"Parliament today is a huge distortion of the people’s mandate"

Convenor, SLFP (M) Group and former SLFP strongman Mangala Samaraweera predicts the defeat of the Rajapakse administration on December 14 when the third reading of the budget takes place. In a wide-ranging interview with The Sunday Leader, Samaraweera stated that even if the government survives the vote by some miracle, its days would still be numbered. The Matara District MP said there was a huge distortion in the composition of the entire parliament that can be remedied by holding a fresh election.

Samaraweera also condemned the attacks on media institutions that could not have been possible if not for the concurrence of the state machinery and claimed the war effort was being used by an inefficient government to cover up its political nudity. Excerpts:

A: During the second reading of the budget, I was personally convinced that the JVP was ready to oppose the budget. But many of our colleagues were not. The Rajapakse media Mafia carried out an effective campaign to convince opposition legislators that the JVP had pledged their support to the budget.

As a result, despite being extremely disgruntled with the course taken by this government, many government legislators did not wish to take a chance by voting against to discover that the government remains intact. They naturally wish to retain their positions until the last minute. As responsible politicians, we felt they should wait for the outcome of the second reading and depending on that, should come out during the third reading.

When I said that I was personally convinced about the JVP’s opposition to the budget; that was because I know it to be a responsible political party which is extremely sensitive to public opinion. They knew better than the SLFP politicians how bad the situation is at ground level.

Many who helped form this government are extremely disgusted with the direction taken by the Rajapakse administration. If the JVP endorsed that disastrous route taken, they would not have been able to visit their electorates.

The JVP stance will be the same on December 14 as it is the same budget with no changes. As things stand, I don’t think it is difficult to muster the numbers.

A: The majority of the cabinet members are disgruntled and disgusted with the style of governance. It requires a lot of courage to oppose an authoritarian rule like this. It calls for giving up of perks and privileges to do what is right by the people. I am convinced that there are at least eight members who are conscious of that duty and willing to perform it.

A: From the people we have spoken to, I think it is a fair assessment. For months we have been in touch with them. Of course, in between there are opportunists who used the opportunity to further themselves, hoping for more crumbs from the cake.

Even at the risk of not only losing their positions but also undergoing intimidation, they will now come forward. I have faith in them and their determination to correct a wrong.

A: I’d rather not comment on that aspect. But I think the plight of the plantation workers is of grave concern. The economic situation has impacted on them much more than any other section of society. We have a small branch in the estate sector which is doing very well. I know as a fact, plantation workers are crying out for a new administration.

I can’t see any other decision available for the CWC and the SLMC than to defeat this budget. Otherwise they would be branded traitors who have compromised with a horrendous government to maintain perks and privileges.

A: If you recall, I have never made a single public statement about defeating the budget. I know the situation. I now feel the numbers could be mustered and hence my public statement.

As responsible politicians, we have a duty to ensure that this administration is sent home early. By some miracle if the government survives December 14th, that does not mean we should get demoralised and fold up. We should keep hammering away at this administration until it falls. This government should be compelled to give in to the democratic wishes of the people and announce fresh elections.

This government has no moral right to be in power anymore. The composition of parliament is diametrically opposed to the mandate received in 2004. Out of the members who created this government, around 40 sit in opposition while those elected to the opposition are now in government. It is a complete distortion of the 2004 mandate.

The only right thing to do, and that is if Mahinda Rajapakse cares for democracy at all, is to go back to the people and seek a fresh mandate.

A: I do agree with you. We too have contributed to the present distortion in a way. But there is vital difference. Unlike the other 40 odd defectors, we came from positions of power and privilege to the opposition. We are agitating for elections and democracy. It is a different call.

In contrast, there are those mandated to stay put in the opposition but have crossed over in search of power, position and privilege. They are the very ones who are now defending the government because if it falls, they lose their future.

The fundamental difference is that we have taken a principled position while they have taken a politically opportunistic position. But as a result, both sections have distorted the mandate. The only way to correct that is to announce fresh elections.

Your question also raises an issue far more important about the political crisis in this country.

I feel the present constitution and the electoral system open us to these distortions. The PR system creates weak administrations. Even if a resounding mandate is received, that is not reflected in parliament. And once a government is formed, most governments have to do all sorts of wheeler dealing to remain in power. The role of an individual MP is far too important to be ignored which provides members the opportunity to make or break governments. More often than not, this power is used for their personal benefit.

As a result, the numbers in cabinets have increased. In 1994, we pledged a cabinet of 24 ministers. We honoured this promise for three years. Gradually as governments become weaker and every attempt is made to keep them afloat, numbers are increased.

Now we have come to this fantastic situation of having the world’s largest cabinet!

We have proposed remedies in our policy document, Dare To Dream. As a matter of national urgency, we have to change the electoral system. Next, ensure that a member once elected cannot cross over.

The better option would be to revert to the old by election system when people are given a fresh chance to validate such decision at a by election. That’s the only way to stem the situation and to create small manageable cabinets that do not guzzle public funds.

A: If a budget vote is defeated, the constitution offers many options. First, the President need not do anything at all. He could present another budget within a specified period of time. If defeated a second time only it compels a president to dissolve parliament.

The second option is to call upon whoever who holds a majority in parliament to form a government. The third is dissolution of parliament.

Though he has the constitutional right to consider all these options, for the reasons we just discussed a minute ago, it is only right for him to dissolve the house. The people should be given the right to elect a new parliament.

The policies of the government too have changed from one to the other extreme since 2004. Rajapakse has changed his own policies upon which he was elected president. Therefore the people of this country should be given the right to decide. If they still decide that Mahinda Rajapakse should continue, by all means it should be so.

A: There were many forces of darkness at work. I don’t think any other government in the recent history of Sri Lanka went to such extremes to ensure a budget vote victory in this manner. It was more like warfare where the services of the Rajapakse underworld and goon squads were unleashed.

MPs were threatened and tempted with large sums of money, ministers were misled with more ministries and more powers, certain Buddhist priests were offered diplomatic posts overseas, Tamil MPs were subjected to intimidation and a MP’s family member abducted, and UNP MPs were harassed with cooked up charges.

The entire goon squad is at work. It was very evident immediately after the vote was taken.

When I emerged from parliament, at the parliament drive lighting crackers were Mervyn Silva and a notorious underworld figure called Kudu Lal. I saw them with my own eyes, openly celebrating the victory of the Rajapakse budget by lighting hundreds of crackers.

That I think symbolised the very nature of this government!

A: You may call it a failure. There were doubts about the JVP voting pattern. Many of the members did not want to take a chance and identify themselves with the political parties opposing it. They do not want to expose themselves to the kind of harassment we were being exposed to. Not yet.

A: Even if it survives, it will be by a small margin. The political instability will still remain. Actually, during the second reading, this government came out resembling a lame duck. It is unstable.

To survive, it will have to offer more perks just to keep the members together. But such holding on is not possible for long. That is the nature of things.

As the economy suffers further, the conflict worsens, the island becomes a pariah nation before the international community, and there is little or no continuity for Mahinda Rajapakse’s administration. He will find it extremely difficult to hold all the forces together. The world is hostile to him as much as the electorate.

My feeling is, even if the government survives the final reading, circumstances will compel it to hold an election.

A: I think so. Not 100%, but the SLFP old guard and the rank and file would. They are honourable people, they would trust me. I am referring to those who helped create this party and their descendants. They do know that the Rajapakse administration has taken the party away from the vision and ideals of the SLFP.

In a way, the National Council formed by us is more representative of SLFP ideals than the Rajapakse brand. In fact Opposition Leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe has had to raise his voice to defend the rights of Samurdhi recipients. Mahinda Rajapakse got elected having pledged to increase the Samurdhi allowance but he has completely slashed the welfare benefits and now claims that this government was not elected to provide welfare to the people.

As opposed to that, the National Council has come out with policies with a strong social democratic basis. We hope to attract not just the SLFP but also the floating voter.

A: This government is insidious simply because it uses the blood, sweat and tears of our armed forces to cover up their corruption, inefficiency and economic mismanagement. The war they are waging, I say with responsibility, is a bogus war. The state uses the war as a manthram to cover their political nudity.

We have witnessed war being waged with more success before. When President Kumaratunga took over Jaffna, Pirapaharan was having his main office at the Jaffna Kachcheri. The government writ was re-established in the peninsula.

Then, seven ships of ammunition were destroyed. Newton, the second in command of Pottu Amman was killed.

When we are dealing with a crisis of this nature, war cannot be the solution. In the final count, if we are to find a durable solution, we have to find a political solution that addresses the grievances of the Tamil people. We cannot get away with rhetoric. By waging a war without addressing those affected, we are only encouraging the birth of hundreds of Pirapaharans. This is why, a solution to the conflict is the first, second and third priority of the National Council’s agenda.

A new government should sit with the LTTE. There is no time for fooling around. Forget all party conferences. Sri Lanka no longer needs such confabs. Since the Thimpu talks in 1987, we have been looking at the problem from top to bottom and left to right. Now what we require is the political will do what is right.

A: We complained some six months ago. The follow up action is slow. Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi’s statement was recorded about two months ago. As the other complainant, I am still waiting to record my statement.

This is the malady of this institution. There are too many cases. When it comes to taking concrete action specially when VVIPs are involved, our system fails us.

A: No. What is important is not to be absorbed into the UNP or any other party. This country is crying out for a new order away from the parochial politics which has directed this country since independence. At National Council meetings, I am thrilled to see the amity between the two main party supporters. This was possible all along but we never tried to unite these forces for the greater good, as we were hell bent on keeping them separated.

I think what is now required is an inclusive political culture where both main parties can work together. I believe we have laid the foundation for that, even though today it may be a mere faction of the SLFP.

I sincerely believe that when we form a government, the SLFP voter and the UNP voter would rally round us to usher in a new political order.

My fervent hope is that these two parties would work together at least for one generation, for 10-15 years to drag this country out of these abysmal depths to put country before party and provide the long suffering people what they deserve.

A: I was shocked by the most recent incident, the burning of The Sunday Leader press. The attack has all the hallmarks of one carried out during the Nazi era in Germany where government sponsored goons broke into newspaper offices, attacked them and fled with full state protection.

Today it is obvious that the attack on the Leader was carried out with the complete concurrence of the government. If the defence authorities did not have a clue, the goons would not have so easily accessed and escaped from a building located within the high security zone in Ratmalana.

It demonstrates the government’s inability to tolerate an iota of criticism. It is a government with so much to hide and so much at stake. They will go to any lengths to suppress the truth being told.

As you said, I was the media minister twice. I had a very robust relationship with the media. I had lots of arguments and disagreements but it was always within the democratic framework. If I disagreed with media institutions, I criticised them openly. If I felt aggrieved or slandered, I resorted to the law of the country like any other citizen. I never used thugs and goon squads to silence detractors.

That is how it should be. I think that the media should be able to constructively criticise and comment openly and a government should be tolerant. When maligned, there is the legal framework at our disposal.

It is unacceptable that media institutions need to fear for their physical safety. The shadow of Gotabaya Rajapakse appears to have fallen on the media institutions and it is time to say enough is enough.

A: Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe abolished criminal defamation. I abolished an absurd law that provided parliament with powers to haul editors and journalists to the parliament well to be punished by lawmakers.

I think there is no need for criminal defamation. On the other hand, I do feel certain media standards and ethics should be introduced as in the US and UK. They have stipulated guidelines based on international standards. That’s the correct approach. I am sure such an exercise would never be opposed by the true journalists in this country who yearn for a better media culture.

A: There is no prospect for peace at the moment. The government believes that it can win the war through military means and the LTTE will of course react to that. As long as the government is committed to a military solution, I don’t see any prospects for peace in the immediate future.

A: Politicians on both sides have been assassinated during the last 25 years. That did not prevent either side from going to the negotiating table. I condemn all the political killings that have taken place.

A: When they say the doors are open for peace, I do not think that the government means to have discussions with the LTTE. I think what they mean is to destroy or beat the LTTE and then have discussions. Neither the government nor the LTTE have ever been genuine. Both sides have not learnt any lessons from past negotiations. Both sides have hidden agendas. The agenda is that both sides have continued to re-arm. They are engaged in what I call politics of duplicity.

A: The government will hold discussions with another representative of the Tamil people. But all these are irrelevant. The government should provide a political package which can satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people.

A: I’m glad you asked that question. What I said was the LTTE, like many other armed groups came about as a result of the failure of moderate Tamil politicians to resolve the national question. And therefore an entire younger generation questioned whether the problem could be solved in a peaceful and non-violent way. Therefore an armed movement was formed to achieve freedom for their people. That is how the LTTE also came about. My position is that if you look at the methods used by the LTTE they have become counter productive. Mahatma Gandhi said the struggle for peace depends very much on the methods that you use. But if you engage in activities like child recruitment and also deny the rights of other minorities like the Muslims or if you deny the rights of others to participate in the political environment, people begin to ask whether this is the kind of freedom they want. The LTTE also has responded violently to state sponsored terrorism for the last 25 years. They have to reflect on some of the methods that they use.

A: Naturally I subscribe to the view of Ambassador Blake. Wars are not winnable in the 21st century. One good example is the US war on Iraq. President Bush wanted a quick war. The most powerful army is present in Iraq. But they have not been able to win that war. On the contrary a million people have died because of the war. This has become a nightmare. In Sri Lanka too war is not a question of gaining territory. It is about winning the hearts and minds of the people. If you look at the way the war was conducted we have certainly not won the hearts of the people in the north and east. If the government takes over Killinochchi and Mullaithivu there will be another generation who will take up arms.

A. There is no point urging the international community. The international community is getting fed up. They are no longer enthusiastic about Sri Lanka. I think the international community will totally abandon the country if we go on like this.

A: We had a People’s Congress on November 10, where 7,000 delegates who are informed citizens of the country. The other aspect was that more than 50% of them were women. People of other ethnic groups also participated. We presented a People’s Declaration highlighting the profound crisis in Sri Lanka, and that the country has deteriorated economically, socially and culturally. We made a point that Sri Lanka is a spiritual desert and that war is only one aspect of this crisis. The Presidential system is also a cause for the problem. The Presidential system was formed to resolve problems that could not be solved in parliament but it has not been the case. Most presidents have been the President of his party and his ethnic group. People don’t have faith in the political system. The leaders have failed to resolve the Tamil national question. And these people have been waiting for 56 years. The war will cost around Rs. 2000 billion next year. How are they getting the money? By printing and borrowing money at high interest rates? The war is generating inflation. Our inflation rate is 22% — the highest in Asia. The war has increased the cost of living. It is non-productive. Now people are realising the connection between the war and the stomach. Free education has been eroded by education policies. Transport has degenerated. People do not have access to many hospitals. The money spent on the war should be spent to develop these.

A: The congress decided to form a people’s movement. We did a lot of work at the grassroots. We have 15,000 members and more are joining. We will talk to the leaders of the relevant parties. We will take legal action if necessary, and even engage in satyagraha. But clearly we are not a political party. We are a people’s movement.