Let The People Decide

Never in the political history of Sri Lanka has the trust the people have placed in their elected representatives been abused as it is today. The stark fact that over 40 per cent of the MPs elected on the UNP ticket are propping up a government which was entirely opposed to policies of the UNP, says it all.

Crossing over of members from the government to the opposition and vice-versa is a legitimate parliamentary practice but it should be based on good moral grounds and political principles, not political, legal or financial expediency. But the public knows fully well that many of these cross-overs took place under clouds of allegations of bribery, corruption, threats of exposure and political manoeuverings of the ruling party with added incentives of political office such as ministerial portfolios thrown in. Thus, it is clear  that the trust and confidence the people have placed on their representatives have been grossly betrayed and a mockery made of democracy in which governance should be guided by the will of the people.

On Wednesday, Wijedasa Rajapakse one of the most respected and outstanding professionals of the government, crossed-over and laid bare the political chicanery that has been going on for two years of the administration of President Mahinda Rajapakse.  Wijedasa Rajapakse, an outstanding lawyer, had defended the government through thick and thin but has finally called it a day and etched his name as a true hero of the people. There is always a sense of romanticism and courage when a member of the ruling party crosses over to an opposition and Wijedasa's departure on a matter of principle epitomised that notion.

Rajapakse was appointed head of the Parliamentary Committee to probe the workings of government institutions, Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE), the majority of which comprised government MPs and included even cabinet ministers. COPE produced two damning reports on the conduct of some of these public enterprises which also brought into question the conduct of some key government personalities. President Rajapakse could have used these two reports to clear the name of his government against allegations that had been made by taking action on these two reports. Instead the reports were completely ignored.

 Basil Rajapakse, a brother of the President, who was recently appointed member, had bulldozed his way into the sittings of COPE and despite objections made even by government members of the committee, continued his confrontational attitude that made Chairman Rajapakse walk out of one sitting.  Wijedasa Rajapakse is a man of standing and had not submitted to the overbearing and boorish cronyism of the Rajapakse family like apparently helpless government members are compelled to do, fearing the wrath of the all powerful President.

Seven demands were made by Rajapakse, if he was to vote for the budget, the second reading of which takes place tomorrow. They were: Expulsion of two cabinet ministers held responsible by COPE for questionable practices; Treasury Secretary P.B. Jayasundera and Chief of the Inland Revenue Department be removed from their posts; government to submit a report to Parliament on how funds allocated to the Finance Ministry will be spent; reduction in the number of cabinet ministers to 30; budgetary allocation to the President to be cut down to Rs. 5 billion; appointment of an active Minister of Justice to arrest the deteriorating situation of law and order.

To the discerning public these demands are self-explanatory. The appointment of two former UNP ministers who were severely criticised by the SLFP on financial matters as key cabinet ministers smacks of political tolerance of corruption for political advantage. Senior loyal SLFPers are entitled to ask why they were by-passed for these plum cabinet portfolios for UNPers when they did not have a people's mandate to hold office in Government. The enlargement of the cabinet to 105 ministers - the largest cabinet in the world - not only incurs an expenditure of Rs. 5 billion when the poor cannot afford to buy a packet of milk to feed their malnourished children but also makes Sri Lanka the laughing stock of the world. All this has only one objective: Political survival of President Mahinda Rajapakse. With a cabinet of 105 ministers, why a permanent Minister of Justice cannot be appointed can only be explained in terms of political skullduggery.

The demand for the removal of the Treasury Secretary P.B.Jayasundera is fully justified because he has assumed powers of a super secretary which even a minister does not wield. He has been able to disburse funds allocated to the Treasury which makes a mockery of parliamentary control of finance, a fundamental requirement of any parliamentary democracy. The Supreme Court in granting legitimacy to the Appropriation Bill enforced the condition that the Treasury Secretary specifically discloses any transfer of funds under the clauses in question in terms of the Fiscal Management Responsibility Act.

The Wijedasa Rajapakse cross-over was an implosion within the SLFP which would prick the conscience of those SLFP members who want a free democracy to flourish in Sri Lanka . This should also apply to those UNPers who crossed over to the government benches claiming that they did so in order to safeguard democracy. Many poya moons have waxed and waned since Karu Jayasuriya led his tribe across the well of the parliament to save democracy. But it is indeed laughable that they have made no attempt so far to achieve their objective other than saying 'ehei hamuduruwane' to the Medamulane clan.  On Monday when voting takes place there is till an opportunity for them to prove their commitment to democracy.

What of the fire-breathing JVP comrades who claim to be the Mura Devatavas  (Guardian Angels) of the Sri Lankan nation and its political morality? Since teaming up with Mahinda Rajapakse and helping him to win the elections by hook or by crook, they claim to have parted company. They did not join the government and for the past two years have been having pot shots at the Rajapakse administration. This may have been done because of their genuine commitment to clean government and high standards of political morality or to keep up with their macho revolutionary image and help keep the militant young cadres happy. In recent weeks their leaders have been vowing to vote against the budget. Indeed it would be extremely difficult for JVP leaders who claim to represent the poorest of the poor with inflation running at around 22 per cent and bound to increase further to support the budget. Their supporters are facing starvation and are likely to come on to the streets in sheer desperation.

Wimal Weerawansa the JVP master of verbal pyrotechnics has described the budget as 'a  well-dressed twilight lady.'  Whether this 'well-dressed twilight lady' would be able to provide even the comforts that those of their kind are reputed for is doubtful. But this is no time for rhetoric or to be sexist. The people are on empty stomachs and twilight ladies won't do. The people want to be freed from the terrible situation the Rajapakse government led them into. The question is whether the comrades will be true to their word and vote against this budget or vote for it or abstain from voting. Voting for it or abstaining would only prolong the agony indefinitely and for how long? Mahinda Rajapakse cannot say when it would all end and the government will only drift adding more burdens on the people.

The JVP's dilemma is to be or not to be with the government. If they make a clean break with the Rajapakse party, Mahinda Aiya may not have any alliance, come an election and this time they may be limited to their traditional five per cent vote. On the other hand as a young revolutionary party and considering the mess the Rajapakses have created, they could well replace the Rajapakse clan as the alternative government.

The excuse trotted out by the JVP as well as the JHU for going along with the government is that the government is waging war against the LTTE and winning it. Winning the battle of the east was done with the help of LTTE renegade Karuna. But now Karuna has been betrayed and sent into exile. There will be quite a difference between winning the battle and winning the war in the north. The JVP should realise that the LTTE terrorists are now knocking at their doors in Hambantota, home grounds of their founder and philosopher Rohana Wijeweera.

Leaving all that apart, today the parliamentary composition is the best example of the subversion of the democratic process. The UPFA Government was elected to office in April 2004 to fulfill a specific mandate and the JVP had 39 MPs in that Government of  106 MPs. Since then the JVP has left that Government and the regime is being propped up by members who were elected to parliament on the UNP and JHU tickets. The people did not give them a mandate to rule. Therefore allowing such a Government to continue in office is a subversion of the will of the people and that is where the JVP will stand exposed if they aid and abet that process.