Malaka and Jessica Lal

By Sonali Samarasinghe

It will perhaps come naturally to one now as one makes one's gastronomic and may be even epicurean choices of an evening, to casually inquire of the maitre d'hotel at a restaurant and night club if the likes of Malaka Silva will be likely to mosey in at any moment. It is the last person with whom a person of slender physique or not, who's decided to mangle a bit of dinner, would wish to be alone with in confined spaces.

For the restaurants/night clubs that prefer to entice a better class of clientele it is perhaps advisable to include in their menu card not only a list of elegant cuisine but also a list of what they don't serve - to whit: a dose of Malaka Silva and company.

Notice issued

Last Thursday the High Court was to issue notice to the OIC, Bambalapitiya police in connection with the bail application filed by his mother, Mary Lucinda of 296, Park Road, Colombo 5. As a mother would, she reportedly complained to court Malaka was being harassed merely because he was the son of Mervyn, who was a minister in the present government.

For night clubs and restaurants already severely hit by the economic crisis and the lag in tourism, their lifeline is the local customer. But a local customer with big bucks who takes up personal space and pistol whips other customers and even police officers, the message - unless these owners have what may be called a nostalgie de la boue, a nostalgia for mud - should be clear.

And for the Malaka Silvas of this world who strut around full of beans and buck intent on creating mayhem, followed by security guards paid for by the public, unless something drastic is done, as the Romans say, it will be merely a case of abeunt studia in mores - practices zealously pursued passing into habits.

Where to get off

It is about time some public spirited person came along and told not only Malaka Silva and his daddy but also the rest of these government goons who tear around like crazed mustangs on a crowded street, whipping out lamp posts and knocking down innocent bystanders, where to get off. Not that one could expect these barbarians who live on public funds to burn with shame and remorse, but it's worth a try.

President Mahinda Rajapakse if he understands nothing else, being a father of three should understand this. The country cannot go on bringing up wolves.

As the genteel stand staring incredulously thinking that in Sri Lanka if it wasn't one thing it was bound to be something else, a handful of half wits continue to disfigure the Colombo scene by galloping about in black Pajeros wielding guns, thinking all along they are somebody.

And this is where the famous Jessica Lal case in New Delhi must again come into focus. Jessica Lal was a model working as a celebrity barmaid at leading socialite Bins Ramani's party on April 29,1999. Ramani was hosting the party at her restaurant Tamarind Court Caf‚ when Lal was shot dead. Dozens of witnesses pointed to Siddharth Vashisht, a.k.a. Manu Sharma, the son of Venod Sharma, a wealthy and powerful Congress politician in Haryana, as the murderer.

Acquitted

The trial which lasted seven years due reportedly to inadequacies in investigation and prosecution resulted in Manu Sharma and a number of others being acquitted on February 21, 2006.

Ironically in the years that Manu Sharma has been free on bail, he had set up the thriving Blue Ice night spot and disco in Chandigarh.

However the Indian media did not let up. Pressurising the powers that be to such an extent the prosecution appealed - a rare occurrence - and the Delhi High Court heard the appeal over 25 days. The lower court judgment was overturned and Manu Sharma was found guilty of the murder of Jessica Lal. He was sentenced to life on December 20, 2006.

According to media reports several youngsters and models were serving drinks at the 'Once upon a time' bar, including Jessica Lal and her friends Malini Ramani and Shyan Munshi.

Lost temper

At about 0200 hours when the party was almost over, Manu Sharma with his friends Amardeep Singh, Alok Khanna, Amit Jhingan and Vikas Yadav, allegedly entered the restaurant and demanded liquor from Jessica.

Since the bar was closing Sharma was told that no more drinks would be served. After some altercation, Sharma lost his temper and fired his gun - once in the air and the second time at Jessica. The bullet struck her temple and she died on the spot.

Sharma fled from the restaurant, leaving his car which was later moved by his friends. During an intense hunt for Sharma over a week, three of his friends were arrested, but Sharma himself went underground. His father, Venod Sharma was asked to step down as Congress Party chief in the state.

No escape

Eventually Manu Sharma surrendered on May 6 in Chandigarh. Subsequently the fourth person, Vikas Yadav, son of D.P. Yadav, another heavyweight minister from Uttar Pradesh with Mafia connections, also surrendered.

Meanwhile a sting operation by the newsmagazine Tehelka exposed how Venod Sharma paid bribes to win over key witnesses, and Venod Sharma resigned from the Haryana Ministry on October 6, 2006.

There are lessons to be learned from India.

Bloody crackdown in Myanmar

The silence of the Lankan lambs

By Sonali Samarasinghe

As thousands of Burmese Buddhist monks marched down the streets of Yangon and Mandalay, the pain and anguish did not seem to resonate with their counterparts in Sri Lanka.

Last Thursday was the most violent in more than a month of protests - which at its peak has brought in an estimated 100,000 demonstrators to the streets. Bloodied parts of clothing and sandals were strewn on some streets as protesters shouted, "Give us freedom, give us freedom!" and yet Sri Lanka was silent.

Even though the crisis began on August 19 with several rallies against the military Junta's decision to raise the price of fuel by 500 percent, it dramatically escalated when thousands of monks joined in and raised the cry for democracy, opposing the regime's grip on power.

The attack

And it was last Poya (26) a religious holiday that the Junta decided to use force showing little mercy in battering the unarmed, barefoot Buddhist monks, who for days had been chanting the metta sutta, a prayer for loving kindness. In Sri Lanka the bombastic Jathika Hela Urumaya and other rag tag self styled 'custodians of Buddhism in Sri Lanka' did nothing even as the world rallied to call the Burmese junta to respect the human rights of the protesting monks.

Just before the violence commenced a group of monks began marching down the street only to be stopped in their tracks by armed riot police. The men in robes responded in a peaceful gesture, kneeling before their adversaries and asking permission to enter the pagoda. The retort the monks reportedly got was a curt, "we have got orders to shoot."

Not concerned

Perhaps for the JHU selling their car permits willy nilly, the sharp increase in fuel prices was not immediately a matter for concern. Perhaps also they are oblivious to the sorrows of the people in Sri Lanka as the Rajapakse government raises taxes and drastically cuts down on subsidies on the one hand while living it up with his family and other cabinet ministers in New York. Little wonder the JHU is silent. Its own man, Champika Ranawaka was being hosted by the Sri Lankan public to a luxury suite in the Ritz Carlton at a pricey Rs.280,000 per night.

These groups who think it fit to erect unauthorised statues at every roundabout or T junction, who feel it vital to their well-being to ridicule the faiths of their political opponents, whose one desire is to print posters that warn of famine and pestilence among the Buddhist clergy if any other religion is to survive, did not however think it necessary to support or express solidarity with their brothers of the orange cloth.

Meanwhile several countries on the United Nations Human Rights Council have begun making consultations to propose a special session to study the brutal crackdown on young Buddhist monks and demonstrators that has already left at least 14 people dead, dozens injured and hundreds under arrest.

Closely linked

Myanmar and Sri Lanka are closely linked in Theravada Buddhism especially through the Amarapura Nikaya founded in 1800 and named after the city of Amarapura, the former capital of the Burmese kingdom.

But as soldiers clubbed activists in the streets and fired warning shots into the air Friday, neither Ven. Rathana Thero, Champika Ranawaka nor Mahinda Rajapakse moved their lips.

Troops on Friday also began to storm Buddhist monasteries and cut public internet access, as the junta began to seal off Buddhist monasteries, intent on clearing the streets of monks, but our Buddhist nation replete with politicians whose bosom yearns for the nikayas said nothing. Gates were locked and key intersections near monasteries in Yangon and Mandalay were sealed off and yet from our custodians of Buddhism, not a peep.

Dumbstruck

While the world spoke out against the undemocratic regime that has terrorised the Burmese people, instead of handing over power to Aung San Su Chi who won the general election two decades ago with over 90 percent of the vote, Sri Lanka, its Foreign Ministry and its temples remained dumbstruck.

Anura Bandaranaike, the Minister of National Heritage however was to issue a press release Friday expressing shock why a nation that banned the Da Vinci Code did not say a word on the bloody crackdown on unarmed monks in Myanmar.

Perhaps it was because many in the cabinet were under the impression that the Da Vinci Code was a blue film. This was possibly due to the fact that at one point one of the characters happened to be wearing a blue dress.

Be that as it may Bandaranaike calls the silence of the Buddhists in Sri Lanka deafening, especially the 'self appointed custodians of the Dhamma' and of course the Foreign Ministry. Meanwhile for Myanmar the road to democracy and freedom will be long and hard. And one hopes that the day will come when the Burmese can say like Rudyard Kipling:

"By the old Moulmein Pagoda, lookin' lazy at the sea,

An' the sunshine an' the palm-trees an' the tinkly temple-bells;.

On the road to Mandalay..... Where the flyin' fishes play,

An' the dawn comes up like thunder outer China 'crost the Bay!"

Basil's game plan to overcome the budget blues

Increased levies only before and after budget

Wimal assures JVP's support for budget

Govt. banks on JVP MPs' pension  hopes

All eyes are now keenly focused on the forthcoming budget presentation.

The two key reasons for this is the speculation that the government would be defeated at the budget and secondly because it would be a budget presented by a government that is facing the worst economic crisis since independence.

The forthcoming budget has also attracted the attention of many political parties, especially the JVP. The JVP is currently discussing the political ramifications it would have to face if it either supports or abstains from voting for the budget that would be presented by the government, especially in case it was one that would not grant the expected relief to the people.

However, the people too are closely watching the behaviour of the JVP and what its ultimate decision would be come voting time at the budget, given the stance adopted by the party that it represented the poor and the working class.

Special meeting

It is in this backdrop that Presidential Advisor and Parliamentarian Basil Rajapakse called a meeting at his office with several ministers and parliamentarians on the course of action to be adopted before and after the budget presentation.

Basil observed that the government was facing a severe economic crisis although it had not openly acknowledged the fact. He said that it was this reason that prompted the government to request for a loan from HSBC even at a higher rate of interest. However, Basil noted that the loan was now in the balance due to the massive protest campaign launched against it by the opposition.

Speaking of the forthcoming budget, Basil said that the government  would therefore not be able to present a rosy budget and emphasized on the importance of the budget vote.

He also said that the government had arrived at a decision to present the proposals that would burden the masses before and after the budget.

Basil, who has close contacts with JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa is known to brag to government officials: "Don't worry about the JVP. Wimal is with us. He has told us that no matter what the problem is, he would not permit his party to make any decision that would topple the government."

Weerawansa the puppet

Weerawansa is now a puppet on a string where President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government is concerned due to his involvement in several high profile deals.

However, Basil's discussions with government members also showed that the government was facing a severe crisis where revenue was concerned, as foreign aid has reduced to a trickle

Basil pointed out that the government had no option but to slap new taxes or increase the existing taxes on public utilities and other essential items. He also said that it was time the government launched a campaign to counter the opposition that would arise when such measures were taken.

According to Basil, if a campaign was launched to allay the uncertainty that has been built up among the masses that the government would collapse anytime, it would help minimise the opposition against the government. Therefore it was decided to launch a massive pre-budget campaign on the statements made by the UNP that the government would be defeated at the budget vote. It was also decided to highlight the fact that the budget vote would be the UNP's greatest defeat, which in turn would further strengthen the government.

The government members who participated at the discussion had at this point asked how the campaign could be carried out given the fact that the opposition had not made any statement on defeating the government at the budget. Basil had then said that although the UNP had not made any statement to that effect, they could carry out the campaign claiming that such a statement was made.

More taxes

According to Basil, the only way the government could get away by increasing tariffs such as water, electricity, fuel and gas would be to create an impression among the public that the opposition was weak.

Basil also said that apart from the state media, several private print and electronic media could also be used to carry out the government's campaign.

Several government ministers had then revealed to Basil that regardless of what Weerawansa says, other JVP parliamentarians did not show any interest in safeguarding the interests of the government.

"Don't worry about that, if the JVP makes a decision against the government at the budget Wimal will come to our side with another seven or eight members and vote with us. If that happens, it would be even better as part of the JVP too would join us. Through that too we could show that the government is strong. According to Wimal, many of the MPs who came to parliament in 2004 have no problem over the imposition of taxes; their problem is the need to complete the stipulated number of years to be entitled to a pension. Therefore, the JVP would not agree to topple the government till 2009, as they would otherwise lose out on their pension," Basil said.

Hence, it was decided to launch a campaign against the UNP before and after the budget under the guidance of Dulles Alahapperuma and Basil.

Basil's plots

It is however interesting to note that it has been President Rajapakse who has had to face several unsavoury moments since assuming office due to the actions of his brother Basil.

It was Basil who was behind the 17 UNP defectors joining the government, which ended the MoU signed between the SLFP and the UNP.

Basil is now engaged in a plot to split the JVP by getting Weerawansa to work according to the government's agenda mainly by reminding him of his 'business dealings.' Weerawansa's involvement in several high profile deals are now being used by Basil to get the JVP to dance to the government's tune.

However, a senior JVP parliamentarian referring to Weerawansa has said, "Wimal Weerawansa is just another person in our party. If he goes to the government he would be joined by his wife and children. There is no one else who will leave our party. Saw what happened to Nandana Gunathileka? He left, but not even his wife or children left with him. That is how the JVP is. That is the politics that Basil does not understand."

How CBK checkmated MR in Delhi

The last presidential election was perceived to be the end of one era and the beginning of another. In other words, the end of the Bandaranaike era and the beginning of the Rajapakse era.

However, at least for a while, it seemed that way. Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga even lost her party leadership during the course of this transition. Kumaratunga soon after relinquishing office left the island leaving behind brother Anura Bandaranaike, who was openly ill-treated by President Mahinda Rajapakse.

In order to sideline him, Bandaranaike was given the insignificant portfolio of National Heritage. Until a few months back, everyone was under the impression that the Bandaranaike era was indeed over.

The Rajapakse brothers however were disturbed by Kumaratunga's return to the island and tried several strategies to prevent her from re-entering politics. Kumaratunga has so far managed to evade all those obstacles.

Master plan

It is in this backdrop that Rajapakse heard of Kumaratunga's decision to visit India and meet the political leadership there. The President who realised that any special treatment extended to Kumaratunga during her visit to India by the Indian government would be a negative point for him and the government started to map out a plan to prevent such an eventuality.

In what seemed a pre emptive move, Rajapakse decided to send his brothers, Basil and Gotabaya to India before Kumaratunga's scheduled visit. The intention was to create hype in the media on the visit of the Presidential delegation and the outcome of the visit to impress the Sri Lankan constituency.

However, everything did not go as planned and the Rajapakse brothers had to return empty handed.

Next was Kumaratunga's visit to India and the Rajapakses kept a close watch on whom she was to meet while in India.

The Rajapakses contacted the Sri Lankan High Commission in India and inquired from its officials whom Kumaratunga was scheduled to meet while in India. The High Commission informed that she might not be able to meet Indian Premier Manmohan Singh and Congress Party Leader Sonia Gandhi.

Monitor

Happy with the news, the Rajapakses believed that Kumaratunga would not receive much attention from the Indian government as initially expected. They also asked a lobbyist named Rama Luthra to  monitor Kumaratunga's activities while in India.

Kumaratunga first visited Chennai for two days before leaving for New Delhi. Just as she was about to leave for New Delhi, the Indian Premier's office called and said that Prime Minister Singh wanted to invite her for a luncheon meeting. Kumaratunga accepted the invitation and was informed of the date and time once she arrived in New Delhi.

The high regard for the Bandaranaike family among the Indian political leaders came to light during Kumaratunga's Indian visit. Singh who was not well at the time, had decided to somehow meet Kumaratunga.

The lunch organised by the Indian Prime Minister was also attended by his National Security Advisor, M.K.Narayanan, Congress Party Secretary Rahul Gandhi and two senior cabinet ministers.

Puzzled

Kumaratunga discussed the evolving political scene at length with Rahul Gandhi. Politics was further discussed at the lunch table.

Many who attended the lunch said they were puzzled as to why the government was not using Kumaratunga's expertise in trying to find a solution to the national problem.

However, the media has not been privy to the contents of the closed-door meeting.

With news of Kumaratunga's high level meetings reaching Colombo, the Rajapakse brothers were disturbed.

So upset were they that President Rajapakse called one of the senior cabinet ministers in India, Mani Shankar Aiyer and asked "What is happening there? Is our former President trying to hatch a plot to oust me?"

"Please don't take it wrong, but the Bandaranaikes are held in high esteem by India. You are well aware of it. Regardless of the government in power the Bandaranaikes are accepted by India. That is the Indian tradition," Mani Shankar Aiyer told Rajapakse.

It was after this that Rajapakse decided to hype up his visit to New York to attend the UN General Assembly.

Waiting list

Many state leaders have tried to meet former President Bill Clinton's wife, Hillary Clinton as there is a belief that she would be the next president of the US. Rajapakse has also tried his best to seek an appointment with Hillary Clinton.

While the President was trying hard to meet Hillary, he heard that Kumaratunga had been invited to make a guest appearance at a function organised by the Clinton Foundation.

Rajapakse called the Sri Lankan Mission in Washington to check on it. The Embassy  confirmed the news and said that the foundation paid special attention to the friendship between Kumaratunga and Hillary. Rajapakse was also informed that if he wished to meet Hillary, he would have to attend the dinner function by purchasing a ticket costing US$ 18,000.

Makings of a Rajapakse fan club, and Sir Basil

President Mahinda Rajapakse's brother, advisor and newly appointed Parliamentarian Basil Rajapakse has created quite a stir within the government with his sudden entry to parliament.

Basil's entry to parliament has also created a new breed of parliamentarians who try hard to score points with the Rajapakses as their loyalists. Chief among them is Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage who openly brought in an alternative proposal when Mahinda Rajapakse's name was proposed as the SLFP's presidential candidate in 2005. Then Aluthgamage decided to object to Rajapakse's name being proposed to the position as he was trying to please former President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

Minister Mervyn Silva is also a member of this new group of Rajapakse loyalists. It was Silva who built a secret relationship with the UNP and provided them with information to defeat Rajapakse at the 2005 presidential election visiting the residence of then Chairman Malik Samarawickrama regularly.

Alahapperuma's hand

However, a conversation that took place in the lobby of the parliament building before Basil's en-

trance to the House has shown Minister Dulles Alahapperuma's hand in the formation of the Rajapakse loyalists' club in parliament.

An opposition member had asked Alahapperuma, "Why are you not involved in whitewashing the government?"

"For that I have put several people who have attacked Mahinda Rajapakse and called for him to be sacked. What I have to do is sit behind the scenes and monitor the situation," Alahapperuma had responded.

The opposition MP had then asked, "Why don't you praise Basil in your parliament speeches and on television?"

"I can only praise the President and Gotabaya. I do not want to put myself in difficulty by trying to praise Basil," Alahapperuma had said.

These words uttered by Alahapperuma were an indication that he never expected Basil to be appointed to parliament from the national list.

However, all this changed with Basil's entry to parliament. In fact the change in Alahapperuma's role was obvious when the alleged deal the government entered into with the LTTE during the last presidential election was taken up for debate in parliament during the last session.

The 'organiser'

When the debate commenced in the House, Alahapperuma was busy in the lobby trying to organise things. When Mangala Samaraweera opened the debate, Alahapperuma called on the government members who were scheduled to speak.

The members were asked to insult Samaraweera instead of making speeches. However, one government minister - Dilan Perera, objected to the request.

"What are you planning to speak on, Dilan?" Alahapperuma asked.

"I will speak what I want," Perera retorted.

"No, that is not it. There is no point in speaking of moral values. You heard what Mangala said. We have to stoop down and attack," Alahapperuma insisted.

"Please  do not  tell me how to speak in parliament. I will be making a speech prepared by me and it is not something that is changed from time to time to fit anyone's mood. Please get someone else to do it," Perera said.

In a spot

Perera put Alahapperuma in a spot as he made this refusal in front of other members of the government. Perera then returned to the chamber and took his seat.

Perera attacked Samaraweera and Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi based on his prepared speech. Soon after making his speech, Perera left the chamber.

Alahapperuma informed others that he needed to know the contents of Perera's speech.

Moving on, several senior members of the government had started to address Basil as "Sir," which shocked several other seniors who started to wonder as to why a junior like Basil was being addressed in such manner.

However, on the second day after Basil entered parliament he encountered an interesting incident. That was at the end of a select committee meeting on the ground floor.

At the end of the committee meeting Basil spoke to UNP's Gayantha Karunathileka without taking any notice of government members.

A senior minister representing the Wayamba Province said, "Sir I have an urgent matter to attend to. Is it OK if I go out?"

"OK, you can go, but be back by the time the vote is taken," Basil responded.

Basil Sir

In a few minutes, this incident spread like wildfire among government and opposition members. An opposition member then wrote a note to a senior government minister and asked, "Mr. Minister now everyone is calling Basil 'Sir,' would you also have to call him that?" On the other side of the paper, the Minister responded, "That will take some time."

Soon after Basil's entry to parliament, another interesting campaign has been launched and is carried out by Silva and Aluthgamage.

"Basil boss has a raja yoga in his horoscope and he is tipped to get a good portfolio soon. He will also be prime minister soon as well it is said. After that of course he would also become president," the duo are heard saying everywhere in parliament.

Through this campaign, they are expecting government members to be supportive of Basil and not oppose giving him more powers within the party.

The President who has been keeping a close eye on the goings on in parliament has been having secret discussions with CWC Leader Arumugam Thondaman on re-appointing him as a minister in the government.

Spoil sport

Rajapakse set the ball rolling before he left for New York. Thondaman was to be sworn in with Basil last Thursday at 9.36 a.m., but Basil foiled it by proclaiming that  he was not agreeable to giving Thondaman a portfolio and that he was not willing to be sworn in with him.