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Civilians
in the Wanni face an uncertain
future and (Inset) This child in
Tiger held Visamadhu now runs the
risk of forced recruitment when he
comes of age according to the latest
reports |

By Amantha Perera
Very
little is now known of life beyond the
frontlines in the north. With access to
outsiders limited to a bare minimum,
whatever is known is gleaned off secondary
sources.
The
Wanni, lined on either side by the Muhamalai
line that runs about 12km from end to end
and the Mannar-Weli Oya line that stretches
115km, is now smack in the middle of
military advances by government forces and
Tigers resistance.
Military
success
The
military movement north has proved
successful though time consuming. They have
gained ground especially in the Mannar
sector with troops as close as 2.5km from
the Viddithalathivu bay, and
now stationed just south of
Periyamadhu, northwest of Madhu.
There
have been limited success in the Weli Oya
sector, where troops commenced their
advances through the thick jungle last
December. Troops have reached the outskirts
of the One Four Base, and have brought at
least two satellite camps of the complex
under their control.
There
are no civilians in the areas where the
fighting is now taking place. In Mannar,
troops have moved through open terrain where
civilians had fled north, months earlier. In
the Weli Oya sector, the frontlines are on
the edges of the Mulaithivu jungles which
for decades were Tiger hideouts and there
are no civilians along the 12km northern FDL.
Reports
tally
But
the absence of civilians along the
frontlines does not mean that ordinary
non-combatants are not caught in the
fighting. Two reports that came out last
week, one by the University Teachers for
Human Rights (UTHR) Jaffna, and another, the
mid-year review of the Common Humanitarian
Action Plan prepared by the United Nations'
agencies in Colombo, paint a grim picture of
the civilians.
They
have been given armed training, forced to
fight in the frontlines and also run the
risk of being caught in aerial attacks as
well as those by Long Range Reconnaissance
Missions (LRRM) carried out by government
forces.
"There
is no doubt that the government is bombing
and shelling people who are prisoners of the
LTTE. The young are conscripted in the
manner that cattle come of age are taken to
the slaughter house," the UTHR report
titled Trauma In The Wanni: Human Grist To
The Mills Of Dual Hypocrisy, said.
The
UN report also said very much the same thing
- "Within the LTTE-controlled areas of
the Wanni as well as south into
government-controlled areas key factors
which are prompting families to move from
their homes include the fear of forced
conscription, along with regular aerial
attacks, shelling and claymore mines."
The
UTHR report has been the most detailed in
recent times, given the access constraints
into the Wanni and those placed by the
Tigers within, on the difficulties faced by
the civilians. There has been continuous
criticism against the Tigers on forced
recruitment and giving arms training to
every individual in areas under their
control. Only last week Military
Spokesperson Brig. Udaya Nanayakkara said
that all civilians in the Wanni have been
imparted basic military training.
Rough
estimates are that there are around 200,000
non-combatants in the Wanni though figures
maintained by the various Government Agent's
offices in the region quote
higher figures. Of that number close
to 100,000 are probably categorised as IDPs.
Deploying
civilians
Just
before the A9 closed in August 2006,
visitors to the Wanni said that the Tigers
were deploying members from the civilian
units to guard border areas from
infiltrations. They were part of the Makkal
Paddai or the civilian force and even wore a
different uniform. The UTHR report went into
details on how far the conscription had
taken place.
"LTTE
press gangs frequently invade homes before
dawn carrying details about the residents,
looking for those who have come of
conscription age. A boy or girl reaching the
age of 17 and failing to report to the LTTE
could expect press gangs to turn up within
two or three days. Others seen to be
suitable are caught on the roads.
"Neither
side spares government servants. The
Government's Deep Penetration Unit or their
proxies have killed several of them in
landmine attacks. A year ago, Killinochchi
AGA Nithyananthan was travelling on his
motorcycle with his young daughter on the
pillion. He was stopped by the LTTE and the
girl was taken. Nothing more has since been
heard of her," it said.
Conscripts
hope
Adding
- "The new conscripts, who hoped
against hope that they could escape, are put
through brainwashing. Given the political
reality of a detested government, most are
turned around. Since the LTTE sees the new
conscripts as the most likely to attempt
escape, they are plainly told, 'You are here
to die for the nation. If you don't die
today, you may die some weeks later. So why
not die now?'
"They
are encouraged to volunteer for risky
operations. Many of those dying on the front
lines are the new conscripts - those who
join voluntarily now are exceptional.
Persons with contacts in the Wanni say in a
general way that many of those conscripted
in recent times have been killed. To get a
very rough idea of the number, a man who
knows well a village division in South Wanni
having about 200 families, told us that
about 25% of those conscripted in recent
years have been killed."
The
mathematics
"Assuming
there are around 200,000 people or 40,000
families living under LTTE control, it
places the number dead in this round of war
roughly at the order of 5000. This would be
fairly commensurate with other estimates
from the Wanni, that about 30% of those
conscripted in this round of war are, by
now, dead. The qualitative effect of
casualties is visible in other ways.
"The
injured from the frontlines are taken to the
Killinochchi Hospital in buses with black
tinted windows. After leaving them for a
day, LTTE men come and pick up the ones who
are fit to hobble about and take them back
for military duties. This means that many
placed on the frontlines are not fully fit
to fight. Their camps being about 10 miles
distance from the front, their food supply
is also irregular."
While
the Tigers are only recruiting those above
17 years, those under 16 have been asked to
join voluntarily.
The
UN report said that displacements have not
been as high as feared at the beginning of
the year - the total possible case load has
been reduced by almost 25% to 230,000 from
300,000.
"Although
the situation in the north remains volatile,
displacement levels have been lower than
anticipated. Planning figures at the
beginning of the year put potential
displacement at up to 300,000 people, which
has been revised down to 230,000. Based on
the pattern of current fighting, pockets of
people are likely to continue to move both
to safer areas within the LTTE-controlled
areas of the Wanni as well as south into
government-controlled areas," the
report said.
Food
issues
Rising
food prices have been compounded by access
difficulties and food security remains one
of biggest concerns for relief agencies.
"Food security is likely to deteriorate
further as prices continue to rise and the
effects of the conflict in the north
intensify with likely consequences including
increases in under-nutrition rates and
household poverty," the report said.
Funding
requirement for food rose from US$ 68
million when the funding requirements were
released at the beginning of the year to a
staggering US$96 million within six months.
Unfortunately only 36% of the requirement or
US$34 million, leaving a gap of US$61
million came through. The food requirement
is almost half of the revised funding
requirements of US$195 million. The second
largest, shelter at US$34 million appears
smaller in comparison.
Delicate
situation
The
situation in the Wanni is not only
delicately placed but can spiral out of
control without much warning. As was the
case two weeks back when the threat of mass
shortages became very real after the ICRC
stayed away from the Omanthai crossover
point for six days.
"The
priority area for humanitarian relief is now
centred on the conflict affected zones of
the north where access remains difficult and
the number of IDPs has slowly increased
during the first five months of 2008, and
could rapidly increase at any time. Security
concerns, access restrictions and limits on
the importation of food, fuel, medicines,
equipment and other materials, have made the
implementation of relief operations
increasingly complex and added to the cost
of operations," the UN report said.
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Life
in the Wanni
Life
in the Wanni is something between
outright, fascist repression and a
horrid joke gone too far. The LTTE
used to be ambivalent about university
ragging of the freshers during the
1980s. Sometimes they would oppose
ragging, and at other times support it
when students opposed to them were
against it. The Wanni is one gigantic
rag.
For
some time after the outbreak of the
current round of war in 2006, old men
in their late 60s and mid 70s were
forced to do home defence training.
Men who could barely walk were forced
to train, tottering in an attempt to
run, carrying poles (made at their
expense) as substitutes for guns.
Standing
continuously on guard duty was
unbearable torture. One septuagenarian
got permission from an 'officer' to
place his bicycle against a tree and
rest his back on the seat while on
duty. Another 'officer' came along and
gave him a verbal lashing for resting
on the bicycle seat. The practice of
forcing elders was later stopped.
Reprisals
Whenever
there is news of a LTTE terror attack
against civilians in the south, the
people in the Wanni prepare for
reprisal air force attacks. All
functions over the next three days are
cancelled. If there is an unexpected
bombing raid while a function is going
on, unless it is too close to the
function, it proceeds amidst
explosions.
It
appears to people that the LTTE
endangers them as a matter of policy.
We have recorded that at the beginning
of a round of war in 1990, there were
instances when the LTTE fired at
passing aircraft from a LMG mounted on
a vehicle from the vicinity of a
refugee camp and sped away. After the
recent commencement of war, LTTE
vehicles used to be carelessly parked
in civilian precincts in the Wanni,
and were clearly visible from the air.
Fearful of an aerial attack, people
repeatedly asked them to park the
vehicles under cover.
After
ignoring these pleas for a long time,
the LTTE now parks them where they do
not make targets from the air. Bombing
raids are regularly aimed at putative
LTTE targets, and predictably follow a
military defeat inflicted by the LTTE
or a terror attack in the south.
There
was a long controversy about the 54
young schoolgirls killed in the aerial
bomb attack on a camp in Vallipunam on
August 14, 2006 where it was
maintained that the girls were
receiving first aid training.
Residents now confirm that the girls
were forcibly taken by the LTTE and
the training was of a military nature.
This does not however justify the
government bombing the school girls.
An
aspect of the militarisation and
regimentation of life in the Wanni is
that persons are allowed to work only
if they have a card certifying that
they had taken home-defence training.
As most work is controlled by the LTTE,
full salaries are paid only to those
from martyrs' families - i.e. ones
where a member died fighting for the
LTTE. The others get half salaries.
All able males are forced to do border
security duties five days a month or
pay Rs.5000 a month for exemption.
Life
is unbearable
Life
is thus made almost unbearable for
those who do not fall in line with the
LTTE. For those who do not fully
conform, it is very difficult to leave
the Wanni even for urgent medical
treatment. Consequently the extreme
bitterness against the LTTE also
expresses itself in willingness to act
as saboteurs and to set off landmines
provided by the Sri Lanka Army.
The
Wanni has intelligence units
everywhere. There are intelligence
units for education, for distribution
of rations and supply, for
agriculture, and for photography - all
persons are photographed - besides the
regular Pottu Amman's intelligence.
The police do their own intelligence
work.
If
people are heard complaining or saying
something that hints at criticism of
the regime, often a policemen would
walk up to them, warn them not to walk
abreast and that if they want to talk
they could come to the police station
and talk.
There
are hardly any services but mainly
extortion. The LTTE has virtually
taken over all enterprises except
those of dhobis (washermen) and
barbers. Everyone selling something or
doing a service must issue a receipt
so that tax could be collected. The
combined intelligence services prevent
evasion. Receipts must be issued
whether it is fixing a punctured
bicycle tyre or selling a dried palm
leaf pyramidal basket for steaming
pittu.
When
the LTTE took over houses, and if the
owners were lucky enough that the LTTE
agreed to return them, they were given
huge bills for fictitious
'improvements.'
Punishment
Another
function of intelligence is to prevent
people from listening to the
Ithayaveenai Tamil programme broadcast
by government radio, just as people
outside browse TamilNet because they
don't believe the Defence Ministry's
propaganda. The LTTE punishes
offenders by sending them to dig
bunkers.
The
LTTE's control hinges on poruppalars
(persons-in-charge or divisional
heads). The official may be in charge
of a political, administrative or a
security division. They are the
virtual maharajahs or fiefs. Many of
them live in luxury houses amidst so
much drabness and poverty. While
ordinary people can hardly afford the
highly inflated prices at which the
LTTE sells cement, the poruppalars
frequently have garden walls with
well-shaped black stones. Anyone
peeping inside would see a
well-maintained garden.
The
poruppalars duly acquire the
mannerisms showing off their absolute
power and the lowliness of anyone else
besides them. They grow into the habit
of commanding by grunts and a
non-vocal economy of gestures, such as
thrusting the thumb behind over the
shoulder or ordering a person to come
by lightly flicking the forefinger.
Of
course, the people resent these
impositions and curse the plundering
poruppalars - peeping, eavesdropping
and harassing intelligence officials
and LTTE-appointed bureaucrats. But
strangely they don't blame the
'leader.' The typical remark is, 'if
only the leader knows what the others
do in his name, he will not permit
it.'
The
LTTE too encourages this game of good
cop , bad cop. Similarly there was
genuine grief when Tamilselvan was
killed in an aerial attack on November
2, 2007. Criticism of the leader is
confined to peripheral matters like
his marriage to a high-caste girl
while denouncing caste. The really
grave issues like the thousands of
Tamils he has murdered are taboo
subjects.
The
manner in which the LTTE manipulates
Tamils cannot last without the
seemingly unyielding malevolence of
the government.
-
Trauma In The Wanni: Human Grist To
The Mills Of Dual Hypocrisy - UTHR (Jaffna)
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