
Foreign Ministry kept out of Indian VIPs'
visit
Govt. told war should not be the only option
India
wants full implementation of 13th Amendment
till final solution
Govt. told to go slow on defence deals with
Pakistan and China
Ranil refused vehicle for official travel by
SL mission in UK
While the UNP struggled with another
internal crisis that threatened to leave the
party disunited in the run up to the
provincial polls in Sabaragamuwa and the
North Central Province, the government was
to last week receive a reality check on war
and peace from India, prompting President
Mahinda Rajapakse to take a fresh look at
the option of working on a national agenda
with the opposition.
Whatever be the internal issues the UNP has
to deal with, when it comes to the real
problems of governance, the burden of
tackling them is on President Rajapakse and
he knows only too well, there is a Himalayan
task ahead, the reality of which was driven
home by a top level Indian delegation last
week.
Suffocating
For all the propaganda hype on ending the
war by December and capturing Tiger Leader
Velupillai Pirapaharan, the government knows
only too well the reality is otherwise and
that the economic, political and
international noose is slowly but surely
suffocating it, and what the Indian
delegation did last week was drive home
these points effectively to the President,
which of course he acknowledged albeit
somewhat reluctantly.
Having placed all his eggs in the war
basket, the President has now come to terms
with the fact there is no quick fix solution
to the problem and that the government has
to be prepared for the long haul, the
feasibility of which in turn would depend on
the economy holding out.
And on that front the President sees the
danger signs with inflation running at over
30 per cent, foreign exchange reserves
drying up in addition to the government
being severely cash-strapped even as the
threat of losing the GSP Plus facility and
with it over 300,000 jobs and over US $ 1
billion in export earnings also loom large.
That is further to the crippling strikes
planned by the trade union sector that is
demanding higher wages with the only
positive for the President in this backdrop
being a weakened, disunited opposition, too
busy fighting among themselves to focus on
real issues confronting the country.
To fund and maintain a high intensity war in
such a scenario with the global economic
crisis adding to the government's woes is no
mean task especially given the very slow
military progress made on the ground and
slowly but surely, the President is waking
up to the reality he will have to overcome
the economic crisis as a matter of priority
if the government is to survive politically.
And to survive economically, the government
has to ease the pressure on the military
front to the point that it can create a
conducive climate for investment, tourism
and even securing the GSP Plus facility,
further to reducing the human and military
costs as a result of the war, all of which
of course came to be placed on the
Presidential table by India.
What was of concern to India from their own
national security perspective was that if
the Government of Sri Lanka loses the
economic war, it could face serious
repercussions on the war against terrorism
as well given the fact the LTTE too were
digging their heels in and had to only
ensure the economic collapse of the state to
secure their objectives.
Clear message
It is having taken stock of this overall
situation in Sri Lanka that Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh decided to send his National
Security Advisor M.K. Narayanan, Foreign
Secretary, Shiv Shankar Menon and Defence
Secretary Sri Vijay Singh to Colombo with a
very clear message on Indian concerns and
what steps New Delhi deemed necessary to
halt the downward slide of the country which
could also impact on the Big Brother.
The visit itself was to be hush-hush and was
intimated to the Sri Lankan authorities just
24 hours before the arrival of the VIP
delegation with even the Foreign Ministry
kept out of the loop.
It was the Presidential Secretariat that was
first informed by the Indian High Commission
in Colombo that a high level Indian
delegation wanted to have consultations with
their Sri Lankan troika counterpart,
President's Secretary Lalith Weeratunga,
Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse and
Senior Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapakse
who months earlier visited New Delhi for
talks where various agreements were reached
and assurances made, especially on a
political solution to the ethnic crisis.
Request
Having discussed the visit, the Indian side
wanted it kept completely out of the public
domain, stressing that "urgency is secrecy."
Given the importance of the visit, a request
was also made for a meeting with President
Rajapakse, which was readily agreed to and
with that the stage was set for the top
level Indian arrival on the morning of
Friday, June 20 which up to then the Foreign
Ministry was blissfully unaware of.
In fact, the only intimation the Foreign
Ministry had was in the form of an official
diplomatic note on the afternoon of
Thursday, June 19 and that after
Presidential Secretariat sanction had been
obtained for the visit for Urgent Diplomatic
Clearance for a special Indian aircraft.
Military status
Interestingly, by the time the diplomatic
note reached the Foreign Ministry, the
matter had already been cleared by the
Defence Ministry and approval granted for
the flight carrying the Indian VIPs to be
designated special military status.
And for his part, Foreign Minister
Bogollagama was totally in the dark over the
visit and neither he nor Foreign Secretary
Palitha Kohona or for that matter even a
simple protocol officer of the Ministry so
much as got an opportunity to shake the hand
of any of the Indian VIPs. That was the
secrecy in which the visit was couched.
But having heard of the impending visit of
the Indian delegation in the grapevine,
Minister Bogollagama did meet with President
Rajapakse to inquire after it, only to be
told, "Mewwa api balagannam. Ogollo ravum
gagaha innako" (We will look after these
things. You people keep loafing).
Impending visit
Such was the humiliation Bogollagama was
subjected to over the visit, he was in fact
chairing a three hour meeting with the
participation of over 200 senior government
officials on the SAARC Summit preparations
at the BMICH Thursday when news of the
impending visit of the Indian delegation
reached him.
By this time the Foreign Minister had
already made arrangements to proceed to
Kandy later in the night to meet up with the
Mahanayakas the following day and given the
Presidential snub, he proceeded to Kandy
Thursday night, thereby missing the Indian
delegation completely.
Be that as it may, the Presidential
Secretariat quickly put a programme together
for the visit with all three service chiefs
called upon to make separate presentations
to the Indian delegation on the progress of
the war. An interesting aside in these
presentations was of course that of Army
Commander Sarath Fonseka who kept repeating
"I" with regard to the achievements of the
security forces, whereas the navy commander
and the air force commander opted for the
use of "we."
But one factor which clearly emerged from
the discussions was that the government
looked at the issue as a long term problem,
thus debunking the theory the war would end
by December this year which prompted the
Indian side to urge Sri Lanka to look at
other options to avert a crisis situation in
the country due to economic and political
ramifications.
The government was told by the Indian
delegation that it was going to be tough to
maintain a sustained military campaign in
the long run due to the economic situation
and the international pressure over human
rights and other issues and as such other
options should be looked at seriously to
ensure the LTTE does not seize the
initiative somewhere down the road.
Negotiations
War, they said should not be the only
option. The not-so-subtle message to the
government was to explore the possibility of
negotiations and come out with a viable
political solution while fully implementing
the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in
the interim, police and land powers et al.
In fact, the Indian team raised in
particular the slow progress of the All
Party Representative Committee (APRC)
despite assurances given by the government
to speed up the process and also drew
attention to statements made by government
leaders on dismissing the findings of the
committee.
Narayanan went so far as to draw the
attention of the government to the prompt
Indian statement issued after the APRC
submitted its interim report in January and
urged the administration to speedily table
practical proposals which would provide for
extensive devolution within a united Sri
Lanka. Please note, 'united' and not
'unitary.'
Further, the Indian team also asked the
government whether enough was being done to
build the much trumpeted southern consensus
stating the priority may be shifting to
'divisive' politics due to the upcoming
provincial polls and the non implementation
of the 17th Amendment cited as examples.
Defence cooperation
Significantly, references were also made to
restoring normalcy in the east now that
provincial polls were concluded and the
government was very diplomatically advised
to induct Chief Minister Pillayan into the
APRC process only after he agrees to a
process of decommissioning arms.
There were of course many positives for the
government too especially on the issue of
defence cooperation with India agreeing to
help and bear the cost of the restoration of
a patrol ship, naval surveillance and radar
support to offset the threat of the LTTE's
fledgling airforce.
But in doing so India made it a point to
tell the government there were serious
concerns over continuing procurements from
Pakistan and China with a question posed
whether such options with Iran were also
been pursued. The presence of Chinese and
Pakistan
equipment particularly in the north,
India
said was a cause for concern given the close
proximity to
South India and the danger of monitoring their facilities.
Particular reference was made to the role
of Pakistani airforce officers in Sri
Lanka.
Given the sensitivity of the issue, India
went so far as to advise the government to
strengthen defence cooperation between the
two countries by also delivering on the
economic and political fronts, thus ensuring
stability in the region.
Concern
And in dealing with the economic issue, the
Indian delegation was to express concern
over Minister Fowzie's statement on the
takeover of IOC sheds and urged the
government to be careful in not making
Indian companies scapegoats in the twin
crises, energy and food, leading to a
possible public backlash which would in turn
impact seriously on their bilateral
relations.
Having discussed these issues, the military
campaign of the security forces was dealt
with at length, details of which are not
published for national security
considerations, but suffice it to say, the
Indian side wanted to know why the campaign
has not kept up to public utterances on
successes and time frames in particular.
The delegation also drew the government's
attention to the sensitivities of the Indian
public on the military campaign, especially
when wrong public statements are made and
civilians on a large scale get caught on a
regular basis.
Safe
More significantly, the Indian team very
clearly queried whether the intensifying
military campaign was resulting in more
retaliatory attacks and security lapses and
why the government was unable to make the
rest of the country outside the north safe.
In particular,
India
was to express its concern about the flow of
refugees to India and the grave
inconvenience to the Tamil community
including the estate sector Tamils as a
result of not only the military campaigns
but also the tough security operations
throughout the country.
Of course the upcoming SAARC Summit was also
focused on at length, especially from a
security perspective, considering the
likelihood of the Indian Prime Minister
attending the summit and the Indian
delegation made it clear, they will be
making their own security arrangements for
Manmohan Singh's visit.
Own troops
To do so, the Indian team told the President
they will need approval to bring in their
own troops, helicopters, bullet-proof
vehicles, naval surveillance etc., the
details of which they said would be worked
out with the Sri Lankan authorities. The
President readily agreed.
It was pointed out that while Sri Lanka
would want to hold the summit and it is to
be welcomed, the LTTE will do its damndest
to derail the process and that therefore
they have to leave no stone unturned in
ensuring proper security arrangements are in
place.
Dealing with specifics, the government was
told there have been attacks or major
weapons and bomb detections in every
potential SAARC venue identified earlier
including
Kandy and Nuwara Eliya and that after
Colombo was identified as a venue, numerous
attacks have taken place in and around the
city.
Reference was also made to the spate of bomb
attacks in the Mt. Lavinia area after it was
earmarked for the summit retreat for the
heads of state and the Indian team urged the
government to provide a better environment
for the holding of the summit including a
political climate thus ensuring better
security.
Lapses
Not pulling their punches, the Indian team
said the government has to do everything
possible to maximise security since India is
concerned of any lapses not only for their
delegation but also for others such as
Pakistan, Afghanistan and Nepal as an Indian
connection would be concocted in the event
any unfortunate incident was to occur.
Given the wide gamut of issues raised by the
Indians, the President realised, the SAARC
Summit may not see the light of day unless
the concerns raised were addressed and the
political temperature in the country brought
down a notch or two and no sooner the visit
ended, Rajapakse got activated.
And what better way to do so than a
rapprochement with the main opposition UNP
and its Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and so
it was to be.
It should be also recalled that the Indian
visit came just days after Wickremesinghe
met them in New Delhi and discussed the
crisis situation in the country.
Thus having done the groundwork to
facilitate such a rapprochement, President
Rajapakse on Tuesday, June 24 met with a
group of religious leaders where lo and
behold, they made an offer to arrange a
meeting with Wickremesinghe to promote
national unity.
Facilitate
The Inter Religious Council of Sri Lanka in
a statement after the meeting with the
President said they offered to facilitate a
meeting between the two leaders. "Despite
the current military operations, we believed
that the two leaders should come together to
promote national unity to promote good
governance and human rights," the council
also said, almost echoing what the Indian
delegation wanted done on the ground.
Further, the Religious Council was to also
state the President should ensure all
political parties are included in the APRC
process and that the 13th Amendment to the
constitution be implemented fully, once
again right on the button of what the
Indian's also wanted done.
Among the religious leaders who made this
call were Ven. Dr. Bellanwila Wimalaratne
Thero, Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero, Ven.
Brahmanawatte Seewali Thero, Bishop Harold
Perera, Bishop Rayappu Joseph, Moulavi Alhaj
Niyaz Mohamed, Moulavi Shahul Hameed Adam
Bawa, and Kyochi Sagino of the World
Religious Organisation.
Views
And with Wickremesinghe who was away in
Europe at the time returning to
Colombo on Friday, the religious leaders are
to follow up with a meeting to ascertain his
views on such a rapprochement and it comes
at a time the UNP Leader is confronted with
another internal crisis.
In fact Ven. Sobitha Thero was to speak with
Wickremesinghe on Thursday before the
Opposition Leader boarded a flight in Paris
to return to Colombo and agreement was
reached for a meeting no sooner he returned.
Evident
Of course petty politics on the part of the
government as was evident during the UNP
Leader's visit to Europe has queered the
pitch for a rapprochement between Rajapakse
and Wickremesinghe and it remains to be seen
how much pressure the religious leaders can
bring to bear on the two leaders for a face
to face meeting in the name of national
unity.
This pettiness was brought into sharp focus
when the Sri Lankan High Commission in
London refused Wickremesinghe official
transport to attend his meetings in London
including one with the Minister of State in
the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Lord
Mark Malloch-Brown.
The Sri Lankan Mission had told
Wickremesinghe all they can do is provide
him transport from the airport to the hotel
and that he would have to fund his way from
thereon, compelling him to ask for a vehicle
from a personal friend to go for his
meetings.
Irked
And irked by the treatment meted out to him,
Wickremesinghe was to tell the British
Minister the pettiness of the government
citing the vehicle issue, when the question
of the possibility of developing a national
consensus was broached.
Such drama apart, Wickremesinghe arrived in
Colombo Friday afternoon to face another
internal crisis in the party with several
party members pushing for urgent reforms
including amendments to the party
constitution which included the appointment
of a deputy leader, three assistant leaders
and the decision making process to be in the
hands of a central committee.
The committee of party seniors appointed by
Wickremesinghe to listen to the grievances
of the members was expected to meet him
Friday evening to look at a possible
compromise, based on which, events are
expected to unfold in the coming weeks.
The question is whether the UNP Leader and
the reformists will reach a compromise and
save the day for the party or precipitate
another split leaving not only 4.8 million
voters in the lurch but also strengthen the
Rajapakse brothers to carry on their merry
way.