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Million dollar questions for an
economically battered nation
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Mahinda
Rajapakse, Chandrika
Kumaratunga,
John Holmes and Tissa Vithrana
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Attempts to cover up MiG deal crash
lands as damning evidence surfaces
Mangala and Sripathi to take
'additional evidence' to Bribery
Commission
Hopes of APRC proposals fall apart as
govt. takes an about turn
President says APRC adjourned not
suspended. Blames the Leader Group
Namal given headstart. Off to India as
fears about Vimukthi reigns
While President Mahinda
Rajapakse's All Party Representative
Committee (APRC) initiative went into
a tailspin last week following the
decision to adjourn it indefinitely
due to differences of opinion within
the ruling coalition, the opposition
was getting set for the kill on the
corruption charges with the
controversial MiG deal taking centre
stage.
That the government is
caught on the backfoot in relation to
the MiG deal, there is no gainsaying
with mounting evidence clearly
pointing to a dirty deal where
millions of dollars have been raked in
by Kommis Kakkas , and that too for
life-expired aircraft.
When the MiG 27 deal
was first highlighted by The Sunday
Times, Defence Correspondent Iqbal
Athas in December 2006 the government
came out all guns blazing, justifying
the procurement in the teeth of
damning evidence and for a while there
was a lull.
Government deal
surfaces
But before long, the
contract entered into by the Sri Lanka
Air Force in what was said to be a
government to government deal surfaced
with The Sunday Leader, exposing the
role played by the 'Designated Party'
purportedly based in London. Simply
put the 'Middle Man' in the deal was
collecting the big bucks for the sale
of the outdated MiG 27 aircraft at a
cost far above what was paid for the
same model in the year 2000.
Ironically, the
government ended up agreeing to pay
several million dollars more for the
very aircraft which were rejected in
the year 2000 at a much lower price -
and that was only for starters.
What really raised
heckles in Ukraine giving the whole
deal an international dimension was
the exposure in The Sunday Leader
three weeks back followed by UNP's
report on the same issue, where it was
proven with documentary and
photographic evidence that the address
of the designated party in London
through which the financial
transaction was concluded was nothing
more than a call centre.
This revelation got the
Ukranian government activated given
the financial and money laundering
implications of the deal and it
immediately ordered a probe into the
whole deal. There was particular
concern that the methodology used
could have even resulted in a
terrorist organisation getting in on
the act and purchasing aircraft using
such 'designated parties.'
This move by the
Ukrainian government to investigate
the deal following the unfolding
developments was last week highlighted
by Sunday Times, Defence Correspondent
Iqbal Athas and the government's
response was swift. Orders went out
for the immediate withdrawal of the
security provided for Athas.
Just like in the 'Medhananda
Benz' saga, where the businessman
abducted was subjected to a murder
investigation rather than
investigating the abduction
allegation, in the case of Athas too,
it was a case of punishing the
messenger by putting his life at risk
with the security being withdrawn.
Eyebrows raised
That knee jerk reaction
rather than making a considered
response to the allegations only made
a bad case worse for the government
and word spread fast within the
diplomatic community of the
government's actions and more than a
few eye brows were raised.
And the end result is
that shortly, Ukraine's Ambassador in
New Delhi, Igor Polikha will fly into
Sri Lanka for discussions on the issue
with a view to ascertaining whether
monies in fact have passed through a
'Designated Party' via London
bypassing Ukraine.
The Ukraine
government's position simply is that
all monies paid for the aircraft
should have come to that country
without ending up in some tax haven.
Ambassador Polikha is presently in
Kiev, Ukraine for consultations.
Given these unfolding
developments, MPs Mangala Samaraweera
and Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi have
planned to submit the additional
evidence that has surfaced to the
Bribery Commission next week and
inquire what steps were taken on their
complaint made months earlier.
As of now, the Bribery
Commission has not so much as recorded
a statement from the two MPs on their
complaint and this issue too is to be
raised in parliament even as the UNP
is looking at moving the British legal
system on the legality of the money
transfer effected through a party
purportedly housed in a London office.
Furthermore, the UNP
has also taken steps to trace where
the monies paid by the government
ended with a top private British
detective agency hired to follow the
paper trail.
Million dollar question
The million dollar
question of course is where the
payments for the MiG deal ended and
how much eventually reached Ukraine of
the total sum paid, and that is what
the opposition hopes to zero in on and
establish the payment of a massive
commission for a deal which was
projected as a government to
government transaction.
Corruption charges
apart, the government has also reached
a dead end on the All Party
Representative Committee initiative of
the President with the ruling alliance
hopelessly divided on the solution to
be forwarded, prompting Rajapakse on
Tuesday to call for its indefinite
adjournment.
It was the APRC
proposals which were expected to be
finalised last week that the
government touted to the international
community as its answer to the ethnic
problem but by Tuesday, the President
decided to pull the rug under the very
process given the deep divisions
within the alliance and fearing a JVP
backlash.
By Monday, August 13,
the APRC had finalised many of the
proposals and hoped to keep to a
deadline the UNP had set and it is in
that positive frame of mind, Chairman
Tissa Vitharana convened a meeting to
finalise the draft proposals.
The majority in the
APRC including the CWC, SLMC, NUA,
LSSP, CP, UPF and the UNP had already
agreed on Sri Lanka being defined as a
'United State' as opposed to a
'Unitary State' and for the province
to be the unit of devolution, with
only the JHU, MEP and SLFP of a
different mindset.
About turn
However, the previous
week, when President Rajapakse met the
party leaders supporting the
government, following strong
representations made by SLMC Leader
Rauf Hakeem, the SLFP too had agreed
to go along with the majority position
only to see an about turn on Tuesday.
Interestingly, while
the APRC meeting was in progress on
Monday, August 13, the President had
telephoned Minister Tissa Vitharana
and instructed him to finalise the
draft report by Friday, August 17 the
latest, which was of course agreed to.
Not long after at about
7 p.m. JHU representative, Udaya
Gammanpila received a telephone call
from the President, and he excused
himself from the meeting and rushed to
Temple Trees where the developments at
the APRC were discussed. Prior to his
departure, Gammanpila wanted it
recorded that the JHU was opposed to
the proposals in the draft report
which was under discussion.
And at the meeting with
the President, Gammanpila was to say
that the government would be in
serious trouble if the report is
released reflecting the majority view
point since the JVP would use it as a
platform to attack the administration
since the contents were completely
contrary to the Mahinda Chinthana.
Difficult situation
He went on to say the
JHU too would be placed in a difficult
situation in such an eventuality and
it was best to postpone the entire
exercise and the President agreed.
Completely oblivious to
the change of heart at Temple Trees,
the APRC met again on Tuesday at 3.30
p.m. but had to await the arrival of
the SLFP and MEP representatives Viswa
Warnapala and Nalin De Silva
respectively till 5.30 p.m. for want
of a quorum, only to be told by them
the President wanted the proceedings
adjourned indefinitely.
The SLFP-MEP duo said
they were instructed by their party
leaders to move for the adjournment to
consider the proposals that were under
deliberation at the APRC. They said
the President wanted to discuss the
issues involved with the party leaders
supporting the government and that the
APRC could meet thereafter.
Indefinitely adjourned
Surprised, SLMC
representative, Nizam Kariapper said
the UNP will now say they were correct
in that the alliance partners in
government were unable to reach a
consensus resulting in the proceedings
being indefinitely adjourned,
sentiments which were supported by
CWC's R. Yogarajan.
Said Yogarajan: "If the
President does not want it, what is
the big idea of continuing with the
deliberations. If the President wants
the proceedings adjourned, there is
nothing we can do about it since it is
his initiative."
On that note the
meeting ended and within minutes,
phone lines in the diplomatic missions
started buzzing with the news taking
many diplomats by surprise.
It was the following
day, Wednesday, the reality hit home
after the story was reported in the
media and US Ambassador Robert Blake
was to ask Minister Rauf Hakeem
whether the proceedings were in fact
adjourned and received a reply in the
affirmative.
Blake apart, other
diplomats too spoke with several
government members on the issue and it
was UNP defector, Minister Karu
Jayasuriya who raised the issue at the
cabinet meeting on Wednesday, August
15. Jayasuriya asked the President
whether reports of adjourning the
proceedings as reported were correct.
Said the President -
"We have not suspended the APRC but
merely asked for it to be adjourned. I
plan to meet the party leaders next
week to discuss the issues involved.
It has reached a stage where I have to
discuss with the party leaders
regarding this."
Playing up
Added Rajapakse - "It
is the Leader paper that has played up
the story. They are writing it for
other people's benefit."
And the very day the
President was briefing the cabinet,
the JVP upped the tempo stating the
party would vehemently oppose any move
to introduce a federal solution
through the APRC, thus placing the
President in the horns of a dilemma.
For, if the President
was to now go back on the majority
draft report he would not only lose
the support of the minority parties
but have nothing to show the
international community by way of a
solution either. On the other hand, if
he accepts the majority report, it
will give the JVP a much needed issue
to oppose the government in parliament
and place the JHU also in a no-win
situation.
In that context the
APRC process is good as dead as far as
producing a consensus formula and a
statement by Minister Tissa Vitharana
at the post cabinet press briefing
underscored this point.
Asked whether the APRC
will serve any purpose if the
intention was to dilute the powers
already given under the provincial
councils, Vitharana said, on the
contrary, the intention was to widen
the scope of powers to the provinces.
That coming from the
Chairman of the APRC will no doubt
stir a hornets nest and throw the
government into confusion given the
positions already articulated by the
JVP and JHU.
Vitharana in fact wants
to now call the APRC this week and
checkmate the JVP and JHU by releasing
the majority report forcing thereby
the SLFP too to take a stand.
More headaches
There were more
headaches for the President last week
following the success of the National
Council Matara rally which even by
police reports was one of the most
successful meetings ever held in the
district.
And in a bid to counter
the success of the rally, Presidential
Advisor Basil Rajapakse made his way
to Weligama on Monday, August 13 and
wanted a mammoth meeting organised for
August 17, where he said a crowd of at
least 100,000 should be got. He said
money was no problem but that the
success of the meeting must be
guaranteed.
However saner counsel
was to prevail with Minister for
Special Projects Mahinda Wijesekera
stating that getting such a large
crowd was not a feasible proposition
given the hardships faced by the
people and proposed holding a seminar
instead for about 2000 people. And so
it was. (See Potshots on page 4).
But what really had the
President worried was the return of
former President Chandrika Kumaratunga
to the country and he even asked
National Heritage Minister Anura
Bandaranaike whether Vimukthi
Kumaratunga would be interested in
being appointed an SLFP organiser.
What the President had
been told by confidants was that if
Vimukthi was made a SLFP organiser for
Gampaha, Kumaratunga would be quiet,
hence the query by Rajapakse.
No idea
Bandaranaike of course
shrugged off the inquiry stating he
had no idea what political plans
Kumaratunga or Vimukthi had since they
had not discussed them with him. Such
was the fear of Kumaratunga, no sooner
news reached she had landed in Sri
Lanka, orders went out to airport
security to check every movement of
hers including the duty free purchases
if any and report back. The orders
went out from Deputy Aviation Minister
Sarath Gunaratne.
And following
Kumaratunga around the airport on her
arrival was Deputy Chairman, Airport
and Aviation Services, Shalitha
Wijesundera who made the colossal
blunder of asking her whether he
cannot bring about a rapprochement
with the President.
Losing her cool,
Kumaratunga told Wijesundera some home
truths about Rajapakse and said he had
caused irreparable damage to the
country and did not wish to meet him.
The very next day
Kumaratunga had a 90 minute discussion
on the phone with SLFP (M) Convener
Mangala Samaraweera where the
unfolding political developments were
discussed including the success of the
National Council's Jana Rala campaign.
The former President
was particularly keen to ascertain
details of the Nittambuwa meeting
scheduled for August 24 and the future
plans the SLFP (M) had and after the
discussion the duo agreed to meet
within the week.
Adding to the
President's concerns on what the
former President's next move would be,
Kumaratunga proceeded to Nittambuwa on
Friday, August 17, where she met
several SLFP activists in the area.
Hurried activity
Interestingly,
speculation that Vimukthi Kumaratunga
might make an entry into politics also
saw hurried activity at Temple Trees
with plans to give the President's son
Namal Rajapakse a head start set in
motion.
Towards this end, a
meeting was arranged for young
Rajapakse to fly to New Delhi and meet
India's up and coming politician Rahul
Gandhi. The idea was to give Namal a
head start over Vimukthi in view of
the close relationship the
Bandaranaike family had with the
Gandhis.
There was a particular
urgency to fix the meeting after it
was reported last week Anura
Bandaranaike had gone to New Delhi to
meet Congress Party Leader Sonia
Gandhi.
And Namal's meeting
with Rahul organised by Indian
businessman S. Nagaraj who is
promoting the Colombo Metro Project
took place on Monday, August 13. At
hand to receive Namal on arrival in
New Delhi was Sri Lanka's Deputy High
Commissioner and so hush-hush was the
meeting that not even the Indian High
Commission in Colombo was kept
informed as is the usual protocol.
Be that as it may, the
government made a further hash of its
international relations by going
overboard with UN Under Secretary for
Humanitarian Affairs John Holmes and
accusing him of being bribed to make
critical comments on Sri Lanka's human
rights record. And mind you, bribed by
the LTTE no less with Holmes called a
terrorist to boot.
This tendency of the
government to lash out in intemperate
language, making wild allegations
against anyone who dares to comment on
the human rights situation in the
country, may attract accolades from a
limited domestic audience but does
irreparable damage to Sri Lanka's
international standing, a fact that is
lost on the Rajapakse administration.
Given talking to
Not so, Foreign
Minister Rohitha Bogollagama who was
given a talking to by the UN,
prompting him to disassociate the
government from Fernandopulle's
comments.
This Jekyll and Hyde
approach of the government was also
making it a laughing stock
internationally, and the joke may well
be on Sri Lanka if current thinking at
the highest international levels on
the situation in the country comes to
pass.
Just as the government
shot itself on the foot in the Allan
Rock affair, the intemperate comments
on Holmes have also reverberated in
the corridors of the UN, with
Secretary General Ban Ki Moon coming
to the defence of his envoy on
Thursday.
It was the UN
Spokesperson Michela Montis who gave
the official response on
Fernandopulle's comments stating, "The
Secretary General is aware of the
comments made in the media about
Holmes and he believes them to be
'unwarranted and unacceptable'. And
giving Holmes the stamp of authority,
the spokesperson said, the Secretary
General fully supports the work of
Holmes.
Given the hash the
government made of the Holmes visit,
it remains to be seen how it will deal
with UN Human Rights Commissioner
Louise Arbour who is due the following
month. And already the JVP has called
on the President to cancel the visit
but for the government there is no
turning back now and might as well
prepare Fernandopulle to loosen his
tongue again in advance.
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