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Move to impeach the President and the
eastern imbroglio
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Rauf Hakeem, Ranil Wickremesinghe,
Mahinda Rajapakse, M.K. Narayanan,
R. Sampanthan and Pillayan |

OPA
resolution to push for
impeachment on April 8
APRC
consensus on NE merger
with Muslim Unit
TMVP, pro-govt.
Muslim parties
divided over Muslim Unit for east
Somawansa
tells Mangala JVP
will battle govt. in east
India to look
for national consensus
on how much pressure to put on Sri Lanka
While civil society moved to lobby
parliament for the impeachment of President
Mahinda Rajapakse last week over his refusal
to appoint the Constitutional Council under
the 17th Amendment, both the government and
the opposition set their sights on the
Eastern Provincial Council election, which
is seen as a prelude to a general election.
For some time now civil society as well as
the opposition have urged President
Rajapakse to appoint the Constitutional
Council and thereby give effect to the
Independent Police, Public Service, Judicial
and Elections Commissions but he has
stubbornly refused to do so, taking cover
under a Parliamentary Select Committee whose
report on possible changes to the 17th
Amendment is pending.
Lobbying
True, there is no merit in the President's
excuse of not appointing the Constitutional
Council until the select committee report is
out but there is very little civil society
which has pushed for good governance could
do short of lobbying for impeaching the
President and it is that drastic step they
have now opted for.
What had dismayed civil society and forced
them to look at this drastic course of
action was the conduct of the likes of
Minister Karu Jayasuriya, who having
fathered the 17th Amendment rather than use
political clout for its implementation has
opted to maintain an ominous silence since
assuming ministerial office.
In the face of this silence, the President
has continued to make appointments to key
posts bypassing the Constitutional Council
with the last being to the Supreme and
Appeal Courts on Thursday, March 27 and with
elections due in the not too distant
horizon, the President it is obvious wants
to maintain the status quo so that he can
continue to make political appointments to
key institutions and also effect politically
motivated transfers.
Thus with no dissent on the issue from
government ranks forthcoming to force the
President's hand, the Organisation of
Professional Associations (OPA) headed by
Attorney Elmore Perera decided to strike,
calling for Rajapakse's impeachment on the
grounds, he has intentionally violated the
constitution, which as President he pledged
to uphold.
Notice
This aspect is specifically dealt with in
"Article 38(2) (a) (i) of the Constitution
which states, "any member of parliament may,
by a writing addressed to the speaker, give
notice of a resolution alleging that the
president is permanently incapable of
discharging the functions of his office by
reason of mental or physical infirmity or
that the president has been guilty of
intentional violation of the
constitution....."
Accordingly, on March 25, the OPA decided to
convene a special general meeting for April
8 to consider two resolutions, one of which
was for the possible impeachment of the
President.
That resolution to be proposed by R.M.B.
Senanayake reads thus - "The OPA calls upon
all political parties represented in
parliament, to bring a motion to impeach the
President, and, asking them to put aside
sectarian party interests and instead act to
uphold the constitution that they have sworn
to uphold and follow."
It is possible, with the adoption of this
resolution that some members in parliament
will move to impeach the President and all
it takes is 113 MPs signatures to set the
ball in motion but there is no real danger
for Rajapakse at this point in time of such
an exercise succeeding with the issue in any
event having to go before the Supreme Court.
However what it will do is expose those
members who refuse to subscribe to such a
motion and also help build up a civil
society movement against the President over
the issue of good governance at a time the
government is straining at the leash to grab
the GSP Plus facility from the European
Union. This facility itself is subject to
meeting good governance criteria and is
essential for Sri Lanka's economic
well-being.
And needless to say, with over 100,000 jobs
and over US$ 2 billion export earnings on
the line over the GSP Plus facility, the
President is walking on extremely thin ice
over the issue at a time he is toying with
the general election option in the face of a
challenge by the JVP that this
administration will not be able to
successfully present a budget in November
this year.
Further, this development will also bring
into sharp focus both locally and
internationally that the President does not
believe in fostering pluralism, democracy or
good governance, matters which will go to
the very heart of his credibility on
implementing even a political solution to
the ethnic conflict.
Setback
On this issue too the President suffered a
setback last week with the All Party
Representative Committee (APRC) reaching a
consensus much to his chagrin on a merger of
the north and east subject to a separate
Muslim Unit in the east.
Leave alone merging the north and east, even
after two months have lapsed of the
President pledging to the international
community and the people of Sri Lanka to
fully implement the 13th Amendment, no
action has followed in the wake of the JVP
breathing fire over the announcement.
In fact, India applauded the President's
announcement in January as a 'welcome first
step' with Rajapakse himself stating
implementing the 13th Amendment was only a
first step and that he was awaiting the
final APRC report.
And this report the APRC set about
finalising with last week's session focusing
on the merger where consensus was reached on
the issue subject to a separate Muslim Unit
in the east.
Interestingly, it was Muslim Congress
representative, Attorney Nizam Kariappar who
raised the issue, stating that while the
Muslims were opposed to the unconditional
merger of the two provinces in 1987, they
were more opposed to the demerger.
Support
Kariappar said the SLMC was supportive of a
north east merger subject to provision for a
separate Muslim Unit, a proposal that found
ready support in the APRC.
It was only UNP defector, P. Dayaratne who
raised some concerns over the issue but he
too finally concurred and in the absence of
the JHU and MEP, consensus was reached on
the merger subject to a Muslim Unit with
government allies, LSSP, CP and NUA also in
agreement.
From the Muslim Congress point of view, the
move was tactically brilliant since it would
become a hot issue at the May 10 provincial
council election which the UPFA will have to
respond to as the campaign develops.
For, with the UPFA running in alliance with
Pillayan's TMVP and other breakaway Muslim
groups led by Ferial Ashraff, Segu Izzadeen,
A.L.M Athaulla and Ameer Ali, they will have
to come up with a common position on the
APRC consensus for a separate Muslim unit.
This would necessarily have to be so with
the Muslim Congress sure to makes it a
pivotal issue in the campaign.
And with the President having pledged to
implement the final APRC report and the pro
government Muslim groups also endorsing the
separate Muslims Unit proposal before
Minister Tissa Vitharana, they will be hard
put to oppose it in the campaign trail, as
would the SLFP led UPFA.
Neutralise
On the other hand, Pillayan's TMVP is
vehemently opposed to a separate Muslims
Unit in the east and the dilemma for the
government as well as the Muslim parties
supporting it would be to reconcile this
highly contentious policy variance at the
election and set out a unified position to
neutralise the SLMC.
Further, this SLMC move will also place the
SLFP in the horns of a dilemma, for it will
now have to say whether the party supports a
separate Muslim unit in the east or not
within a merged north and east.
An answer in the affirmative would also mean
the SLFP is supportive of the north east
merger minus the Muslim Unit, which will
naturally bring it into conflict with the
JVP and JHU, not to mention the TMVP.
With the SLMC set to campaign on that basis,
either rejection or silence on the issue by
the SLFP will have a devastating impact for
the Muslims groups supporting the government
in particular since they will be running on
the same ticket while endorsing the proposal
for a separate Muslim Unit. On the other
hand, endorsement of a separate Muslim unit
by the SLFP led UPFA would irreparably
damage the TMVP who will be campaigning on
the same ticket on the platform that the
east should be one unit with a Tamil chief
minister.
Trap
That then is the trap the UPFA and its
allies find themselves in as nominations day
approaches with the possibility of a
postponement of the poll also now not ruled
out.
And since the government is hoping to offset
the losses among the Sinhala voters due to
the split with the JVP in the provincial
poll as well as at a future general election
by gaining ground in the north and east, any
indecisiveness on this issue will no doubt
seriously impact on that strategy as well.
Making matters worse for the government is
the JVP battle cry to disarm Pillayan's TMVP
before the provincial elections which of
course will find resonance in the east as
though, JVP's Wimal Weerawansa at the
instance of Senior Presidential Advisor
Basil Rajapakse struck a different chord
through the Patriotic National Movement on
the disarming of the Pillayan Group, the
official position of the Marxists is
otherwise.
In fact, JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe
who visited the Matara residence of SLFP (M)
Convener Mangala Samaraweera on Sunday,
March 23 to pay his last respects to the
former minister's mother was to say that the
party will pour all its resources into the
eastern campaign and take the fight to the
government.
Another issue
Likewise, JVP Trade Union Leader, K.D.
Lalkantha also went public equating Pillayan
to a terrorist who needed to be disarmed
before the election, another issue which
will gather momentum as the campaign hots up
and put further pressure on the Muslim
parties supporting the government at the
election considering the fact that they will
be running on the same ticket with Pillayan.
And to be in alliance with an armed group at
the election needless to say will be the
death knell politically for the likes of
Athaulla, Ashraff, Ameer Ali, and they know
it only too well. In fact they have
conveyed this concern to Basil Rajapakse
during their talks.
Making matters worse for the UPFA-TMVP
alliance is the decision of the
TULF-EPRLF-PLOTE to run as a separate
alliance in addition to the EPDP which party
too has decided to contest separately.
Thus, the Tamil vote too will be split three
ways with the TNA though not participating
at the election expected to covertly support
an opposition or independent group.
While the government was confronted with
these mounting challenges, the UNP looked to
sealing an electoral alliance with the
Muslim Congress to put Rajapakse further on
the defensive, more with a future general
election in mind than the provincial poll
per se.
Towards this end, UNP Leader Ranil
Wickremesinghe had several rounds of
discussions with SLMC Chief Rauf Hakeem,
where the pros and cons of contesting a
alliance were discussed, especially based on
the ground realities in the east.
Opposed
It was only the previous week, Senior
Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapakse and
Tourism Minister Milinda Moragoda met Hakeem
to woo his support but that was not to be
with the SLMC membership opposed to any such
alliance.
This opposition came to be reflected at a
series of meetings the SLMC had last week
with its membership who wanted Hakeem to
maintain his and the party's integrity and
dignity by not going into any alliance with
the government.
In fact, the lone voice supporting a
possible alliance with the government was
Batticaloa District Member M.L.M. Hizbullah
but his voice was drowned by the vast
majority who insisted the Muslims having
suffered under this government should have
nothing to do with it.
It is in this backdrop a SLMC delegation led
by Hakeem met UNP Leader Ranil
Wickremesinghe on Wednesday, March 26, where
the possibility of an alliance was discussed
though no finality was reached.
Free and fair
However, Hakeem and Wickremesinghe agreed,
they must work together with other
political parties to ensure a free and fair
election with foreign election monitors also
invited for that purpose especially in the
backdrop of the STF being withdrawn from the
east.
At the same time the duo focused on taking a
decision on an alliance for the provincial
polls keeping in mind the bigger picture of
a snap general election where the two
parties might once again have to look at an
electoral alliance which will have a
national bearing.
For the SLMC, while there was a distinct
advantage going it alone at the provincial
poll, it was not so when it came to a
general election and this overall picture it
appeared by Thursday was veering the
Congress towards an alliance with the UNP
though there was still a long way to go
before any finality could be reached.
The two leaders however agreed, the SLMC
General Secretary Hasan Ali will coordinate
any issues which arise with UNP Chairman
Rukman Senanayake and General Secretary
Tissa Attanayake until Wickremesinghe's
return from India today.
Wickremesinghe left for India Friday on a
two day visit to discuss the emerging
political scenario and the need to ensure a
free and fair election without any one group
contesting having the benefit of arms.
Foreign media
It is for this same reason, Wickremesinghe
told Hakeem he intends calling on the EU,
Carter Centre and India to send monitors for
the election with access to the
international foreign media as well such as
CNN, BBC and NDTV of India.
The very next day, Thursday, March 27,
Wickremesinghe met TNA Parliamentary Group
Leader R. Sampanthan where the ground
conditions in the east and the role the TNA
will be playing at the election were
discussed.
The TNA leadership was to tell
Wickremesinghe that they will not contest
the election because it would tantamount to
recognising the demerger of the north-east
but would do everything possible to ensure
the TMVP does not distort the will of the
Tamil voters.
Wickremesinghe for his past said the UNP
intends contesting the poll and was
observing the possibility of an alliance
with the SLMC in addition to fielding
several Tamil candidates, all of which would
be finalised after his return from India.
Interestingly, Wickremesinghe's visit to
India comes at a time there is growing
concern on the war effort with even the BJP
calling on the Indian government to stop
military assistance to Sri Lanka due to
harassment faced by the Tamil people.
More importantly, India's National Security
Advisor, M.K. Narayanan too weighed in with
some critical comments, Tuesday, March 25
just days after Indian Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh and the Indian Defence
Ministry ruled out a military solution to
the ethnic conflict.
With dignity
Delivering the 25th Air Chief Marshal P.C.
Lal Memorial Lecture, Narayanan said India
wants the Sri Lanka government to treat its
large Tamil minority with dignity. Inherent
in that statement was the implications it
was not the case at present.
"We are facing a situation where the
ceasefire could collapse. This could lead
to a flashpoint," Narayanan was also
reported as saying.
Added Narayanan "But the government would
seem to have the single objective of a
military victory without any devolution of
power."
The Indian National Security Advisor's
comments were not without significance
considering President Rajapakse was only
paying lip service to the devolution of
power and their own assessment that the
military offensive has reached a stalemate
scenario.
India in fact fears this status quo can
change if the LTTE launches an offensive
operation to change the military equation
and that given Sri Lanka's growing
international isolation, it could have a
ripple effect causing serious problems even
for India as it faces the prospect of a
general election in August.
Worried
And given the opposition by the BJP on
military assistance to Sri Lanka and
Rajapakse forced to look for more military
supplies given the stalemate scenario
currently experienced, India is worried
other countries will move in and this was
also reflected in Narayanan's comments.
Said Narayanan in his speech: "We have to
ensure that India's pre-eminent position in
the region is not compromised by Sri Lanka
seeking arms from elsewhere."
Said the National Security Advisor for
effect: "We need a national consensus on how
much (military) assistance we should provide
and how much pressure we should put on the
(Sri Lankan) government."
And while the Indian government was
expressing its concerns over the Rajapakse
administration's failure to deal with the
ethnic conflict not only effectively but
also in a manner that will not jeopardise
New Delhi's national security
considerations, British Shadow Defence
Minister Liam Fox arrived in Sri Lanka to
explore the possibility of reviving his old
formula.
But that was not to be with neither
President Rajapakse nor Opposition Leader
Ranil Wickremesinghe willing to go down that
path even though the British authorities are
busy arranging a study tour of Ireland for
the APRC members.
Thus, the President is left to fall back on
the APRC or nothing at all and given the
stalemate in the theatre of war, it seems,
nothing at all is what he is looking at as
the country drifts from one crisis to
another. |