and did not participate in any television debate or discussion or at least make any statements against the United National Party (UNP) or its presidential candidate.

Also, I’m not immature to believe that you would openly admit to your knowledge of an agreement Mahinda Rajapakse had entered into with the Tiger organisation, which is banned by America as a terrorist organisation. If you accept such a thing while being an American citizen, you could be punished under American law and even lose your citizenship in the country.

However, I would first explain to you the details I know about the Mahinda-Koti agreement.

During the presidential election period, Mahinda Rajapakse’s brother and special representative of the presidential candidate, Basil Rajapakse and I as one of the six main members of the campaign met with representatives of the Tiger terrorists. At the discussion, I got involved in an argument with the Tigers as their representative tried to justify the killing of former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. The Tiger representative then said that in order to support Mahinda Rajapakse, they should be allowed to spread their power in the east and that Karuna should be handed over to them. When these conditions were laid, while Basil Rajapakse kept silent and seemed to agree with it, I opposed it saying that we had already entered into agreements with the JVP and the JHU and were working on a unitary Sri Lanka and that therefore we could not agree to their requests.

When I said that we could come to some agreement over the rehabilitation work and development of the Tamil people, the Tiger representative and I had a heated exchange of words and I was compelled to walk out of the discussion.

However, Basil Rajapakse continued with the discussion. They made arrangements to meet on another date as well.

A few days later, when I inquired about the discussion from Basil, he told me that the Tiger representatives did not like my presence at the discussions and therefore there was no necessity for me to take part at the discussions. I once again pointed out the dangers in dealing with the Tiger terrorists. You maybe unaware of this incident as you were then in America.

Dulles, yesterday you questioned in parliament as to the benefits for each of the parties to the agreement if such a Mahinda-Koti agreement existed. Let me highlight to you in point form the benefits that I see;

During the presidential election, Basil Rajapakse, as a special representative of Mahinda Rajapakse handed over to the Tiger representatives a sum of Rs. 200 million in two installments, so the Tiger terrorists had the benefit of receiving Rs. 200 million. Let me also remind you that one payment was made in American dollars.

The whole world is aware that Mahinda Rajapakse managed to record a marginal victory at the presidential election due to the fact that about six lakhs of Tamil people were prevented from exercising their franchise following the Mahinda-Koti agreement. The fact that Mahinda Rajapakse was elected president in an illegal manner is another benefit of the Mahinda-Koti agreement.

While I, as Mahinda Rajapakse’s representative met with the Elections Commissioner every week and raised concerns over the possibility of the Tiger terrorists rigging the poll, Basil Rajapakse kept silent.

It is now very clear why Mahinda Rajapakse and Gotabhaya Rajapakse told me there was no necessity in sending about 300 polling agents to monitor the polling booths in Jaffna when all arrangements for it were made. It was because of the Mahinda-Koti agreement.

The Tiger terrorists rejected the peace talks under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government on April 17, 2003. Also, they rejected the peace talks during President Chandrika Kumaratunga on November 17, 2005. However, it is now evident to anyone with an atom of intelligence that the Tigers agreed for talks a few weeks after the presidential election with a leader who had outlined clearly his policy of a unitary state and one who is seen as the modern day Dutugemunu following the Mahinda-Koti agreement. Is it not a benefit of the Mahinda-Koti agreement?

I too participated at the first round of talks in Geneva. While the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) was rejected by the people in the 2004.04.02 general election and the 2005.11.17 presidential election, President Mahinda Rajapakse and his peace negotiators accepted it unconditionally amidst severe objections raised by me. Is it not clearly a victory for the Tiger terrorists under the Mahinda-Koti agreement?

The Tiger organisation has objected to every government for having a Hindu Affairs Ministry. They have also opposed the establishment of a ministry to look into the development of the north and the east and the appointment of Douglas Devananda as the minister in charge. According to the Mahinda-Koti agreement, it has been agreed not to establish a Hindu Affairs Ministry and Douglas Devananda has not been given the ministry to develop the north and east. Is it not a benefit gained by the Tigers to achieve this through Mahinda Rajapakse?

One of the main conditions of the Mahinda-Koti agreement was that the Tigers have easy access to funds allocated for the development of the north and east. A few days after becoming President, didn’t Mahinda Rajapakse establish RADA in a discreet manner without any legal basis to fulfill the main condition of the Mahinda-Koti agreement? Is it not a benefit enjoyed by the Tigers?

You are also aware of the fact that it was in line with the Mahinda-Koti agreement that large sums of money — Rs. 200 million and Rs. 300 million, amounting to a total of Rs. 1 billion was passed over to the Tigers through various cabinet papers in a discreet manner. Is it not one of the largest gains of the Tigers following the Mahinda-Koti agreement? Is it not a benefit for the Tigers to utilise that money to purchase large amounts of arms and ammunition and even aircraft?

It is also well known by you and the whole of Sri Lanka, that it was following the Mahinda-Koti agreement that Tiger leader Kennedy and several others were released before the commencement of the Geneva peace talks. Have the Tigers not benefited from the Mahinda-Koti agreement as they managed to get several of their leaders released?

Who gave clearance to Tamilselvan and his associates when they were held back by the airport customs for carrying books on the latest weapons and secret parcels when they arrived in the island after the first round of talks in Geneva? There were reports that the parcels carried parts belonging to aircraft. Was it not the Mahinda-Koti agreement that enabled them to carry freely such documents and parcels through the airport customs without any difficulty? Are they not benefits achieved by the Tigers?

Velupillai Pirapaharan and the Tiger organisation have always hoodwinked our state leaders. That is due to the fact that they tried to initiate peace talks with the organisation. It is common to J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe. However, they entered into agreements after ascending to power and as a mere part of the process of state administration.

But Mahinda Rajapakse had dealings with the Tiger terrorists and entered into agreements before assuming office as president and for mere personal gain in achieving their support to win the presidency. Also billions of rupees were given before and after ascending power as bribes for his victory. This is far different from an honest approach to peace talks.

Therefore, not only was Pirapaharan smart enough to get a large sum of money through Mahinda Rajapakse, he also managed to create an impression around the world there is a necessity in forming a separate state. The Tigers have used these billions of rupees to procure a large amount of arms and ammunition and is now being used to kill thousands of our forces personnel.

Accordingly, even a small child would accept that the Tigers have killed army soldiers fighting to safeguard the motherland by using the weapons brought from the money given by Mahinda Rajapakse.

Dulles, I believe that now you are aware of the benefits reaped by both the parties to the Mahinda-Koti agreement. Therefore I would like to know what steps you plan to take with regard to this great betrayal of the nation and the killing of our noble forces personnel by Mahinda Rajapakse and his brothers.

It is also important for the people to know if the so called Deshapremi, patriotic, anti terrorist forces would keep silent before this great betrayal of the nation by Mahinda Rajapakse or if they would be part of the whole process by remaining silent and continue to enjoy the perks and privileges offered to them by Mahinda Rajapakse by turning a blind eye to this betrayal of the nation.

In 2001, you joined S. B. Dissanayake and left the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) saying that either by contesting under the symbol of an elephant or even two elephants you would topple the SLFP led government. Instead of going deeper into such issues, I believe that I have enlightened you on the benefits of the Mahinda-Koti agreement.

The Welikada prison is a place many hate to visit unless it is to visit someone serving a term there.

It is inside this very prison that people recently witnessed a touching moment where the bond between a father and his children came to light.

This incident revolves around none other than former Minister Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi and his wife and children who visited him in prison recently.

Sooriyaarachchi who has been in remand custody for nearly 30 days now has so far had only two occasions to see his children. That too in the parliamentary complex. Sooriyaarachchi’s wife Dilrukshi and four children got the opportunity of meeting him only because they were taken into parliament as former Minister Mangala Samaraweera’s guests.

The visibly upset children were not pleased to see their father kept under such restrictions and pleaded with their mother to make them meet their father in a more relaxed environment.

"Why can’t we see our father? Why can’t we speak to him? Why is he not coming home?" Ishani (13), Piyumi (11), Adhishtan (8) and Apekshan (5) asked their mother.

"Your father will come home soon," wife Dilrukshi said to please the children.

However, Dilrukshi could not continue to utter these words any longer and finally decided to visit Sooriyaarachchi with the children in prison.

The children were happy when their mother asked them if they would like to visit their father. It was the youngest in the family, Apekshan who mostly felt Sooriyaarachchi’s absence.

When the family walked into prison to visit Sooriyaarachchi it was a very emotional moment for both Dilrukshi and the children as they looked at each other with tearful eyes.

It was 11 year old Piyumi who started to ask questions.

"Why are you here Thathi? What is this vehicle?" she asked.

"Yes, it is about a vehicle in a garage," Sooriyaarachchi said.

"So do they put people in prison for that?" Piyumi continued.

"Don’t be disturbed my child, I will come soon," he replied.

"But why are you in prison for a vehicle that is in a garage?" Piyumi asked.

"That is the way my child, but I’m not in prison for stealing. I will come to see you soon. Be good and listen to your mother," Sooriyaarachchi said.

His response however did not satisfy the children. Ishani and Piyumi had a lot of questions and they made it a point to ask them all.

"That is a fine joke, uncle Mahinda is your friend. During the election you asked everyone to vote for him. You also pasted uncle Mahinda’s pictures all over the house and vehicles. If uncle Mahinda was such a close friend then why are you in prison? Is he angry with you now?" Ishani and Piyumi questioned.

Unable to respond, Sooriyaarachchi looked at his wife and said, "Dil, please get them the book written by Nehru while he was in prison. They will learn a lot from it."