'Pirapaharan will have to commit suicide'

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

Q: Why is the President still skirting with the issue of appointing the Constitutional Council which goes to the very heart of his commitment to good governance?

A: Now the matter has been referred to the Supreme Court. The President will soon take a decision.

Q: The Supreme Court recently observed that the delay in appointing the CC was an abdication of responsibility and called for consensus. Why did the government wait till a citizen, Prof. Sumanasiri Liyanage instituted a public interest suit to have a vital constitutional amendment implemented?

A: For about two years, its non-appointment was not due to the government. It was the fault of the minority party leaders who could not nominate their representative. In the meantime, many other political developments took place.

I was appointed Chairman of the Select Committee on the 17th Amendment as this problem intensified.

First, 17 UNP members crossed over to the government. This meant, Karu Jayasuriya's presence in the select committee was opposed by the UNP. The UNP called for a replacement. The Speaker said he could not do anything as these appointments were approved by parliament.

Next, the matter of the crossers-over had gone before court and hence became sub judice. The Speaker cautiously refused to intervene at that time.

In the meantime, the JVP left the government and claimed a right to appoint the minority party representative as an opposition party with the largest number of representatives. Other minority parties like the TNA, JHU and the SLMC opposed this reiterating that the JVP was elected on the UPFA ticket and was not entitled to nominate people merely due to having political differences with the government of which it was a part. The Speaker attempted to bring about a consensus but failed.

The Select Committee went on but the UNP boycotted. I was facing a deadlock. I met the Opposition Leader and pleaded with him for the UNP to remain a party to the process. At my request, K.N. Choksy attended one session but we reached a stalemate yet again.

That's when Prof. Sumanasiri Liyanage and others went before court. They are quite justified in doing so from their perspective. The Chief Justice too has taken the same position. I took up the position that I was helpless in the absence of a consensus.

Now the Attorney General has been instructed by the Chief Justice to take up this matter with the Speaker, the Premier, the Opposition Leader and then the President, and push for consensus.

The Prime Minister met the Opposition Leader recently. Time has been sought until the end of the budget season. It is most likely to be resolved soon after the budget. I am ready with the amendments, for my part.

Q: There was an undertaking by the Attorney General to facilitate a consensus between the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader to expedite the process of appointing the Constitutional Council. How long will it take?

A: I believe immediately after the budget, this will happen. I feel really frustrated, sandwiched between the government and the opposition, the Supreme Court and the people. But this impasse is likely to end soon after the budget season ends.

Q: Two government ministers now head the two most important watchdog committees in parliament, COPE and PAC. When Rauf Hakeem headed PAC, the criticism was that though it was not incorrect for him to head it, it was still unethical for a minister to do so. Why does the government appear to desire a dilution of the committee process?

A: If you go back in history, it will be clear that both these committees initially were one. Then it was split and for long spells they have been headed by both government and opposition members.

My personal view is that they are best headed by opposition members for more transparency and ethics. When we were students, I highly appreciated the role played by E.F.N. Gratien who headed the PAC. He later became a Supreme Court judge. But when he headed PAC he was a nominated government MP but was so impartial and independent.

There had been Peter Keuneman, Bernard Soysa and S. Thondaman heading these committees as opposition members. Soysa, I recall, did an excellent job.

I was a public servant at that time. Unlike today, when PAC summoned secretaries and senior officials, we spent days preparing answers. It was taken with such seriousness.

Today, that spirit is absent among MPs, public servants and heads of departments.

I have been a PAC member under J.R. Jayewardene's government. A minister headed it. I nevertheless played a big role there. We took that responsibility seriously.

My position is that whether government or opposition, if the correct person is there, it will not pose a problem. The actual problem is the present political culture that prevails. That's why the public criticism. There is a drastic decline in standards in all spheres and naturally this is reflected in our politics.

Q: There is a renewed clamour to go back to the first past the post electoral system. What's your take on it?

A: I am an active member of the committee. We are working on it. Currently we are working on local government laws. We have just finalised the electoral reforms package at the cabinet sub-committee level.

What is proposed is 70% of first past the post and 30% of proportional representation in a hybrid system. Then, the introduction of the ward system which is very popular with the people. When this is done, every 1500 persons or so will have a ward member.

To safeguard minority interests, we propose 30% representation under the PR system.

Finally, we have all agreed that the preferential vote system must go. We can push it through with a simple majority but even two thirds is not a problem because many UNP legislators have expressed their disgust over the feudalistic remnant that has created deep divisions in the country and caused inter and intra party rivalries.

There is a demand from the people for the ward system too. Just look at the Colombo Municipal Council. Though elected, you find utter riff-raff there.

Finally, the preferential vote system that resurrected biases of caste and creed can be scrapped. Often it is money instead of people that get elected. It is important that we change this political culture and this means having the thugs and rich but hare-brained people also being kept out.

First we want to introduce local government reforms before approaching the provincial councils. That will create a debate in the country and cause enthusiasm. This will help create conditions for reforming the parliamentary election system subsequently.

Q: India is expressing serious concerns about Sri Lanka's growing humanitarian problems. There are moves made both in Delhi and Chennai. Is the government in anyway under pressure to abandon the military engagements in the north?

A: There is no pressure at all. We have a perfect understanding with the Indian government.

Let's consider the ground realities. The LTTE is now on the defensive and desperate.

The LTTE that had its influence over seven districts is now reduced to half a district, and fast losing that too. They have lost the confidence of the people.  Our people have short memories. In the '80s when Piraparahan ordered the closure of shops, people immediately responded. Life came to a standstill. No offices functioned. All that's over now. People no longer carry out his orders.

There is also dissention within the LTTE. The bigger faction, the LTTE's eastern wing is largely with the government now. The supply lines have been cut off. Sea routes and ground routes are also blocked. They are militarily weak and unable to get their funding.

Importantly, world opinion is also not in their favour. Earlier the international community considered the LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamil people but they no longer view them in that light. The moderate Tamil community is coming to the fore, though not very visible.

Many countries including the US, UK, India, Canada, and the European Union have banned the LTTE. And recently Australia too has placed the LTTE on a list of prohibition. This is really the first time the LTTE finds itself in deep crisis.

If you hold an election in the north soon, non-LTTE forces will politically emerge. So they are restricted and cornered and out of depth.

In this backdrop, what can the LTTE do? They are turning towards Tamil Nadu which is linked to the Tamil community through language and culture. Tamil Nadu is where they find their roots from. It is too important a link to be overlooked.

In this context, the LTTE turns to their two allies, the DMK and the MDMK. They are fringe parties in Tamil Nadu. Through them an attempt to whip up Tamil nationalist sentiments is made with some success.

Northern Sri Lanka and Southern India, geographically, historically, linguistically, culturally and religiously are interlinked. Whatever happens here will have a spillover effect in Tamil Nadu and vice versa. The Sinhalese don't feel this link to any place but we must try to understand. Lenin said, 'ethnicity is second nature.' It is so close to the heart.

When people are cornered and they are being used by the LTTE as a human shield, it is natural for the people to look to South India.

There is an added factor here. Indian Lok Sabha elections are due in February. There is a huge power struggle between Jayalalitha and Karunanidhi as a result. The fringe parties are whipping up Tamil sentiments to create mischief. But the all party meeting was a miserable failure. 

The Congress, I feel, will not repeat what India did in 1987. They will not interfere. They will express their political sentiments, request for speedy measures to provide humanitarian assistance to the displaced and call for a political solution. But they will never cross the line again. India is not stupid.

This is the first time the civilians are not getting killed by the military engagements. That's why the delay too. The army is advancing inch-by-inch allowing people to enter areas declared 'war free zones.'

What the LTTE expects, the mass killing of Tamils, will not take place. The army will not create a situation beneficial to the LTTE.

Q: What is the likelihood of the Indian food dropping saga being re-enacted?

A: I am one of the few living members who experienced that. At 11 in the night, President Jayewardene asked me to come over. I first took permission from my party to attend this meeting. There was an inner cabinet meeting in progress. The opposition party leaders included Dinesh Gunawardena, Anura Bandaranaike and myself.

President Jayewardene handed over Premier Rajiv Gandhi's message to me. It read:

 "You must feed the people. The people of Jaffna are starving. If you don't, there will be a spillover impact on my country and I am unable to control Tamil Nadu. If you can't control the situation, I will be compelled to send food."

President Jayewardene is generally like the Sigiriya Rock. That's the only time I saw him thoroughly shaken. The inner cabinet including President Jayewardene, Prime Minister R. Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake and A.C.S. Hameed were there and the three opposition party leaders. The meeting continued till 3 am.

I am glad that it was I who offered the compromise formula and suggested to the President not to have a confrontation with India. I said the link between Northern Sri Lanka and Southern India was unique, it was about roots and heritage and we should accept that when we deal with the situation.

Further, I suggested that the government should request the Indian government to send food through the Red Cross, an international relief agency.

President Jayewardene accepted my views and got Foreign Minister Hameed to immediately draft the response. He got us to read it too. Then he called the Speaker at 3 am and asked that parliament be summoned at 2 pm the next day.

He requested the opposition party leaders to stand together and not play politics. We agreed.

In parliament, we made no inflammatory speeches. But Prime Minister Premadasa let India have it. For one hour he lambasted India. Both the government and the opposition were upset. Our collective efforts to face a national crisis together were ruined. When parliament ended at 6 pm, an hour later, Indian planes began dropping food. I believe if Premadasa held his tongue, the food drops would not have taken place.

India and Sri Lanka have learned their lessons. Just look at the recent responses to the developing Indian situation. The UNP and the government held the closest views.

Q: According to international agencies, there is a growing humanitarian crisis in the north. Why is  the government preventing INGOs and NGOs from operating there, where there is a need for relief assistance?

A: There are about 200,000 people. The government is trying its best to get them to the war free zones. The army is not mad to give the LTTE a stick to beat them with and gain the international sympathy they yearn for. The LTTE leader will soon have to commit suicide or run away. It is not in him to surrender. The LTTE is in deep crisis.

Q: Don't you accept that the Indian concerns, besides their own political needs, stem from the fact that there is no political process in Sri Lanka?

A: I will be among the first to welcome a political process. We also clamour within the government to have the process expedited. This was why the APRC was created. If the SLFP and the UNP can reach a compromise, we can allow this nation to heal with that political solution.

These two parties together control 85% of the vote. Unlike those days, these two parties hold similar positions and even on the Indian issue, they had similar views. So why can't we benefit from that ideological proximity? Together we should defeat northern terrorism and southern extremism.

Q: A highly controversial political development was the appointment of Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan alias Karuna Amman to parliament as a national list parliamentarian. The national list slots are generally reserved for distinguished citizens who have rendered yeomen service. How does Karuna qualify for this is honour? What explains his sudden entry?

A: It was Ranil Wickremesinghe who paved the way for Karuna to enter politics. He quit the LTTE through the good intervention of an eastern-based UNP MP. Having played a massive role in the strategy of diluting the LTTE, the said MP is now in the US and unable to return home. The LTTE is really wild with him for breaking up the outfit.

Actually, Karuna is a charismatic youth. I saw how warm he was with the TNA members and the monks. Now that's a street-smart politician in the making.

President Rajapakse is a man full of strategy. He is pragmatic. He grasped the situation well. This was a tactical move.  I think it came at an opportune time.

Karuna explained at the APRC how he agreed to a federal formula together with S.P. Tamilselvan and Anton Balasingham only to return to the Wanni and get blasted in filth by Pirapaharan for meekly accepting the international formula. He said the three were accused of being traitors to the cause. He said the east provided the fodder to the LTTE and the poorer sections ended up being canon fodder which eventually led him to breaking ranks with the LTTE.

Q: Karuna Amman has also expressed the TMVP's willingness to be inducted into the Civil Defence Force (CD) and wanted police powers. How welcome are these demands?

A: These are too early. Such developments will take time. Karuna said seeking police powers would create suspicion among the majority community and he did not want that.

But he has accepted the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to be an acceptable position. He wants to win the majority's trust. They are willing to wait and negotiate for greater devolution when conditions change.

Capturing Kilinochchi is a day dream of Rajapakse

Q: What is your view on the voice raised in support of the Sri Lankan Tamils in Tamil Nadu, after the 1980s?

A: The government forces and the extremist leaders carried out an unprecedented genocide of the Tamils in 1983. The extent of the genocide was such that thousands of Tamils were killed and their wealth extorted. Several hundreds of thousands have fled the country and sought refuge in other countries. Those untold agonies cannot be forgotten. The people and the political leaders of Tamil Nadu have expressed their anger against the killings, putting aside their political differences.

Even today, the government forces are carrying out massive genocidal attacks on Tamils using their sea, air and ground troops. Civilians being killed or deserting their homes have become a daily occurrence. The people of Tamil Nadu have stood up for the Sri Lankan Tamils whenever they have gone through untold sufferings. This is what has happened in Tamil Nadu today. This situation will definitely give us more strength.

Q: Recently at the general meeting held in Chennai, Chief Minister Dr. Kalaignar (Karunanidhi) made an emotional statement in support of the Sri Lankan Tamils. Soon afterwards, he convened an All-Party Meeting and called upon the Central Government to stop the 'genocide of Tamils' by the Sinhala government within two weeks. Otherwise, the Tamil Nadu parliamentarians would resign. What is your view of the stance taken by the governing DMK?

A: Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Kalaignar is a Tamil nationalist. He has always showed his love and passion towards the Sri Lankan Tamils. He has proved it on several occasions. He has not only voiced his concern against the Sinhala state terrorism in Tamileelam, but has also showed it in action. Today, it makes us happy to see him taking a stance in support of the Tamils when they face untold sufferings. We expect such support in the future as well.

Q: Jayalalitha, who is against your organisation and who was instrumental in banning your organisation in India, had two weeks ago taken a stance in favour of the Sri Lankan issue. But today, she has changed her stance. What is your view of the change in Jayalalitha's stance?

A: The effect of the genocide of Tamils carried out by the Sinhala government has shaken the whole of Tamil Nadu. The political leaders there have put aside their political differences and voiced their support for us. Jayalalitha had also voiced her support. But, if she has changed her stance now, what could we say about it?

Q: President Mahinda Rajapakse has said that they would capture your current capital Kilinochchi. What is the actual situation on the warfront in Sri Lanka?

A: The Sri Lankan government is receiving military assistance from several countries. They are buying more and more military equipment. They are using these equipment to carry out genocidal attacks on Tamils. The forces have entered parts of our homeland and are stationed in close proximity to Kilinochchi town.

Our cadres are carrying out attacks on the Sinhala forces to prevent them from entering Kilinochchi. The military is facing severe losses due to these attacks. Therefore, the forces are carrying out indiscriminate attacks on civilian areas. More than 100,000 Tamils have fled their homes and are continuously on the move as refugees, seeking safe areas.

But, capturing Kilinochchi is just a day dream of Rajapakse.

Q: The Sri Lankan military is receiving help from several countries. You do not have the support of any country. Do you believe that you could emerge victorious given this fact?

A: We have the support of the Tamils all over the world. Our people are with us. During a struggle for the freedom of a community it is necessary to have the support and strength of the people. That will pave the way for victory. On that aspect, we continuously receive immense support from Tamils around the world. Therefore, the final victory will be ours. It will be the victory of the Tamil people as well.

Q: The Sri Lankan military says that they have weakened the Tigers by reducing them to 3000?

A: It is the Sinhalese forces that are facing severe losses while attacking us. The Sinhalese government has strategically censored the truth. The media supporting the Sinhala state is also doing the same thing. President Rajapakse is strategically carrying out false propaganda using pro-government media. It is an effort by President Rajapakse to create an anti-LTTE opinion. Our military power remains strong as always.

Q: What do you say on the claims by the military that it had destroyed your hideouts, the Tiger runway and your secret meeting places?         

A: The Sinhala forces cannot destroy our meeting places and runways. Only the houses of civilians, hospitals, educational institutions and places of worship are being destroyed due to the indiscriminate engagements carried out by the military. The military is also destroying nature by dropping their bombs on forests. The military is carrying out attacks on the homes of the Tamils and on nature to destroy Tamilleelam and the Tamils, and claim that they have destroyed our hideouts.

Q: We got to know that there were attacks on your political headquarters recently. Were you there during the time of the attack?

A: There were attacks. But, there have been no damage. No one was there at the time of the attack.

Q: It has been continuously said that the reason for your inability to retaliate in the north, and your weakness is due to the absence of Karuna?

A: Karuna betrayed the organisation. He has been rejected by the organisation. The Tamil people also rejected Karuna no sooner the LTTE rejected him. He now functions as the paramilitary of the Sinhala forces after betraying the movement and the Tamil people. At this stage where our people have rejected him and where we have the total support of our people, I completely reject this question.

Q: Your view on the appointment of Karuna as an MP by Mahinda Rajapakse?

A: The Sinhala state, which is carrying out genocidal attacks on Tamils, is using Karuna as a tool to fool the international community and receive military assistance. Rajapakse has given this appointment to Karuna, the traitor, for this purpose. We see it as a payment for his labour, given by the leader of an autocratic government of Rajapakse for betraying the struggle of the Tamils.

Q: You have accused India of providing weapons to Sri Lanka. On what basis do you make these allegations?

A: Several media organisations have stated that India is continuously providing military equipment and training. The media also reported to the world that Indian experts were involved in providing training to operate the radar instrument in Vavuniya, which is very saddening.

Q: Will the war by the government continue? Or do you feel that there would be another suitable environment for talks?

A: We can only expect such a situation depending on the politics within the government and its military stance. But during the recent past, the government unilaterally abrogated the ceasefire agreement and has been saying that a military solution is the only answer to the problem.

Q: How do you think that India could contribute on the ethnic issue of Sri Lanka?

A: We expect that it would lift the ban on our organisation and support us to fulfill the long awaited aspirations of the Tamil people.

Q: Recently the suicide force belonging to your organisation had killed former Major General Janaka Perera?

A: It has been a common practice of the Sinhala army to blame such attacks on our movement. There are conflicts within the army ranks that could result in taking each other's lives.

Q: The Sri Lankan government has told India that there is a necessity to destroy the Tigers which carries out suicide attacks and also destroys innocent Sinhalese. Indian political analysts meanwhile question as to how the Tigers could expect a positive response from India given this situation?

A: We do not carry out attacks on innocent Sinhala civilians. Ours is a liberation organisation fighting for the liberation of the Tamil people. We strongly believe that a solution cannot be reached by killing normal civilians. We have continuously called upon the Indian political analysts and policy makers to clearly understand this.

Q: The Sri Lanka Army has warned that Pirapaharan cannot live in bunkers for long and that he should surrender?

A: I'm not living in bunkers. We are living among the people, fighting for them and carrying out our freedom struggle. It is a common phrase used by the military during the last 30 years.

Q: What is your psychological state given the current intense situation at the warfront?

A: We are with a firm resolve to carry out the liberation struggle. We have faced several obstacles in our 30 years of struggle and have used them for our advantage.

Even those who were commanders of the Indian Peace Keeping Force have written in praise of our mental strength and our leadership.

We are determined to face any obstacle that comes our way.

Q: On the claims made by the Sri Lanka Army that Pirapaharan is trying to flee abroad as a refugee?

A: This is nothing but the usual false propaganda.

Q: Rajapakse says that he will hand over Pirapaharan to India if he surrenders?

A: This is one of the many dreams of Rajapakse.

Q: What should be the contribution of Tamil Nadu in the 30-year-old ethnic conflict?

A: We expect that they would continue to provide their support until our people are liberated and also help gain international recognition for our freedom struggle.

Q: Do the Tigers still maintain a good relationship with the international community?

A: We continue to have dialogues with the international community with regard to peace negotiations.

Q: Do you still demand Tamileelam as a solution? Or do you accept an administrative framework with minimum powers?

A: The Tamil people have at every election since 1977, indicated what their political aspirations are. That would be the permanent solution for the ethnic crisis.