Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) Leader Rauf Hakeem predicts a year of elections in which the government's many lies will be understood by the people, compelling them to make strong decisions against a propagandist administration.

In a wide-ranging interview with  The Sunday Leader, Hakeem pinned hope on a grand opposition coalition to defeat the tyrannical government that wages war with the sole intention of tightening its grip on political power.

He said the government reluctantly reduced fuel prices and announced a series of incentives not in compliance with the Supreme Court order but due to growing public pressure.

He claimed that the government had flouted the interim order that would naturally cause people to lose respect for the rule of law and noted with concern that the government was by now a law unto itself.

Commenting on the Eastern Province, Hakeem noted that the east was never truly liberated by government troops but the LTTE had tactically withdrawn from their strongholds as part of their strategy.

Predicting total anarchy in the east in the near future, Hakeem said militant factions were openly at each other's throats with the government openly giving its blessings to LTTE breakaway groups.

The SLMC Leader also said it was impossible to expect substantial power evolution from a government that runs on rhetoric and said the joint opposition would be able to garner public support to bring about an end to the tyrannical UPFA regime. Excerpts.

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti 

Q: With the upcoming PC elections in the Central and North Western Provinces, what would be the stand of the SLMC?

A: The government has obviously declared the year 2009 as a year of elections. The two provincial polls will be the forerunner.

If there is a free and fair election, the combined opposition will have the opportunity to send out a signal to the people that this government's honeymoon with the people is truly over.

The JVP too has finally realised the real nature of the adversary they have in Mahinda Rajapakse which is a welcome change. It is unfortunate that many of Rajapakse's other allies do not have the courage of their convictions to respect the wishes of the people and leave this government which has heaped nothing but hardships on the masses with massive propaganda on the war to suit their political agenda.

War is being pursued with the sole objective of tightening their grip on power and is no longer a military exercise but appears to be a political one.

The LTTE too has immensely helped this situation to be perpetuated by their duplicitous conduct. They cannot be heard to be complaining now because at a decisive moment, they enabled Mahinda Rajapakse to come to power by calling for a boycott in the northeast by Tamil voters.

Q: What made you forge an alliance with the UNP and other opposition groups, having contested some of the previous elections on your own in selected districts?

A: As for Wayamba, except for Kurunegala, we joined forces with the UNP during previous provincial elections as well. We also returned two members each in Kandy and Puttalam Districts. Having campaigned separately in Kurunegala, we returned two members.

This time we are fielding seven members altogether and feel confident that they will make the grade.

Besides re-electing the members from the previous councils, we also look forward to playing a role in a victory that is UNP led.

Q: There is speculation of a pending grand coalition amongst the UNP, SLFP-M and Mano Ganesan's DPF. What progress has been made in this respect?

A: There are a variety of parties and different factions working together. The important thing is that we have taken the initial step, and that is to contest together this time around.

In time to come, we will resolve other issues we may have and will be ready to face a general election together as a formidable force.

I am certain by then there would be an agreement on the common symbol and a wider alliance that is representative of every shade of political opinion in this country. It will also make our approach more vibrant and strong. In short, a winning combination.

Q: You consider it very important that the parties and groups reach consensus on a common symbol?

A: I think it is necessary and I do believe by the time general elections are around the corner, this matter will be settled. Not forgetting that by the time elections are announced, there could be other parties wanting to contest with our grand alliance, and there are bound to be government coalition partners who wish to switch allegiance. A broader coalition that accommodates all shades of opinion could be the healthiest thing to have.

Q: In your opinion, out of the two provinces, where do you foresee better prospects for the UNP led alliance?

A: I think chances are good in both the provinces. Many things have changed since the May eastern PC election and the August PC polls. We can certainly match the government allies.

Personally, I believe the prospects in the Central Province are better given the socio-political dynamics.

Q: The government last week announced a series of measures to alleviate the suffering of the people and slashed fuel and gas prices. Do you view this as a positive sign and a more people friendly approach?

A: The masses are highly intelligent. They do realise that this government dragged their collective feet in bringing down fuel prices and went into a confrontation with the Supreme Court. It was obvious that the government had no genuine intention to alleviate the suffering of the people.

This whole package was a knee jerk reaction to deflate adverse public opinion at a time when there was a public outcry against the incredibly spiraling cost of living.

In fact, these reductions are more cosmetic ones than real, and do not reflect global market prices with regard to fuel or food prices.

Are we also to assume that the reduction in these prices also contribute to the weakening of the war effort, given the fact that the government had often resorted to blaming the opposition that consistently clamoured for price reductions in certain items while also calling indirectly, the Supreme Court to be transgressors of the legislature's competence in deciding on taxation?

Q: In your opinion, would the price reduction in diesel and petrol etc. have a bearing on the forthcoming provincial council elections?

A: As I said earlier, this is too little too late with the rising inflation and the credit squeeze by banks and the failure of some financial institutions in this country.

There had been high interest commercial borrowing of foreign currency by this government to merely keep itself afloat. But we have to start making those payments starting early this year. The noose is properly around the collective necks of the poor taxpayers of this country. It also means, the current credit crunch in the island will compel the government to seek urgent assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) just to meet the balance of payments. Our economy has never looked so bleak and financial management this disastrous.

The government has also caused the country to have depleted foreign reserves to keep the rupee stable. In the meantime, the world market prices for our traditional exports too have declined drastically, compelling the government to allow a free float of the US dollar somewhat reluctantly.

In an overall assessment, this government's economic mismanagement and bungling of affairs has been so complete that it has plunged the economy to a deep crisis from which there appears to be no way out.

Q: The government while reducing prices of a number of items has defied the Supreme Court order and reduced the price of petrol by only Rs. 2 per litre.  How do you view this?

A: There are more than 20,000 auto rickshaws in this country, and this crazy scheme of issuing petrol on a coupon is not going to solve the problem. It will also not help the trishaw owners/drivers to pass the so-called benefit to commuters either.

Take again the overall impact of a Rs. 2 reduction, a meager benefit that cannot be passed on to the consumers in reality.

On the other hand, there are tens of thousands of motorbike users who will continue to suffer for the reduction and the issuing of four litres a day at a reduced price does not apply to them. These are low and middle class people. They will continue to suffer despite the so-called price reduction.

We must bear in mind that the Supreme Court took a benchmark price of petrol at the rate of US $ 56 a barrel when the ruling was given. By now, the price of a barrel hovers around US $ 36, some US $ 20 less.

And yet we find this government refusing and reluctant to pass on the benefit to the common man.

Q: Being yourself a lawyer, how do you view the government's decision to contravene the Supreme Court order, in general, impacting on the Rule of Law in the country?

A: There is every possibility of facing serious implications due to this executive action.

Even if you were to generously concede the government's argument that the executive and the legislature enjoy sole authority to decide on matters of finance and taxation, the cabinet should have first complied with the Supreme Court order and sought to revise it by taking up objections in court. That would have been exemplary conduct by the administration.

The expanding frontiers of the fundamental rights jurisdiction in Sri Lanka and the world over have enabled the judiciary to question arbitrary conduct in different spheres of executive action. In this case, the formula adopted by the Supreme Court has been suggested by the Secretary to Ministry of Finance, no less. This means, the court has given due consideration to the government's viewpoint.

It is important to bear in mind that this is an interim order and it is still open to the government to canvass the court before final judgment is delivered.

The attitude of the President and the cabinet is going to seriously erode the confidence people have in the healthy system of Rule of Law in this country hereafter.

If we are to reverse this government's trend towards tyranny, we in the opposition should mobilise the people in support of the judiciary.

Q: Do you think this might give others also the right to defy court orders and escape liability, as the government appears to enjoy such a privilege?

A: The hapless common man won't have the luxury this President enjoys due to the blatant immunity he enjoys.

However, the immunity of the Executive President is now being removed in areas concerning his duties under the constitution such as the nominations to the Constitution Council where the court has permitted the petitioners to cite him as a respondent.

For the first time, we have a situation where it has been allowed that the President be made a party before court.

Q: The government claimed it would capture Killinochchi by August 23 but then shifted focus to Mullaitivu. How do you view this development?

A: If we were to be generous to this government in any way, I would concede that the only positive thing in this entire exercise has been to bring the people out of a defeatist mindset with regard to the LTTE.

But all this false bravado of capturing territory is not a new phenomenon. Previous administrations too have done the same but had suffered reversals later with mounting casualties and increased military expenditure. They too have had to revert back to square one and to negotiate with the Tigers. That is the nature of the problem we are grappling with.

This government's disastrous folly in allowing the Army Commander and some ministers to make disparaging remarks on the minorities has further polarised this nation. Even the sacrifices by the valiant soldiers will finally be squandered because of this greedy and self-seeking regime and its Army Commander.

Q: Do you think the government's decision to shift military focus stems from the possible fact that there is stiff resistance by the LTTE?

A: The government blundered right royally by setting timetables for the war and going public with it. No prudent general could ever talk of time frames -  as it will certainly affect strategy and planning and even help notify the enemy and put them on alert. In this case, this is exactly what had happened.

In order to hide their embarrassment and to maintain the hope of imminent victory, they have to talk of capturing metres, give figures of abandoned bunkers and keep bloating the number of battlefield deaths of the enemy.

This also means, keeping away adverse information regarding large-scale government losses, which in my opinion is a disservice due to the fallen heroes who had been forced to fight a battle to suit this government's political agenda.

In time to come, all the facts will emerge as to how this government's propaganda machine twisted the truth regarding the situation in the battlefront.

Q: Defence Spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella last week announced that Velupillai Pirapaharan would be captured by February 7. Do you see any particular significance with regard to this date?

A: This is obviously aimed at the forthcoming provincial polls.

Q: But the polls come one week after the Minister's deadline?

A: True. In the event this political deadline is not met, then the Minister should resign from his portfolio. A week before the PC poll is held, Minister Rambukwella should honourably resign if this does not take place. And we all know the answer to that.

Q: The government maintains that the Eastern Province is completely cleared but there are regular incidents taking place that gives lie to such pronouncements. In your estimation, how serious is the security situation in the east?

A: The government never destroyed the LTTE in the east. That was only propaganda. The LTTE tactically withdrew from their strategic strongholds.

And in the past during the UNP regime too, the LTTE was cleared from the east in the same fashion.

The terrain of the east is such and its demography is such unlike the Wanni, it is not easy for a conventional guerilla outfit to hold territory. But they can certainly cause serious destabilisation by resorting to guerilla tactics.

And with the government openly lending patronage to LTTE breakaway groups, the people are yet to enjoy any meaningful freedom in the east.

And gradually, this situation will lead to total anarchy. The signs are quite apparent now. It is now only a matter of time when people as a whole decide to bring about a complete change. That day will come sooner than later.

Q: You spoke of the presence of paramilitary groups operating in the east. There are growing concerns not just about the existing ones but also about an emerging Islamic militancy in the province. Are there armed Muslim cadres operating in the region?

A: It is nothing but a figment of the imagination of some interested parties to keep talking about an Islamic militancy. It also suits the LTTE agenda which is why it continues to do the rounds.

If the government does not offer an acceptable solution taking into consideration the Muslim dimension as well, we who are in the democratic mainstream will ourselves turn radical to achieve justice.

We don't have to allow others to be misguided and resort to terrorist philosophies to achieve that end.

After all, for any rebellion to be successful, there should be a legitimate cause. We feel confident that our democratic struggle to achieve parity in and to reach a solution is very much possible.

Given the democratic credentials in this country, unfortunately some neo fascist groups within this government is planting stories to suit their idea of Islamic radicalisation. It is an absolute canard.

Q: With the Eastern Provincial Council now established, what is your take on effective devolution of power taking place through the said council?

A: None other than the chief minister himself has lamented about the lack of powers to his council. He is being checkmated in his limited ability to bring any pressure by none other than arch rival Karuna Amman who is the President's hand picked legislator.

And now the debate is about development before democracy, which is a farce.

What type of democracy could be achieved while all these armed factions are allowed to roam free bearing their weapons, willfully intimidating the innocent people as they wipe out opponents with impunity?

From a regime such as this, one could never hope to achieve any meaningful power devolution while all you may be able to achieve is substantial political patronage for mere survival.

The Tamils of the east are unfortunately a beleaguered community, unable to raise their voices for what they wish for.