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  Thoughts of a nation   The '3D' solution to the north east problem

Fears dominate the threatened villages


Home guards and a security 
officer at a border village

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

There is little doubt about the North Central Province's heritage and bounty but today it is a region facing wide ranging issues, and some more dire than the others, especially concerning the threat to life.

The Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa Districts that comprise the province have faced a serious problem relating to security during the past two decades. As two districts that border the Northern and Eastern Provinces - the war zone - these districts have to grapple with the issue of 'living in threatened villages.'

Threatened and displaced

Statistics reveal that in the Anuradhapura District 4,238 persons displaced from the threatened villages are currently living in welfare centres while 3,038 persons lived with friends and family. The district has some 285 villages in 77 Grama Niladhari divisions in eight divisional secretariats, identified as threatened villages.

The eight divisional secretariats are Medawachchiya, Nochchiyagama, Madyama Nuwaragam Palatha, Mahavilachchiya, Kebethigollewa, Padaviya, Horowpathana and Kahatagasdigiliya.

Villages within these identified areas live under constant LTTE threat and many have been the instances when unidentified men alleged to be LTTE cadres on the move in the northern border have killed villagers.

The Polonnaruwa District's plight is no different with many threatened villages being located within the Welikanda, Medirigiriya and Dimbulagala divisional secretariat areas.

Statistics reveal that there are 133 persons from 40 families living in temporary shelters while 47 persons from 13 families live with their relatives.

The security issues faced by Polonnaruwa's threatened villages are said to have been minimised following the liberation of the Eastern Province.

Security restored

According to the Polonnaruwa District Secretariat, the liberation of the east has eased the threats on the threatened villages.

"The security in the threatened villages is now restored. The Polonnaruwa District was badly affected during military engagements in the east as most of the villages bordered the Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts," an official based there explained.

Although the grievances, especially of security, faced by the threatened villages in the Polonnaruwa District have been resolved, the ongoing military confrontation in the northern frontier between the LTTE and the security forces continue to pose a grave threat to those living in the threatened villages scattered in the Anuradhapura District.

It is these villages that have seen some of the most gruesome attacks in the past two years with the most horrific being the claymore attack on a civilian bus in Kebethigollewa in June 2006 killing some 68 villagers including children.

Several massacres of people in these villages have taken place during the long-running armed conflict. However, while most have opted to flee the threatened villages, some have also opted to stay back as long as they can take the beating. Meda Wewa and Guru Halmillewa are two such villages.

Situated in the remote part of Kebethigollewa, Meda Wewa and Guru Halmillewa villagers are determined to hold on to the last.

Over 180 families live in Meda Wewa while 21 families live in Guru Halmillewa.

Guru Halmillewa is the last village in the NCP bordering Vavuniya. According to the villagers, LTTE cadres are on the move constantly in the jungles adjoining the tank.

Sixty-one people live in Guru Halmillewa, which is guarded by some 14 home guards.

Compelled to leave

The current security situation has affected the lives of these villagers to such an extent that they are allocated a time to go to the tank.

However, villages say that if the situation takes a turn for the worse and their lives are further threatened, they would be compelled to leave.

The village has no electricity and utilises well water. The transport system in the village is very poor as hardly any buses travel on the roads, especially following the claymore attacks targeting buses.

"The children find it difficult to travel to school. Our children go the school in the next village, the Meda Wewa School which is two and a half kilometres from Guru Halmillewa," a villager earlier told The Sunday Leader.

Livelihood

Meanwhile, most of the villagers in the threatened villages have taken up duty as home guards as a profession. It has also become a solution to the unemployment problem in the area.

A home guard is given a 14-day training in handling weapons and methods of combat and is paid a monthly salary of approximately Rs.12,000.

The prevailing security situation in the area has prevented most of the villages from continuing with their traditional means of livelihood - paddy farming. Hence, becoming a home guard has become the main income generator for many families.

According to a home guard in Viharahalmillewa, most of the men in the threatened villages are home guards as they cannot continue to cultivate paddy due to the security threat. "This way they are sure of earning an income. Otherwise, they take loans to farm and if the LTTE attacks, they are at a loss," he explained.

He observed that being a home guard gave him a permanent salary each month and minimised the risk of losing all the money invested in paddy farming if the security situation deteriorates.

Nevertheless, several home guards said, if and when time permits, they do some paddy farming, but that too only if their lands are located in a safe area.

According to sources from the Anuradhapura District, attention needs to be paid to building a strong security mechanism with the cooperation of the security forces, members of the civil defence force and the villagers. This move is expected to create some confidence in the minds of the people to continue to live in their original villages.

Weak infrastructure

"At present some of the villagers do not stay in their houses at night due to the fear of being attacked. They come to their homes during day time and leave to their temporary shelters and relatives' homes at night," the source said.

Another issue that plagues them is the weak infrastructure facilities.

"The road network has to be built as transport is a key concern. And rural electrification is poor," the source said.

Villagers feel that the lack of basic facilities coupled with security concerns have prevented many government officials, including teachers from accepting postings in these areas.

The budgets

By Nirmala Kannangara

Notwithstanding the protests against incurring unnecessary expenditure by holding early elections which may be a moot point, the state will spend over Rs.400 million for the August 23 provincial council elections in the North Central and Sabaragamuwa Provinces.

The Elections Department has allocated Rs.111 million for preliminary election work in the four districts - Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Ratnapura and Kegalle. Another Rs.90 million will be spent on the Police Department, Postal Department and the State Printing Corporation (SPC).

"These amounts have been estimated as expenses for the police that would be mobilised for security, SPC for printing ballot papers and the Postal Department for the distribution of polling cards," a top Elections Department official said. Another Rs.200 million will be spent on public servants who will be deployed for election duty.

However notwithstanding such allocations, the respective political parties too have allocated a considerable amount of money for their campaigns and candidates. But all the main parties declined to divulge details of their campaign budgets.

Not divulged

According to UNP Spokesperson MP Gayantha Karunathilake, the party would assist their candidates but refused to give details. Attempts to obtain information from SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena and PA General Secretary D. M. Jayaratne, failed. "It is difficult to say how much will be spent. We will support all the candidates," Karunathilake said.

The JVP too is reluctant to share details but inside sources said that considerable amounts would be utilised for the campaigns and the chief ministerial candidates. "The party will spend equal amounts on all candidates. A colourful poster campaign has already begun," a JVP source said.

In the meantime, Additional Secretary, Ministry of Local Government and Provincial Councils, Sunil Fernando said that all financial allocations for the elections were handled only by the Elections Department.

"We only facilitate in preparing the ground work and help coordinate matters. The department allocates funds for each election. The entire budgetary allocation goes to the department," Fernando added.

The aspirants say...

As for UPFA's NCP chief ministerial aspirant, Berty Premalal Dissanayake, he did not depend on the party to fund the campaign. "I have my own wealth to spend on propaganda," he said.

When asked how much he intended spending, Dissanayake said it was impossible to say at the beginning of the campaign. "I also have friends and wellwishers coming forward to help," he said, adding "I have business magnates who are willing to spend.  The party too will support."

As for UPFA's Sabaragamuwa forerunner, Maheepala Herath, it will be a low cost campaign. "I do not intend spending lavishly on election propaganda. I can't afford it. But my party and wellwishers are assisting me," Herath added.

A UNP forerunner in the Sabaragamuwa race, popular actor Ranjan Ramanayake said he is unaware of the party budget on campaigns and candidates. "This is my first appearance in a political contest. I have no idea how the party allocates funds but my friends will also chip in," Ramanayake added.

In the NCP, UNP chief ministerial candidate Gen. Janaka Perera has received a 'starter' allocation from the party and manages the campaign largely on his own steam. "Wellwishers are chipping in, in a big way," Perera said.

Plantation sector woes in Sabaragamuwa

By Arthur Wamanan

Sabaragamuwa is a plantation heavy, cash crop province deriving its income primarily from tea and rubber. Besides it is famed for precious gemstones.

The people of Sabaragamuwa are employed in the government, the private, estate and agricultural sectors with the province's contribution to the national economy having dropped from 8% in 1990 to 6% in 2005. It is the fifth lowest contributor to national GDP with just a 4-8% contribution.

Largest sub-sectors

In the Sabaragamuwa economy, the five largest sub-sectors are food crop agriculture, wholesale and retail trade, manufacturing, transport, storage and communication, and mining and quarrying. Gem mining takes place mostly in the Ratnapura District.

The local community largely comprises Tamils of Indian origin working on the tea plantations and a majority of Sinhalese working on the rubber estates. But as plantation workers, theirs is a shared plight of low personal economies - living in line homes, lacking basic sanitation and for the younger generation - a lack of good schools.

But government officials say that they are having a much better life than they used to, thanks to several development programmes.

Though most of the plantation workers are members of trade unions their economic issues remain unaddressed to a large extent.

Sabaragamuwa's Minister of Lands, Agriculture, Animal Production and Irrigation, Ranjith de Soysa said the essential needs of the community are being looked into.

The development process in the province has not been completed but is being carried out at a rapid pace according to the Minister. He however admitted that there were sections of the community whose issues have not been addressed.

Basics provided

"The basic needs of the people in Sabaragamuwa have been provided by the government to a large extent. There are some needs however in the estate  and agriculture sectors that need to be looked into. But the development work is going on," he said.

According to him, more than 50% of the roads have been repaired and are suitable for transportation.

Authorities agree that teachers are in short supply and plantain sector children find it especially difficult. But de Soysa claims that the teachers issue too is being rapidly addressed by the provincial administration.

"There are some estate workers, mainly in Rakwana in the Ratnapura District who have it really tough. The cost of living is impacting on them. There are issues pertaining to the fulfillment of some of their basic needs, especially sanitation needs," he added.

 Ratnapura District Secretary, Malani Premaratne noted that the people in the district were content with their progress, economically as well as socially, following development programmes carried out by the government.

Issues

"There are many villages that were developed under various programmes. They do have issues. But, most of them have been addressed. " She added that around 15% of development work, mainly in the estate areas needed to be completed so as to improve the living standards of the populace.

This claim of having the district's needs being met through developmental activities was brushed aside by the JVP, a party with a strong trade union hold in the plantation sector.

JVP's Sabaragamuwa campaign leader for Kegalle, Mahinda Jayasinghe noted that the infrastructure needs in both the districts requires much more attention from the government. He said civilians continued to face hardships due to badly maintained roads and transport facilities.

The education sector too has suffered due to dilapidated buildings and lack of teachers, he charged alleging that despite the plantation workers' contribution to the national economy, they remained a seriously deprived group.

Prudent politics

Jayasinghe noted that if the Rs. 400 million spent on the polls could be utilised for infrastructure development, especially in Ratnapura where civilians suffer greatly following the recent floods, that would have been prudent politics.

Violence and smear campaigns on the rise

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

Violence appears to be on the rise, some six weeks ahead of the election date, with 14 incidents being recorded since nomination day in the North Central and Sabaragamuwa Provinces.

According to Spokesman, Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CAFFE), Keerthi Tenna- koon, there was systematic election violence in Anuradhapura from where a majority of the incidents have been reported.

Anuradhapura reported eight incidents, Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura, one incident each and Kegalle four incidents. Thirteen complaints are against the UPFA and one against the UNP in Kegalle.

Candidates, families, threatened

"Candidates, their families and party cadres are being threatened not to engage in political work. This is to neutralise the opposition parties. Voters too are being threatened to desist from voting," he noted.

According to him, the law enforcement authorities too were acting in violation of the law by not removing posters and cutouts. "We can understand why the candidates violate the law, but the police, despite enormous allocations made to the Police Department to implement the law, they do not carry out the law in all four districts," he charged.

Meanwhile People's Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) has recorded 13 incidents of election related violence. PAFFREL commenced its monitoring activities last week after nominations were filed.

PAFFREL Chairman Kingsley Rodrigo said he would meet with all candidates in both provinces with regard to minimising election violence.  According to PAFFREL, Anuradhapura topped the list with eight complaints. Polonnaruwa and Kegalle recorded two incidents while Ratnapura recorded one incident. All complaints are against the UPFA.

Meanwhile, JVP Parliamentary Group Leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake gave a detailed account of violence against JVP cadres and their families in parliament on Thursday (9) and drew attention to the fact that the National Police Commission (NPC) is not being activated by the government so that it could rig polls and unleash violence against opponents.

He said on July 3 night, a group of JVP activists putting up posters in the Nivithigala, Dela area came under attack and one activist named Rajapakse was abducted. He was shot near his ear and now his hearing is impaired, He is being treated at the Ratnapura Hospital.

JVP attacked

JVP's Thirappane candidate Rohana Pushpakumara's coordinating office was attacked on July 6. The Thirappane Pradeshiya Sabha chairman carried out the attack, according to the JVP.

On July 7, Anuradhapura District candidate, Dhammika Jayawardene had a group of thugs entering his house and threatening him with death. Some of his propaganda material was also taken away.

On the same day, July 7, the JVP office in the Kada Dolaha area in Anuradhapura was attacked and an armed gang has threatened a party cadre with death. In a pre dawn attack on the same day in Galenbindunuwewa, the JVP party office was dismantled and publicity material worth over Rs.15,000 was set on fire.

As violence escalates, there are moves by the government to undermine and discredit other political parties and candidates. The biggest war has been declared on UNP's NCP chief ministerial candidate, Janaka Perera.

On July 6, senior state media personality, Mahinda Abeysundera conducted a special workshop for 30 Lake House correspondents at the Jayanthivihara auditorium in Anuradhapura where he issued strict instructions to save the correspondents jobs by propping up the government's campaign and by undermining the UNP campaign.

Local sources confirmed that 24 correspondents from Anuradhapura and six from Polonnaruwa attended it.

Smear, and countering

Meanwhile, the sole survivor of the attack that killed Gen. Denzil Kobbekaduwa and now a UPFA candidate has commenced an anti Janaka Perera campaign in the province. He has told the state media that Perera was no Weli Oya hero but only visited the area thrice during the bitter battle.

As the government tries to use a war survivor to discredit a renowned war veteran, the UNP now intends countering the smear campaign by publicising two letters of commendation issued to Perera on his Weli Oya success by the then Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Gerry de Silva RWP VSV, on July 29,1995 and Overall Operations Commander, Maj. Gen. R. de S. Daluwatte NDC PSC, on July 30,1995, both in which praise has been showered upon Perera for the military prowess displayed.

Only 30% Sinhalese believe LTTE can be weakened by war alone

Thoughts of a nation


There is support for the war effort

By Ruan Pethiyagoda

A nationwide poll published last month by the Institute of Irish Studies at the University of Liverpool has shown how frighteningly well the Rajapakse government's extremist propaganda has been soaked into the minds of its constituent vote base.

The 'Peace Poll' which was commissioned by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and was spread over every province except the Northern Province, assessed the views of Sinhalese, Tamils, Up Country Tamils and Muslims on a large number of issues relating to the causes and possible solutions to the ethnic conflict.

Using a method that has proven successful in other conflict areas, the peace poll went beyond probing into people's opinions on terms such as terrorism, human rights, federalism and unitary states, and instead asked about several more in-depth issues.

The results show a great deal of polarisation between the communities on the causes and effects of the conflict in Sri Lanka today. As the survey was conducted with a random sample of 1,700 people, statistical mathematics predicts that it would have an accuracy of 99%, with an error margin of plus or minus 3%.

State control of media

As an example, the poll showed that only 7% of Sinhalese people feel that 'state control over media' is a 'very significant' problem faced by Sri Lanka. The actual result could be anywhere between 4% and 10% with a 99% level of accuracy. Either way this is a frighteningly enlightening result that shows how happy the majority of Sinhalese people are with the government's barrage of propaganda, and how few of them believe in the value of an independent or free media.

The number of problems that a majority of Sinhalese feel are 'very significant' is also startlingly limited. The only two problems that the majority of Sinhalese feel very significant are the 'continued violence of the LTTE' (60%) and 'abuse of human rights by the LTTE' (59%).

More Sinhalese (40%) feel that 'corrupt politicians' is a more serious problem than discrimination of Tamils after independence, which only 12% of Sinhalese consider a 'very significant' problem.

Only 3% of Sinhalese have found it significant that 'all Tamils' are 'being treated like terrorists by the security forces' and similarly only 2% feel that there is something wrong with the armed forces being predominantly Sinhalese.

Significant problem

Only 37% of Sinhalese feel that the ongoing war is a significant problem for the country, compared with 73% of Tamils who feel that it is a burning issue. Likewise, despite 72% of Tamils feeling that 'escalating violence in the last two years' is a serious issue, only 31% of Sinhalese feel the same way.

Although a majority of Sinhalese could only agree on two issues that were seriously affecting the country, the Tamils polled were more outspoken on a number of issues. A majority (over 50%) found a total of 11 issues 'very significant' compared to the two issues highlighted by the majority of Sinhalese. (See box for detail of these issues).

However, despite the government's continued systematic persecution of Tamils, there is little 'rebellious' feeling among the majority of their populace. Only 37% of Tamils fear that 'a defeated LTTE will give rise to new armed groups' in a sense implying that the majority feels that once the LTTE have been destroyed, the war would be over.

Similarly, only 38% of Tamils have found fault with the fact that the armed forces are predominantly Sinhalese, whilst a mere 37% are disappointed with the sectarian ethnic makeup of the police. A remarkably low 29% of Tamils are concerned that 'upcountry Tamils do not own their own homes,' a problem that only 10% of Sinhalese found very significant.

Did not own homes

Surprisingly again, a mere 55% of Upcountry Tamils were upset by the fact that they did not own their own homes, indicating either a complacent or 'tamed' Tamil society in the highlands. Remarkably however, there was far more consensus amongst up-country Tamils on identifying significant problems facing Sri Lanka.

While the Sinhalese and mainstream Tamil communities identified 2 and 11 problems respectively, the Upcountry Tamils were agreed by majority on 30 issues, shown in a separate box. 71% voiced dissent at 'all Tamils being treated like terrorists by the security forces' despite a relatively low security forces presence in the Central Province.

Seventy eight percent highlighted the 'failure to implement language rights,' a problem recognised by just 44% of mainstream Tamils and 12% of Sinhalese. This outspokenness by the Upcountry Tamils is a recent phenomenon, as they are usually kept docile and placated by the handouts of Arumugam Thondaman's powerful CWC union and political party.

The dissent among the upcountry Tamils would most likely have been caused by the increasing cost of living, and renewed persecution over the last two years - problems that are not 'problems' in the eyes of most Sinhalese, according to this recent poll.

A majority of Muslims (51%) are angered by the failure of successive governments to implement language rights while 44% of Muslims, predominantly in the Eastern Province, were concerned about the abuse of human rights by the police and armed forces.

From within the darkness there were however a few encouraging signs. Only 30% of Sinhalese believe that the LTTE 'can only be weakened by war' as the government has often claimed, and a mere 23% share the government's battle cry against 'International NGOs operating in Sri Lanka.'

Similarly, only 16% of Sinhalese truly fear that 'devolution of power to the north and east will lead to the break-up of Sri Lanka.' It follows that there is a lot of consensus amongst all communities on the possible solutions to the prevailing conflict.

Eighty seven percent of Sri Lankans of all communities are agreed that 'all the people of Sri Lanka must come together through their representatives to solve the problem.' A majority of 55% of Sri Lankans also believe that the government should stop the war, and this result is affected strongly by the 45% of Sinhalese who indicated that it is 'unacceptable' to stop the ongoing war against the LTTE.

Likewise only 38% of Sinhalese are against restarting the peace process although 52% of Sinhalese are against the government negotiating 'with elected Tamil representatives.' Also 58% of Sinhalese are against the government negotiating 'with ex-Tamil militants' showing a deep distrust amongst the majority community of groups such as the EPDP and TMVP.

Transforming the LTTE

Hatred of the LTTE is naturally still rife amongst the Sinhalese. 64% of the majority community are completely against transforming the LTTE using 'political and economic incentives' to find a settlement.

When it comes to human rights, the barbarity displayed by the two militant sides of the conflict is absent amongst all communities of the populace. Barely 7% of Sinhalese think it is even 'tolerable' for the government to deny freedom of movement, speech, press or assembly, or rights to a fair trial.

Five percent of Sinhalese feel it is either 'acceptable' or 'tolerable' for the government forces to 'abuse emergency powers' although none at all believe that any abuses of human rights by the state are either desirable or essential.

Tamil people by and large are also against the abuse of human rights by the LTTE. Only 3% believe it is even tolerable for the Tigers to attack civilians, although 4% believe that the terrorists can be allowed to launch suicide attacks and a slightly larger number (4% - 6%) think it is 'tolerable' for the Tigers to deny freedom of speech, press, assembly or movement.

Four percent of Tamils are actually in favour of the government's 'arbitrary arrest and detention policy' when only half that number (2%) felt that the LTTE should be given the same liberty, demonstrating a relative bias towards the central government over the LTTE in the minds of most Tamils, contrary to Tiger claims of being the sole representative of the Tamil people.

Problem of discrimination

When asked specifically, all communities seem to recognise the need to solve the problem of discrimination. 55% of all Sri Lankans see the need to 'ensure full implementation of Tamil as an official language.' This number is weighted down by a sizable 34% of Sinhalese - the nationalist element - who feel that it is 'unacceptable' to implement Tamil as an official language.

In a curious twist, only 11% of Sinhalese said it was unacceptable to implement an 'Equality Commission' to monitor 'all government policies and distribution of resources.' 58% of the population favoured the implementation of such a commission with a significant group answering 'don't know,' highlighting the scope for further education of the citizenry on the available solutions (other than war) for resolution of the ethnic conflict.

The poll also highlighted a motivation amongst all communities to help ensure good governance, a school of thought that the main opposition parties, the UNP and JVP, have thus far been slow to capitalise on. 82% of respondents said it was either essential or desirable to depoliticise the public service and 78% agreed on the need for 'effective institutions to combat corruption,' highlighting a broad based frustration over public wastage.

Amusingly, 59% of all Sri Lankans feel that it is either essential or desirable to implement 'restrictions on MPs crossing over' between political parties. Also 63% of people from all communities are agreed that 'appointments of the Supreme Court judges and other high posts should be made on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council' established by the 17th Amendment to the Constitution.

Constitutional reform

On the task of constitutional reform, there is a great deal of debate between communities. 52% of Sinhalese feel that Buddhism should be given 'special status' in Sri Lanka, while a majority of all other communities (50% Tamil, 64% Upcountry Tamil, 50% Muslim) are against such a move.

Existing proposals for devolution packages have little support amongst the Sinhalese. 53% are against merging the North and East Provinces, and 86% of Sinhalese are against the creation of an autonomous unit for the Upcountry Tamils in the Central Province.

Eighty four percent of Sinhalese are against the SLMC's request for an autonomous unit for Muslims in the Eastern Province and an overwhelming 77% of Sinhalese are against making Sri Lanka a federal state. 61% are against redrawing borders to reduce the number of provinces in the country although 49% of Sinhalese feel it would be wrong to have 'no devolution' at all.

In government's favour

The poll has shown if nothing else that President Mahinda Rajapakse's witty and carefully cultivated media and publicity campaigns have been extremely successful in swinging popular support in his government's favour despite overwhelming odds on the ground realities of the economic and security situation around the island.

The main opposition UNP, portrayed by the government to be overly pandering to the minorities, is at risk of losing support not for itself, but for its traditional secular ideals, amongst the majority Sinhalese community, if they allow the government's propaganda campaigns to march on unchecked whilst they struggle to organise an effective front to take on the UPFA alliance.

There was a large number of undecided or wavering respondents in this peace poll, and which direction they ultimately swing in, and thus the balance of power and path to peace, will be decided by the political forces that first manage to swing them towards their own viewpoint. As of now however, the Rajapakse government is enjoying a chillingly comfortable lead in the propaganda war.

Issues that the majority of Tamils feel are 'very significant' 
problems faced by Sri Lanka

The ongoing war                                            73%

Escalating violence in the last two years                72%

Violence over the past 30 years                         59%

Discrimination after independence                         56%

The failure of successive governments to find a

political solution                                                        53%

Abuse of human rights by the police                       52%

Abuse of human rights by paramilitary groups

associated with government forces                       52%

Failure to bring perpetrators of human 
rights violations to justice                                          52%

Abuse of human rights by the armed forces            51%

Government leadership dependent on JVP and JHU   51%

Non productive Peace Secretariat                           50%

Issues that the majority of up-country Tamils feel are 'very significant' 
problems faced by Sri Lanka

Escalating violence in the last two years             79%

Failure to implement language rights   78%

Abuse of human rights by the police             75%

Abuse of human rights by the armed forces   74%

Violence over the past 30 years   74%

Corrupt politicians             73%

All Tamils being treated like terrorists by the security forces   71%

The ongoing war      68%

Failure to bring perpetrators of human rights violations to justice 67%

Failure to provide Lankan Tamils with a constitutional solution to their problems             66%

Non productive Peace Secretariat             66%

Dominance of Sinhalese in public sector employment             65%

Vested interests in ongoing conflict             63%

Heightened ethnic polarisation in politics and life             62%

The armed forces are predominately Sinhalese             60%

Abuse of human rights by paramilitary groups associated with government forces   59%

The failure of successive governments to find a political solution             59%

Polarisation of civil society             58%

The police are predominately Sinhalese             57%

Abuse of Human Rights by the LTTE      57%

Public institutions corrupted for political purposes             57%

Politicians frequently changing party             57%

Discrimination after independence             56%

Upcountry Tamils do not own their own homes 55%

The police do not provide a police service for the public             54%

Politicisation of the public service             53%

Government leadership dependent on JVP and JHU             53%

The decline of the economy             52%

Disproportionate power exercised by JVP and JHU             52%

State control over media             51%

The '3D' solution to the north east problem


President R. Premadasa

By Sirisena Cooray

The north eastern problem cannot be solved only through war. Negotiations are not the answer either. While the war is going on there must be a '3D' approach to the north and the east - Devolution, Democracy and Development. All three are necessary to bring peace and normalcy to the north and the east and to Sri Lanka.

This is the only real alternative to separatism. This is what President Premadasa meant when he said 'Eelam illai, Ellam kudutharei' (not Eelam but everything else).

The people of the north and the east are undergoing untold hardships. Tamil people all over Sri Lanka feel frightened and insecure. They do not know what tomorrow will bring. They need to be reassured. It is only through a programme consisting of devolution, democracy and development that we can reassure the Tamil people.

There must be rapid development in the areas liberated from the LTTE. The people must be given everything they need for a decent standard of living - such as houses, electricity, water, jobs.

Development

During the time of President Premadasa, even in the midst of the war, development took place in the north and the east. There was a presidential mobile service in Vavuniya and several garment factories in the north and the east. Immediately after an area is liberated we would move in and build houses for the people of the area. I remember initially Mr. Premadasa wanted 1000 houses to be built in three months.

Democracy too is essential. In the LTTE areas there is no democracy, as everyone knows. That is why there must be democracy in the liberated areas. In the liberated areas the people must be free and safe. There cannot be abductions, extortions, killings, and other acts of intimidation. Elections, when they are held, must be free and fair.

Devolution is the third necessity. Many people have highlighted the need for a political solution. The Tamil people must feel that they have sufficient authority to manage their own affairs.

The Apex Council

When it comes to a political solution there are two thorny issues. One is that of the merger. The other is the amount of devolution.

Most Tamils want the merger. The Sinhalese and most Muslims are opposed to it. How do we reconcile these different points of view? I have always felt that linkage through an Apex Council is the best way out of this problem.

The greatest advantage in the Apex Council formula is that it can be implemented without any delay since it can be formed with an Act of Parliament with a simple majority. Therefore we need not wait for a two thirds majority. Since the Apex Council will be formed through an Act of Parliament it will be answerable to parliament.

The Apex Council will consist of members of the two provincial councils in accordance with the ethnic ratio of the two provinces. The two governors and the two chief ministers of the provinces will be ex-officio members of the Apex Council. Other members will be selected from among provincial councillors in a secret ballot.

The Apex Council will deal with all contentious issues. All view points will be heard and no injustice done against any ethnic or religious community. When necessary the Apex Council will also coordinate with the president and the parliament.

This way the north and the east can be linked without causing problems to the provincial minorities, the Muslims and the Sinhalese.

Power

Asymmetrical devolution. A majority of people outside of the north-east do not require devolution. This has been used to reduce the number of devolved subjects and to inflate the concurrent list. This problem can be taken care of via asymmetrical devolution: devolve power to those who want it, since in Sri Lanka devolution has become necessary due to history and politics rather than geography.

Governor to be a ceremonial head.

Reducing the concurrent list to a minimum with as many subjects as possible transferred to the provincial list.

A provincial subject cannot be transferred to the centre without a two thirds approval of the provincial council and a provincial referendum. This will give the people of the province a sense of security and prevent arbitrary action by a majority dominated centre to dilute or even sabotage devolution of power to the minorities (this may require a constitutional amendment).

Land: the subject of state land to be transferred to the concurrent list; this can prevent both the centre and the periphery from abusing state land in favour of this or that ethnic group.

Introduction of a provincial public service side by side with the national public service.

Implementation of the clause on devolving police powers to the provinces fully.

Most Sinhala and Muslim people are not opposed to devolution. The Tamil people want it. It is therefore the duty of the government to present a solution to the country without any further delay. Even to win the war we need the support of the Tamil people. If we do not make an effort to improve their lives and reassure them about their safety, why should they support us?

(The writer is chairman of the Premadasa Centre)

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