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How the other half lives under the
Chinthanaya
Rs. 43 million paid as
'arrears' for last year
Self imposed salary cut
only rhetoric
MPs pay Rs.15 for meal that
costs Rs.400
The saga of parliamentary
benevolence
By
Dilrukshi Handunnetti
There is no doubt that Sir D.B. Jayatilleke in
1931 harboured good intentions when he proposed legislators be paid a monthly
allowance of Rs.400 to facilitate their work. Similarly, there can be no dispute
that S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike had better instincts when he opposed the move as one
that would bring disrepute to the legislative exercise.
Vehemently opposing the move, Bandaranaike
claimed that those rendering an honorary service should not accept any payment
and even warned that on a future date, angry constituents would wish to destroy
the impressive State Council building brick by brick with their own hands, a
comment greeted reportedly with a flippant reply by Sir Jayatileke.
History of hikes
However, D.S. Senanayake and several others
favoured the proposal and finally in 1933, for the first time in our legislative
history, MPs were paid an allowance of Rs.400. This payment continued unaltered
for 14 years.
The next revision came in 1947, strategically
before political independence. The allowance was increased to Rs.600 with
another special allowance of Rs.75 being added on.
During the 1958 Bandaranaike regime, this was
increased to Rs. 825. Two additions were made - Rs.100 allowance for a clerk and
Rs.50 per parliament sitting.
Fifteen years later, in 1973, it further
increased to Rs.1,000. The clerk's payment was increased to Rs.325 and paid
directly by the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs.
Until then, politics remained an exclusively
honorary service. It was also a status symbol - persons of integrity,
professional repute and often with ancestral wealth entered it as an avenue to
serve their constituencies.
The 1976 revisions came in two stages, at a time
when there was political insecurity for Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
First, the Rs. 50 parliament sitting allowance was doubled. In November, nine
additional allowances were added to the package which totalled Rs.3,645.
Tax exemptions
A further privilege was accorded in 1978 when
all allowances were exempted from tax. Additionally, MPs became entitled to all
salary increases granted to public servants since 1977.
A plethora of allowances were added by President
J. R. Jayewardene who was under the delusion that better remuneration would
ensure less corruption. After much deliberations, Jayewardene in 1985 revised
the MPs' salary to Rs.7,020.
Members qualified to receive Rs.200 per
parliamentary sitting and Rs.200 for various committee sittings attended by them
barring consultative committee sessions for which no payments were made.
Then came the plethora of requests to bring the
legislators salaries on par with the judiciary. As the request gathered
momentum, in 1988, President R. Premadasa appointed a Cabinet Sub Committee to
look into the MPs' salaries and allowances.
This exercise led to another revision in 1989
raising it to Rs.10,000. A distinction was made then, to pay Rs.12,500 for
district, project and deputy ministers and Rs.12,500 to cabinet ministers. The
Speaker's salary was made Rs.13,500 and the Prime Minister's Rs.15,000.
During political turmoil in the same year, the
then Minister of Trade and Shipping, A. R. Mansoor recommended that
parliamentarians be allowed to purchase new jeeps and to apply this to all 225
parliamentarians. It was further noted that unlike before, MPs were not elected
on the basis of constituencies and represented an entire district entailing
extensive travel. It also gave priority to first time legislators.
Vehicles for MPs
Thus, MPs were able to pay Rs. 8,000 monthly for
a vehicle and at the end of five years, were entitled to own the vehicles after
settling balance payment. They were allowed to purchase certain necessities like
spare parts at a concessionary rate.
Further, their fuel allowance was increased from
Rs.1,500 to Rs.2,500.
The second time elected members became eligible
to purchase a new vehicle on a 25% duty free permit under the financial ceiling
of US$ 25,000.
Naturally, the Rs.450 monthly allowance paid to
drivers was increased to Rs.1,500 and an entertainment allowance of Rs.250 to
MPs was added.
At the tail end of the UNP regime in 1993 came
another revision. An MP's salary shot up to Rs.13,250. In addition, a monthly
entertainment allowance of Rs.250, driver's allowance of Rs.1,500 and a fuel
allowance of Rs.2,500 were added, bringing the total package to Rs.17,500. The
parliament sitting allowance was increased to Rs.200 and payments for attending
other parliamentary committees also reached Rs.200 per sitting.
Other facilities such as telephones and mobile
telephone services also got added on at this point including security staff.
A 1999 revision raised the basic salary of a
legislator to Rs.22,100 - almost a Rs.10,000 hike which excluded other
allowances. Further perks were also added on.
100% salary hike
On November 23, 2006, parliamentarians indulged
in yet another act of self-service by collectively passing a resolution that
granted them a 100% salary hike sans division or debate. The ordinary
parliamentarians now receive Rs.54,285 as salary.
As the increases were effective from January 1,
2007, each parliamentarian also received a minimum of Rs.192,500 as salary
arrears despite half the salary anomalies being paid with effect from January 1,
2006. The total amount paid to all 225 legislators irrespective of rank as
arrears hence amount to Rs.43, 312,500.
To justify this action, some stupendous
arguments were brought. One such was that the US Congress too remunerated its
members extremely well. Two factors were conveniently overlooked - that the US
is developed and could afford the expenditure. More importantly, that each US
Secretary represented a segment of the American people much larger that the
entire Sri Lankan population.
It is important to add that despite the much
talk about a self imposed salary cut by the ministers as a sign of austerity,
this pledge has still not moved beyond rhetoric. (See Box) While voters may be
at a quandary as to why they should maintain a stupendous cabinet and an
expensive legislature that yields little in terms of results and public
benefits, it is pertinent to add that besides the salaries of legislators, the
other thing that keeps increasing is the unbearable cost of living.
So, many might conclude that Bandaranaike's
words of innate wisdom should have been heeded, given the parliamentary fiasco
Sri Lanka is treated to ever so often, inclusive of fisticuffs and displays of
vulgar abuse.
And one thing is clear. While the people are
burdened with an ever increasing cost of living the government has made sure it
will use the spoon that is in its hand to serve generously to their exclusive
'club members' so that none would want to face the prospect of losing out by
unnecessarily facing an election.
Lastly this begs the question, of what use are
these privileged 'people's representatives' to the ordinary people who have to
ultimately pick up the bill.
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Gastronomic delights cost
one third of daily cost
The approximate value of the food wasted on
a sitting day of parliament exceeds Rs.200,000 with most of the wastage
occurring at the Members' Dining, according to food audits.
While parliament's daily food bill exceeds
Rs.500,000, the gastronomic delights of members alone seem to devour one
third of the daily running cost which is a mammoth Rs.1.5 million.
According to sources, food is prepared
according to separate menus for the different dining areas in parliament
with a choice being available to the legislators at two dining halls - the
Members' and the Members' Guest Dining.
Catering Department sources told The Sunday
Leader that some 80 varieties of food are prepared on a sitting day
exclusively for the consumption of parliamentarians. While lunch is a
sumptuous affair, breakfast remains a less popular meal.
These heavily subsidised meals - a tradition
borrowed from the Mother of Parliaments, has been drawing much criticism of
late, leading to the a suggestion by legislators that instead of a subsidy
there should be a handsome meal allowance!
Members' meals
The MPs' breakfast at either dining hall is
offered at Rs.6.00 when its actual cost is estimated to be Rs. 150-200,
depending on food selection.
A heavy spread is laid out for the buffet
lunch at Rs.15.00. Besides the sumptuous spread, special dishes are prepared
on request to suit individual palates. Following a request by legislators, a
Chinese wok was introduced a year ago with a complete "hot food counter" to
instantly prepare food.
There is also the a la carte menu to select
from.
With the increase in the number of dishes
and particularly a new trend among members in ordering items that are on the
more expensive side, the value of the meal, estimated to be Rs.230 excluding
gas and labour cost has now shot up to Rs.400 adding to the running cost and
making the subsidy on food to increase.
Catering sources explained that the gross
subsidy therefore is in the range of Rs.385 per meal while the actual
subsidy is expected to be around Rs.400.
Explaining the increase in food preparation
cost, senior catering sources said that with the new additions such as
gherkins and baby corn, meals are costing more.
Guest dining
At the Guest Dining, the prices are somewhat
higher for the guests while the members themselves pay the usual Rs.15 for
the five star quality meal. There, the regular rice and curry meal costs
Rs.110, the fish course Rs.125, the chicken course Rs.113 and beef steak,
Rs.95. Here too, special orders are undertaken.
Rs.12.50 is deducted from the member's daily
attendance allowance of Rs.500 for each meal consumed.
In addition to the parliamentarians,
officials, media personnel, parliament executives and staff also have the
facility of the subsidised meal, though there is a huge difference between
the MPs' menu and that of others.
Catering staff confirm that the food bill
has shot up by an additional Rs.50,000 during the past year. In addition to
the increasing basic prices of foods, they claim that MPs also manipulate
the system and sometimes misquote the number of diners they bring in
-invariably causing financial loss.
Parliament is also required to deal with
over 200 additional people during a sitting day, which shoots up to about
400-500 during the budget season.
According to a food audit carried out in
2003-2004, the gigantic annual loss suffered by the Parliament Catering
Department is a colossal Rs.80 million with only about 3% of what is spent
being recovered.
Faults legislature
According to a Value For Money (VFM) study
conducted by a special training unit and the parliament audit branch for the
period 2003 to 2004, the present appropriation accounting system does not
reflect the correct picture with certain expenditure relating to previous
years having being settled in subsequent years, in stark violation of
procedures.
The VFM study has also faulted the
legislature for its failure to maintain corporate finance information
including cost data.
The report further faulted both Housekeeping
and Catering Departments for carrying out other activities without proper
management and monitoring control, particularly the catering.
Further, the study critiqued the catering
for weak meal pricing policy, poor accounting framework and management
decisions per meal.
Vehicle bonanza
Here's where legislators are perhaps the
weakest - duty free vehicles.
Cabinet this March approved the provision of
duty free vehicle permits to all 225 legislators subject to a ceiling of US$
23, 000.
Priority was given to those who have not
obtained a government vehicle permit so far.
While the value of the permit remains US$
23,000, over 20 parliamentarians have requested for vehicles which are very
much higher, according to inside sources.
The vehicle bonanza was announced in March
and was pending before the Treasury till June. The funds were released
shortly, causing an ugly scramble for vehicles.
According to sources from the Parliamentary
Affairs Ministry, priority in importing vehicles was given to first time
legislators and ministers. "Some ministers are using battered vehicles," an
official explained.
The ministers also qualify to place orders
for a ministry fleet under the same scheme which are generally jeeps and
double cabs.
Meanwhile, most MPs who have obtained
vehicles previously have informed the Parliamentary Affairs Ministry that
their old vehicles are no longer roadworthy and following the tsunami, need
to be replaced.
The many extras
A key decision granting further favours to
MPs was to grant a pension after five years of service - the end of a single
term.
According to the Parliamentary Pensions
Scheme (PPS), a legislator becomes entitled to a pension without any
financial contribution - an exclusive privilege not applicable to any other
employee category.
A member who has served a single term is
entitled to one third of the salary as pension whereas one who has served
over 15 years qualifies to receive two thirds of the last salary as pension.
In addition, they are also entitled to all the salary increases affected in
the public service since 1993.
Besides a multitude of other facilities such
as subsidised meals, free medical and postal facilities, tyres and tubes,
two telephones and a cellular phone, and office equipment at concessionary
rates are made available to them.
There is a special hostel complex at
Madiwela maintained exclusively for the use of ordinary legislators. The 120
houses were constructed acceding to repeated requests by rural MPs for
housing facilities in Colombo.
'Senpathi Nivasa,' a nine bed roomed holiday
home in Nuwara Eliya is also maintained by the state for the exclusive use
of members and their families at a nominal fee.
Most importantly, the MPs salaries come tax
free, just as their vehicles do.
The unkindest cut
The disparity in salary structures is best
displayed when a plantation worker's salary is contrasted with that of a
minister.
Even if the proposed self-imposed salary cut
is implemented, it is applicable only to the basic salary and not to the
entire earnings. This means, when 50% is deducted, the salary would stand at
Rs.32,500 for a cabinet minister and Rs. 31,750 for a deputy minister.
And untouched remain the diesel allowance of
Rs.75,000, the allowance for two office telephones amounting to Rs.20,000,
Rs. 10,000 for the residential phone and the mobile phone allowance of
Rs.40,000. Then the magic payment of Rs.100,000 remains. Then add on Rs.500
x 8 - the parliamentary sitting allowance amounting to Rs.4,000, and all
totalling to a cool Rs.281,500 even if a 50% cut is taken. So far there has
been no circular to that effect.
In contrast, the lowest wage earners in this
country, the plantation workers draw a basic salary of Rs.2550. They have an
additional allowance of Rs.1.60, an incentive of Rs.300, another allowance
which is Rs.3.85 totalling to Rs.2,855.45.
Their EPF contribution is Rs. 255 and Rs.15
is deducted for trade union membership making the take home salary a paltry
Rs. 2585.45. |
Do they have a conscience?
By
Dilrukshi Handunnetti
It is a splurge that has a cascading effect.
While President Mahinda Rajapakse and some of his chosen few go on spending
binges during overseas travel, the Head of State has certainly been generous
towards the legislators and his immense cabinet by remunerating them well.
Having pledged in his Mahinda Chinthana to curb
extravagance and calling for austere measures to rebuild this nation, not only
did Rajapakse proceed to appoint the world's largest cabinet in March this year
but moved to grant a 100% salary increase for legislators.
The first move to revise salaries was made in
December 2005, and half the arrears calculated upon the salaries drawn at that
time were paid to all legislators according to the rank held. This was
implemented in January 2006, just two months into the Rajapakse presidency.
Mammoth revision
Then came the mammoth revision through a special
resolution carried on November 23, 2006 when the House unanimously granted
themselves a handsome increase, the biggest ever.
The Prime Minister's salary was revised from
Rs.34,000 to Rs. 71,500. The Speaker's salary also shot up from Rs.31,800 to
Rs.68, 500 while all cabinet and non-cabinet ministers together with the leader
of the opposition also had their monthly salaries raised from Rs.29,815 to
Rs.65,000. An ordinary MP's salary was increased from Rs.22,100 to Rs.54,285, no
doubt to meet the rising cost of living.
All were paid salary arrears of a minimum
Rs.192,500 amounting to a total of Rs.43,312,500, making this privileged
community happier.
Anyone would think that the resplendent island
of Sri Lanka would be cash strapped given the escalation in hostilities which in
turn has resulted in the spiralling cost of living. Proving such theories wrong,
while the rest of the population are called upon to tighten their belts and pay
increasing taxes and purchase goods at prices that skyrocket each month, the
elected appear to be having a field day, the pain and pressure of the spiralling
cost of living hardly applicable.
The proof of supporting lavish living by a few
was provided by none other than the Leader of the House, Nimal Siripala de Silva
when answering an oral question raised by UNP legislator Ravi Karunanayake in
parliament on September 21.
According to the reply provided, all ministers
are paid an allowance inclusive of water and electricity bills subject to a
minimum of Rs.100,000.
Single exception
It is important to note that there is a
distinction between cabinet and non-cabinet ministers in word only barring a
single exception in duty. The non-cabinet rankers do not attend cabinet meetings
but qualify for all the perks and privileges enjoyed by cabinet rankers.
De Silva informed the House that both ministers
and deputies have two official vehicles each and one back up. What was not
explained to the House was that some have more, and some powerful siblings and
family members have much more than ministers do.
Next, it was disclosed that cabinet and
non-cabinet rankers from the Western Province receive a fuel allowance of
Rs.50,000 for two petrol vehicles and Rs.20,000 for two diesel vehicles. Those
outside the province qualified for Rs. 75,000 for two petrol and Rs. 30,000 for
two diesel vehicles.
A minister, it was said, was entitled to two
official telephones, a residential phone, a cellular phone and a fax machine.
The Rs.70,000 telephone allowance includes Rs. 20,000 for two official phones,
Rs.10,000 for one residential phone, Rs.40,000 for the mobile device. No payment
is made towards the maintenance of the fax line. The same allowance is paid to
non-cabinet ministers as well.
According to de Silva's reply, cabinet and
non-cabinet ministers are entitled to 15 staff members. This includes a private
secretary, two co-ordinating secretaries, a media secretary, a public relations
officer, five personal assistants, five-management assistants, a single karyala
karya sahayaka and a driver. Motor vehicles are provided to the first four
categories of staff.
Likewise a deputy within the Western Province
receives Rs. 40,000 for two petrol and Rs.20,000 for two diesel vehicles. Those
living outside the province receive Rs. 65,000 for two petrol and Rs.30,000 for
two diesel vehicles.
A deputy minister, according to the government
provided information receives a Rs.15,000 telephone allowance including
Rs.10,000 for two official phones, Rs.5,000 for the residential phone and
Rs.2,000 for a cellular connection.
A deputy has a maximum staff of 10 including a
private secretary, co-ordinating secretary, media secretary and a public
relations officer. They are also provided with motor vehicles. In addition, a
deputy minister is entitled to two personal and management assistants, two
drivers and two karyala karya sahayakas.
The official response apart, the ministers
during post reshuffle this year were lamenting that they could not make ends
meet and came up with a proposal which The Sunday Leader exclusively reported,
proposing the cancellation of co-ordinating secretaries to ministers posts and
to add their salaries on to the ministers!
The draft circular seeking to abolish the posts
eventually did not go through. If it did, ministers would have added Rs.46,000,
the salaries of two co-ordinating secretaries to their own kitty. A co-ordinating
secretary is entitled to a salary of Rs. 23,000 and a vehicle.
But the facilitation of a top-heavy government
perhaps is the only thing that gets done these days.
Rent allowance
Despite the difficulties, all ministers sans
Colombo houses were provided with residences or paid a handsome Rs.100,000 as
house rent by the state.
According to Assistant Secretary, Housing and
Pensions, Ministry of Public Administration and Home Affairs, Kaushalya
Jayasinghe, providing houses to the ministers, non-cabinet ministers, deputy
ministers and high officials in the government had been a problem for the past
few years. This is especially so given the fact that practically every member
who sits in the government benches is a minister or a deputy.
"The Public Administration and Home Affairs
Ministry was in charge of providing official residences for the parliamentarians
and senior public servants. We are inundated with requests to provide
parliamentarians with Colombo residences. It is their legitimate right to have a
house in Colombo as long as they have no residential facilities in Colombo. But
the state has difficulties in meeting the demand. There are just a few bungalows
as well as government flats. The housing facilities have to increase to meet the
demand for houses which is on a permanent high," he added.
He explained that as a response to the ever
increasing number of requests, former minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama issued a
circular to all the ministry secretaries to provide the necessary houses to
their respective ministers, deputies and officers thereby reducing the burden on
one single ministry to meet the demand, explained Jayasinghe.
According to the ministry, so far 28 bungalows
have been provided to some ministers and deputy ministers down Keppetipola
Mawatha, Stanmore Crescent, Baudhaloka Mawatha and Wijerama Mawatha. Besides
those, some 104 houses from the Summit Flats in Colombo 5 have also been
allocated for parliamentarians.
According to Ministry sources, fresh requests
for houses have not been received since the government commenced paying Rs.
100,000 as new rent allowance.
Luxury vehicles
The Sunday Leader investigations also led to the
discovery that a fresh policy guideline circular governing the allocation of
vehicles has been prepared by Director General, Budget, Sudharma Karunaratne
under the instructions of Treasury Secretary, Dr. P. B. Jayasundera.
As the scramble increases, Treasury sources
claimed to have ordered some 40 super luxury vehicles including 15 bulletproof
BMW cars during the past two months. Each bullet proof car will cost the state a
tidy sum of Rs.80 million. This means, some Rs.840 million is to be spent purely
on the purchase of bulletproof vehicles for a handful of ministers.
"That's the current requirement. But we may
review this position," a top official said. "It may become necessary to review
if we are informed that more ministers require such vehicles. Their individual
security threats would be taken into account by the government when requesting
the Treasury to approve vehicle orders," he explained.
What is pertinent to note here is that with
regard to this exercise, the Treasury has been reduced merely to the role of
approving authority and hence required to make the financial allocations only.
The actual procurement of vehicles is to be done by the Presidential Secretariat
in a sheer departure from established practice.
It was not too long ago that parliamentarians
were granted the opportunity to secure fresh duty free vehicles, some under the
Indian line of credit.
At that time, luxury vehicles for some 71 MPs
were ordered costing the state Rs.300 million by way of import duty. The duty
free prices the MPs have to pay on installment basis for these vehicles vary
from Rs.6 million to Rs.2 million.
What's more, during the previous scramble for
vehicles, JVP legislators who often adopted the holier than thou attitude about
enjoying the perks at their disposal and even one JHU monk, who according to
Buddhist teaching had taken a vow of austere living, purchased the duty free
contraptions on offer.
As stated by the Treasury official, the number
of vehicles allocated could be increased on the recommendation of the Defence
Ministry. "We only cater to the demand. This time around, even procurement is
done by the Presidential Secretariat. So the decision is entirely with them,"
the official added.
Another perk
Besides the well-known perks is one that is
hardly mentioned. In addition to all these luxuries, members holding portfolios
qualify for an allowance for official foreign trips undertaken amounting to
Rs.25,000 per trip (US$250) - an entitlement denied to ordinary legislators. The
one who heads the delegation receives double, and that also makes ministers
rather competitive to qualify for the additional money, adds a parliamentary
source.
No wonder then the public is burdened with
increasing taxes to keep the privileged class in bread and water, or is it milk
and honey?
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Presidential travels
It seems that Percy Mahendra Rajapakse loves
to travel, and travel in luxury, with a plane load.
The latest trip that got added on to his
costly travel statement is his tour of New York to attend the United Nations
General Assembly (UNGA) last week.
He selected the most expensive Ritz Carlton
no less, and had eight members in his delegation staying there, putting many
a developed country to shame.
A suite at the Ritz Carlton in New York
costs US$ 2500 (Rs. 280,000) per night and none can fault the presidential
selection given his record of being lavish with public money.
His other tours have not come any cheap
either.
Cost of over US$ 4mn
Rajapakse together with his delegations have
spent US$ 4,030,800 (Rs. 455,500,000) on 12 official tours since assuming
office in November 2005 according to a basic cost analysis conducted by the
JVP.
It has now transpired that the President and
his delegations have spent over US$ 4 million on their combined travel since
coming to office. These calculations exclude both airfare and charter costs.
While there is no dispute that a head of
state is justified in undertaking overseas travel, what has inspired the JVP
to gather information is the strength of his many delegations which have
been large by any standard.
The analysis also follows the JVP's call to
curb government expenditure at a time when the cost of living is spiralling
coupled with increasing defence expenditure.
Accordingly, the Indian tour in December
2005, the very first undertaken by the President following his election,
cost the country some US$ 288,000. The President's first tour that lasted
just five days overseas also came with a 48-member delegation.
President Mahinda Rajapakse next undertook a
three-day tour of Pakistan in April 2006. The cost however was equal to the
expenditure incurred during the Indian tour, US$ 288,000. The delegation
comprised 80 members.
For a two-day tour of the United Kingdom
undertaken in April 2006, the fully loaded cost was US$ 12,000 for a
five-member delegation.
Next came the two-day Cuban tour in
September 2006. This tour cost the state US$ 48,000. The delegation strength
was 20, according to records.
Worldwide visits
According to the basic cost analysis, an
eight-member delegation accompanying President Rajapakse undertook a
five-day tour of the US next. The entire tour cost for the nine delegates
including the Head of State amounted to US$ 40,000.
The President undertook his second visit to
the United Kingdom during the same year. The three-day tour of the UK
undertaken in September 2006 cost the state coffers a handsome US$ 79,000,
the estimates add. The President was accompanied by a 22-member delegation
on this occasion.
The calculations next covered the fully
loaded cost of seven tours undertaken up to June 2007 as well.
A three-day tour of the Maldives was
undertaken by President Rajapakse in February complete with a 12- member
delegation. The cost of the tour amounted to US$ 43,200.
Next tour, dubbed one of the most expensive
tours undertaken by a head of state with a mammoth delegation to match, was
made to China.
The JVP records that the biggest
presidential delegation went to China in February this year and the
delegation strength was a massive 275. The corresponding cost was equally
mammoth, a thumping US$ 2,310,000 according to estimates.
It is noteworthy that this tour included the
President, his wife, 60 others including officials, media and security
personnel. The business delegation, some of them of little or no repute
totalled 56. The navy cultural troupe of 17, Tourist Board dance troupe of
17 and three Board officials also went to China. The delegation was of
course incomplete without a 12-member Buddhist delegation, three
representatives from the Pinnawala Elephant Orphanage and six chefs!
Nothing to show
Little surprise that the Chinese tour came
under a lot of flak, given the massive delegation the President took along
with him with little to show in terms of benefits derived.
Then came the regional meet, the SAARC
Summit in New Delhi this April.
The President visited the Indian capital,
and while his own tour segment was curtailed to two days due to security
reasons, the entire tour duration was five days. The strength of his
delegation was 36. The SAARC visit, according to estimates cost the state
US$ 216,000.
President Rajapakse also toured Italy in
Aapril with an 18-member delegation during which he also had an audience
with His Holiness the Pope. The four-day tour cost US$ 86,400.
The President also flew to Barbados during
the Cricket World Cup finals. For this four-day tour of pleasure and
leisure, a 15-member delegation joined him bringing the cost to a staggering
US$ 72,000.
In May, Rajapakse undertook a four-day tour
of Jordan. Thirty others accompanied him. The documented cost of this tour
is a mind boggling US$ 108,000.
The total cost of the 12 official visits is
over US$ 4 million accordingly, and the pertinent issue here is not that the
President is undertaking official visits, but that his combined delegations
so far have already exceeded 640.
Just last week, Rajapakse visited New York
with an entourage of 88 and stayed at the Ritz Carlton where a suite is US
$2,500 a night. Besides his delegation, there was the first lady's
delegation and that of the notoriously extravagant foreign minister's - the
latter proving rather expensive to the state every time he takes wing for
'official purposes.' |
Ministers
battle for glory over misery of IDPs
|
Baiz is seen brandishing a
gun (circled) |
By Sonali
Samarasinghe
Even as the country faces one of its worst
economic and political crises and the number of refugees in the island reach the
300,000 mark, last Sunday two government ministers got into fisticuffs over who
would take the credit for a World Bank housing project.
While Mahinda Rajapakse was embroiled in
political turmoil with his house in disarray, more confusion ensued as two of
his ministers fought over 1800 homes constructed under a World Bank Project and
which each felt should be distributed under their names to their supporters.
A hungry man is an angry man they say and
believe it or not, Government Ministers K. Abdul Baiz and Abdul Rishard
Bathiudeen were men enraged during this holy month of fasting.
Trading charges
Trading criminal charges against each other
Bathiudeen alleged that Baiz burnt his effigy and threatened his supporters
showing a pistol while Baiz alleges Bathiudeen is an uppity Minister who showed
his strength by bringing in the STF, army and police. Baiz who was caught on
camera brandishing a gun told The Sunday Leader he did so not for any sinister
purpose but to give moral support to his young supporters who had been terrified
on seeing Bathiudeen unleash some underworld characters on to the scene.
Bathiudeen meanwhile maintained the fault lay with Baiz and told The Sunday
Leader that one of his security personnel had made a complaint to the police.
The scenes were also a reflection of the culture
of impunity that now prevailed in this country with President Rajapakse's
ministers able to do anything and get away with it. Certainly that Baiz stated
he took out the gun only in order to give moral courage to his supporters is a
statement that embraces everything that is wrong with this country and its
political fabric. What example are these leaders in political society showing
their followers?
Be that as it may last Sunday (23) in scenes
reminiscent of a badly directed Western movie, Puttalam District MP K. Abdul
Baiz and Mannar District MP Rishard Bathiudeen fought over territory and tried
to run each other out of town even as the police, STF ministerial security and
the army were forced to get involved.
Native of Puttalam
Deputy Minister for Provincial Councils and Sri
Lanka Muslim Congress National Organiser K. Abdul Baiz is a native of Puttalam
and a man who would want to be perceived as servicing his constituency. Given
the nature of the political bed he lies on, an election may ensue any minute.
Cabinet Minister for Resettlement and Disaster
Relief and All Ceylon Muslim Congress Member Rishard Bathiudeen, a defector from
the Muslim Congress whose constituency is in the Wanni District is however a man
who has set his sights on a larger political bounty.
One of four members of the SLMC who crossed over
to the People's Alliance in 2005 calling themselves the All Ceylon Muslim
Congress (ACMC) Bathiudeen may sometimes be heard boasting that he helped form
and sustain the government by his timely pole vault thus giving him a bit of an
edge.
Last Sunday (23) all hell broke loose as the
ministers fought like the Mafioso in an ugly scene now made familiar in
parliament on a regular basis.
A meeting was held at the GA's circuit bungalow
in Puttalam to look into the progress of the WB project and presided by its
Project Director M.S.Yaseen. When discussions began on how to benefit the
natives of the Puttalam District an argument had begun.
Hartal
Not 24 hours later Baiz of the SLMC who is a man
from the area was to organise a hartal against Bathiudeen from the ACMC. The
elders of the mosque had also issued a news item to the public stating that
there had been some intimidation of Baiz and another provincial council member
Yehiya by Bathiudeen.
However later supporters of Bathiudeen claim,
the leaders of the All Ceylon Jamiyathul Ulama and Majlisul Sura Puttalam, 'upon
learning the truth' released another statement revising their position in favour
of Bathiudeen and broadcasting same over a loudspeaker.
Meanwhile in a number of tit for tat shows of
strength a picketing campaign was conducted by the supporters of Bathiudeen
opposite the Kalmunai mosque condemning the actions of Baiz.
Much earlier, negotiations on the World Bank
project for the construction of 7800 homes for IDPs in the Puttalam District had
commenced during the brief UNP government and the project had now come into
fruition.
On political lines
Bathiudeen told The Sunday Leader that as
Minister for Disaster Relief he had travelled to Puttalam regarding this
project. Due to various political considerations out of the 7800 houses he had
allocated 1800 to be given to the deserving poor who did not necessarily fall
under the IDP category and it was to implement this plan that he had called upon
all political parties represented in the district in order to distribute these
1800 homes amongst them on political lines.
According to Bathiudeen, at that time Baiz who
was present at the meeting which had taken place at the hall of the GA circuit
bungalow had raised objection to the method of distribution. Baiz had allegedly
wanted the houses for himself to distribute amongst his supporters and likewise
reap the political benefits of a grateful constituency.
Effigy
That there had been a protest organised by Baiz
and his supporters and that an effigy of Bathiudeen had been burnt and that Baiz
had in fact brandished a weapon is proven by photographs and was admitted to by
Baiz to this newspaper.
Bathiudeen alleges Baiz had even threatened the
police with transfer if they took action. Baiz calls it a total fabrication
while Puttalam police seemed unaware of this even though neither the OIC nor the
ASP were immediately available for comment.
What will remain in doubt are the circumstances
that led to the fisticuffs and the scenes that have not been caught on camera
either by design or otherwise. What is beyond doubt is that President Rajapakse
has on his hands a gaggle of politicians including himself whose personnel
political survival and petty agendas have far overtaken the needs of the people
of this country and the greater good.
Thinakaran for Bathiudeen
Meanwhile on Friday the Thinakaran government
newspaper carried a news item which congratulated Bathiudeen for this World Bank
project and which quoted members of the provincial council as stating that they
will not give permission for any hartals.
Baiz is livid. 'How can this project be his,' he
fumes. 'This is a World Bank project.' Ironically the two government ministers
are fighting over a project which was fathered by the UNP government.
Meanwhile North Western Provincial Council
member and politburo member of the SLMC, S.H.M.Niyaz has called for appropriate
action against fellow SLMC Member Baiz while issuing a joint communiqu‚ with
Puttalam Urban Council Chairman A.O. Alikhan and UC member (SLMC) S.R.M.Muhuzi
against Baiz and in support of Bathiudeen.
Cross over
Baiz dismisses Niyas's support of Bathiudeen
with disgust. Baiz alleges that Bathiudeen has already been playing politics and
has pulled Niyas from the SLMC to his own party. This is the reason he will do
as Bathiudeen tells him to, says Baiz.
According to the communiqu‚ a meeting had been
conducted in Puttalam to look into the progress of the WB project presided over
by the project director M.S.Yaseen. It was discussed to explain the benefits of
this housing project to the natives of Puttalam as well.
The communiqu‚ alleges that S.A.Yehiya, a
provincial council member who was also attending this meeting had behaved badly
and when told by Bathiudeen to keep him under control, Baiz had become
boisterous.
The communiqu‚ alleges that Yehiya and Bais have
"fabricated a story for their personal political gains thereby putting the
people of Puttalam into difficulty and embarrassment."
The communiqu‚ also states that Bathiudeen had
held a meeting on September 24 at the post office roundabout area in Puttalam
where it was stated the motive behind the actions of Bais and Yehiya could have
been to disrupt the peace prevailing among the IDPs and to create division among
them.
Nevertheless Niyaz in a separate statement has
called on SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem to take disciplinary action against Baiz and
to remove him from the post of National Organiser and expel him from the party.
Meanwhile Y.L.S.Hameed the General Secretary of the ACMC in a letter has raised
several questions where he has also asked SLMC Chief Rauf Hakeem whether he
endorses the actions of K. Abdul Baiz.
|
Bathiudeen's story
Speaking to The Sunday Leader Rishard
Bathiudeen alleged K. Abdul Baiz had threatened him. He further said as
follows. Excerpts;
"As we were discussing the distribution of
the houses Baiz was not happy and argued about it. Then one of his
provincial council members - Yehiya - and another member, from the SLFP -
Navavi - started shouting and scolding me. I told Baiz, 'Baiz you know all
this, we have spoken about this in parliament also why can't you control
your men?' Then Baiz said, no he has something to say, let him say it. The
fight escalated and Baiz started scolding me calling me a destitute and even
remembering my mother.
Then Niyaz who is a member of his own party
advised him and asked why are you doing this? At which time he hit Niyaz.
Then the STF security personnel got involved and said not to fight.
Then Baiz went out and met the three wheel
drivers and threatened them saying if they don't come with him to protest he
won't let them run on the street as Puttalam was his town. He then went to
the mosque with these people and then said that Bathiudeen is a destitute
and he has no power as this is my town and ordered everybody to close their
shops and declare a hartal in protest of Bathiudeen.
The police were watching. He threatened to
have them transferred if they took action and said that I was a ponnaya. He
also said I had tried to send the army to control him in his own town and
that I was an estate ponnaya and he was not afraid.
Bathiudeen also alleged that Baiz had
threatened to shoot his effigy and then burn it.
Baiz's story
Baiz speaking to The Sunday Leader calls
Bathiudeen's story a total fabrication and denies he threatened the police.
The people of Mannar and Puttalam have had
various problems for over 18 years and we need to discuss and solve their
various issues sans political considerations. The meeting on this day was
one such occasion. So the Provincial Council member was explaining this and
then Bathiudeen got angry and told Yehiya to shut his mouth. Bathiudeen then
said no one else is the chandiya here only me.
Then Yehiya said listen because the people
of Puttalam didn't have an MP for about 17 years now when outsiders come
they may have grabbed the resources of the Puttalam people. At this time
when he said listen to me, Bathiudeen told Yehiya to get out and chased him
out.
Then I told Bathiudeen don't talk like this
let us talk peacefully, then he scolded me also in the same manner and that
is how this problem started.
Once it started then there was a commotion
there. Then Niyaz who is a member of the SLMC was present but Niyaz has been
pulled by Bathiudeen to his party. With the help of two other UC members and
his ministerial power and by putting money Bathiudeen functions.
I told Bathiudeen 'we are natives of
Puttalam, we are representatives of the people here, you have no right to
tell us to get out.' He is an outsider.
Then we came out and there was a problem
created with his STF security personnel. The STF shouldn't have got involved
when two ministers are arguing, they must not interfere, they must wait
looking after their minister. In fact my security looked the other way and
didn't get involved. His STF security interfered.
These incidents happened in Puttalam town
where I was born where my house is and I am their representative. Then the
people surrounded me and inquired about the incident and then and there sat
down and started picketing. Then the Grand Mosque summoned us and we went.
Also present was a Chief Trustee of the mosque Muzammil Hadjiar and the
mosque was crowded. I told my story and the Chief Trustee certified that
what I said was the truth.
Then the people in the mosque called for a
hartal and the mosque issued a notice about the hartal. Then Bathiudeen sent
his people and threatened them and Bathiudeen made those two persons who
participated from the religious body and the mosque withdraw from the
action. But since the hartal was already called it was implemented the next
day.
Then Bathiudeen Muhuzi, Niyaz and Ali Khan
sent police and army to tell people to open the shops. But nobody opened.
Then police tried to get them to open but
didn't. The people were continuing the hartal and we were holding a
meeting on one side when Bathiudeen and the others together with police and
army protection and a loudspeaker stuck to a three-wheeler went around
scolding us. This was on Monday.
The reason things got bad was because
Bathiudeen who is not a representative of Puttalam came to the very place
where the people were protesting against him.
He has an underworld gang. My people told
me the gang was carrying weapons and circling the place.
I had an official weapon, So, I pulled that
out and said don't worry don't get scared. I did not threaten anyone. Ask
anybody who was there. |
Meet
'First Brother' Basil
|
Circled in red: A satellite
photograph of Basil’s house,
with attached swimming pool, at 15067 Preston Drive,
Fontana, California 92336-5524: (inset) Basil Rajapakse
and Nirupama Rajapakse |
Contested Mulakirigala from
SLFP in 1977 and lost
Campaigned for J.R.
against SLFP
in 1982 Referendum
Worked for UNP againts SLFP
during
Mulkirigala by-election
Got job from Gamini
Dissanayake with
Mahaweli contractor
Left for US soon after
Premadasa
impeachment collapsed
Owns a US$ 200k house near
Los Angeles
By Gamini
Ruan
Basil Rajapakse is undoubtedly President Mahinda
Rajapakse's ace in the hole during times of political turmoil.
Whether it was engineering the defection of 18
UNP Members of Parliament, or placating the dozen or so parties in the
government's current parliamentary coalition, it is Basil who deserves to take
the bow. As a consequence of being his brother's indispensable sidekick, Basil
has earned the envy of several SLFP members who have watched him rise to the top
of their party's ranks in just under two years.
Now that Basil has been appointed to parliament
through the vacancy on the UPFA national list created by the untimely demise of
the late Irrigation Minister Anver Ismail, it is in the public interest to
review his history in politics, and the daunting question of whether the public
perception of the man being a wheeler dealer is in fact true.
As far back as 1972, Basil was the head of the
SLFP's Youth Wing during the tenure of Srimavo Bandaranaike's government. Basil
contested the 1977 Parliamentary Election on the SLFP Mulkirigala ticket and was
defeated in a historic poll swept by J.R. Jayewardene's UNP.
Joins 'old' SLFP (M)
The SLFP was plunged into turmoil, having
secured a mere eight seats in parliament, and when the UNP stripped Sirimavo
Bandaranaike of her civic rights in 1981, leading to a controversy over who
would fill the now vacant SLFP Attanagalla seat, a dispute erupted, leading to a
group of SLFP members leaving the party under the leadership of Maithripala
Senanayake.
Basil was part of this breakaway group, which
included Anura Bandaranaike and the likes of Stanley Tilekeratne and J.R.P.
Suriyapperuma. After serving as General Secretary in Maithripala Senanayake's
SLFP (M), Basil ultimately ended up campaigning with the UNP in support of the
1982 referendum, which was vehemently detested by both the SLFP and its voter
base.
After the referendum the UNP's parliamentary
supremacy was secured for a further six years. So Basil found his place within
the party ultimately taking UNP membership and famously claiming at a press
conference held immediately thereafter that the votes received by Hector
Kobbekaduwa in the 1982 presidential election were those received from die-hard
SLFP voters as no other political parties supported Kobbekaduwa's candidacy.
Basil's explanation for this at the time was
that a party (the SLFP) that 'only believed in restrictions and failed to
interact on economic issues with the rest of the world' could 'never rule a
nation' nor 'lead a country towards prosperity.' These were the words of
President Rajapakse's closest advisor, whose cabinet ministers today freely
'interact' with the rest of the world by branding UN diplomats as terrorists
when they hold views that differ with the government's own.
Bullying the SLFP
Basil Rajapakse further humiliated the SLFP at
that very same press conference on assuming UNP membership by stating that "the
SLFP was following a culture of rationing essentials like sugar and chillies"
with the excuse given being that both these items if taken in excess could prove
detrimental to the nation's health.
In the aftermath of his slim referendum victory,
President J.R. Jayewardene chose to hold parliamentary by-elections in the
electorates where he lost at both the presidential election as well as the
referendum, ostensibly to give the people of those areas the chance to elect an
opposition member to represent them. One of the electorates for which a
by-election was held was Mulkirigala in May 1983. The contestants for that seat
were Ananda Kularatne from the UNP and Basil's own niece, Nirupama Rajapakse
from the SLFP.
Since Basil speaks so fondly of the Rajapakse
family's dedication to serving the people of the south, one would expect that he
either endorsed his niece's candidacy or at the least avoided involvement in the
poll, but instead Basil declared his support for Kularatne, and campaigned
vehemently against his niece.
Ultimately Kularatne won the poll, but was
disqualified by a judge based on an election petition submitted by Nirupama
Rajapakse, which held that an agent of Ananda Kularatne, Basil Rohana Rajapakse,
committed the "corrupt practice of making a false statement relating to (Nirupama's)
personal character and conduct."
Uncle against niece
What Basil had said, on a platform at a meeting
in Middeniya, according to Supreme Court records, is that Nirupama "had shown no
love or gratitude to her late father George Rajapakse who earlier represented
this electorate and that she was a hypocrite and a fraud to ask the voters to
vote for her to show their gratitude to the late George Rajapakse."
Also according to court records, Basil "did not
dispute making the impugned statement" or the fact that he was working as an
agent of candidate Ananda Kularatne. Instead, Basil and Kularatne appealed to
the Supreme Court to dismiss the petition on the grounds that the petition did
not say specifically that Basil slandered Nirupama "for the purpose of affecting
her return" of votes at the by-election.
Ultimately, the Supreme Court sided with
Nirupama, forcing another by-election to be held, which Kularatne managed to
contest and win without the aid of Basil's vicious meddling. Unemployed and
uneducated, Basil was next given a job by UNP front-liner and Mahaweli Minister
Gamini Dissanayake, on a request made by Anura Bandaranaike.
Ditching Gamini
Gamini Dissanayake appointed Basil as the
Mahaweli Ministry's liaison officer for Japanese construction company Hazama
Toda, for the duration of the irrigation project. Basil continued to work for
Dissanayake in various capacities until after the failed impeachment motion
against President Premadasa in September, 1991. It was at that time, during
Dissanayake's darkest hour, when he faced the full brutal might of the Premadasa
administration that Basil abandoned Dissanayake, placing his house in Mirihana,
Nugegodaÿon rent and fleeing to the United States.
In the United States Basil is recorded to have
moved into a house on Preston Drive, in Fontana, California some time shortly
before June 1993. He was also resident at an apartment complex in the West
Covina neighbourhood of Los Angeles at various times between August, 1995 and
November, 2000. The budget complex is just 20 minutes drive away from the
residence of elder brother Gotabaya's house in San Dimas, Los Angeles County,
where Basil is recorded to have stayed at times between March, 1997 and November
1998.
Basil returned to Sri Lanka during the late
1990s when his brother Mahinda was Labour Minister, and an opportunity arose for
him to earn the pet name of "Mr. 10%," assigned to him by President Chandrika
Kumaratunga. When the Salt Corporation was privatised, the Employees Trust Fund
(ETF) bought 30% of the corporation's shares.
The 'salty' credit card
As the ETF came under the Labour Ministry, then
Labour Minister Mahinda Rajapakse was in a position to appoint his brother Basil
as a 'consultant' to the privatised Salt Corporation. Basil was issued a company
credit card by the corporation, which he took back to the United States with him
and used to freely live off the Salt Corporation. He ran up such astronomical
bills on this card that Mahinda Rajapakse had to go to great lengths to bury his
brother's scandal at the Ministry after he was informed that the UNP was going
to raise the issue in parliament.
Having returned to the US, Basil moved from
Gotabaya's house to another nearby property in Covina, Los Angeles, which he
used as his address between January 1998 and December 2003. This house, just 10
minutes away from Gotabaya's, is located at 222 West Dexter Street, Los Angeles,
California. It has been officially valued at US$ 795,600 and is owned by "Jose
Tam" and "T.R.S. Lily." It is not clear whether Basil paid rent for these
premises or was simply a guest in what appears to be somewhat of a mansion given
the valuation of the premises.
A Rs. 20 million house
Several publicly available records in the
possession of The Sunday Leader indicate that Basil is the owner of his first
home in California, at Preston Drive, Fontana, and that he was still the owner
of the house as recently as July 2007. The full address of Basil's home in
California is 15067 Preston Drive, Fontana, San Bernardino County, California
and its full US postal (Zip) code is 92336-5524.
No doubt, Basil has in his Assets Declaration
form submitted when assuming the post of Senior Presidential Advisor disclosed
as is required by law the properties and bank accounts he possesses outside Sri
Lanka. Likewise he would undoubtedly do so to parliament once again as required
by law now that he is a Member of Parliament.
What the public records in our possession do not
show is in what capacity Basil worked in the US or what his income was.
Several telephone numbers are listed for the
Rajapakses at his Preston Drive, Fontana address including (909) 966-7653, and
(909) 764-1124. A recent modest assessment valued the house, which is
registered in the name of "Rajapakse, Basil" at US$ 206,551.
Given the high profile role played by Basil in
the government with all indications being that he would seek to some day succeed
Mahinda, the opposition as well as detractors in his own party will put him
under the microscope. And given the stringent laws in the US, he will do well to
ensure his assets declaration tallies with the disclosures he has made to the
authorities in the US. For rest assured, the search is on.
|
Basil and Niece in the
Supreme Court
The following is an extract from 1984
Supreme Court records pertaining to Ananda Kularatne's appeal against
Nirupama Rajapakse's election petition, filed against the slanderous
comments made by her uncle Basil on stage against her in the run up to the
Mulkirigala by-election. The appeal was ultimately dismissed by the Supreme
Court, and another by-election had to be held.
KULARATNE AND ANOTHER v.
RAJAPAKSE
SUPREME COURT
SHARVANANDA,
J.
WANASUNDERA,
J AND ABDUL
CADER, J
S.C. No. 1/84
AND S.C. No. 2/84
ELECTION
PETITION No 8/83
SEPTEMBER 19,
20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 1984
Election petition
- Corrupt practice of false statement of
fact relating to personal character and conduct of petitioner -
Section 58 (1) (d) of Ceylon (Parliamentary
Elections) Order-in-Council -
Scope of appellate jurisdiction of Supreme
Court in appeal from determination of Election Judge -
Section 82 (A) (1) of Ceylon (Parliamentary
Elections) Order-in-Council
The petitioner an unsuccessful candidate at
the by-election for the Mulkirigala Electoral District held on 18th May 1983
filed this petition seeking to have the election of the 1st respondent at
the said election set aside on the ground that the 2nd respondent had as the
agent and/or with the knowledge and/or consent of the 1st respondent
committed the corrupt practice of making a false statement relating to her
personal character and conduct at a meeting at Middeniya to support the 1st
respondent's candidature.
The 2nd respondent had in his speech at the
said meeting made statements imputing that the petitioner had shown no love
or gratitude to her late father George Rajapakse who earlier represented
this electorate and that she was a hypocrite and a fraud to ask the voters
to vote for her to show their gratitude to the late George Rajapakse. The
2nd respondent did not dispute making the impugned statements nor did the
respondents challenge the fact of the agency of the 2nd respondent.
The respondents also pointed to a deficiency
in the pleadings. The petitioner had failed to aver that the false
statements were made for the purpose of affecting her return. It was also
argued that the statement related to the public or political character of
the petitioner since gratitude to her late father was an election issue. |
|
.....More Spotlight
Ministers battle for
glory over misery of IDPs
Meet
'First Brother' Basil
|
