Satire

Government responsibility for the IDP catastrophe

The government and its apologists still maintain, in the face of a mounting if muted body of evidence, that the IDP camps in Vavuniya, Mannar and Jaffna are being run humanely and efficiently, with no unnecessary hardship or stress to the occupants, tellingly identified as “inmates” as if they are in a prison.

Even at its best the government discourse seems only able to address this issue as a matter of (Sinhala) benevolence and generosity, which reiterates the nobility of the state in taking on these “acts of charity.” This formulation is a clear misinterpretation of the responsibility and obligation of the state to fulfill and protect the rights of its citizens, all the more significant because these particular citizens have been placed in this predicament precisely due to the actions of the current regime and the enemy it is seeking to eliminate.

The stark fact of the matter is that the government is unable to cope with the extent and depth of the problem. As of May 5th there are over 188,000 IDPs in these camps, but even basic facilities such as water and sanitation, health services, food and adequate shelter are woefully inadequate. In addition, there is credible evidence of general harassment and even sexual abuse of IDPs, which are undertaken with impunity.

Blanket denial

Instead of acknowledging this tragic state of affairs and seeking urgent remedies in a systematic and transparent manner, the modus operandi of the authorities has been an outright blanket denial of any concerns expressed, immediately followed by a demonisation of the messenger.

The Health Ministry response is fairly typical and has been analysed in previous columns. Most recently, in response to a news report of widespread casualties as a result of alleged attacks on makeshift hospitals in the no-fire zone, the Ministry stated that the doctor concerned had not reported to them since October 2008 and hence the report itself was not credible.

Given the nature and extent of fighting during the last five months it would have been next to impossible for this doctor to maintain contact with the Ministry, surely? The government maintains that there is no aerial bombardment or heavy weapons’ use in this last phase of the war, but all evidence is to the contrary, and except with the hardest-liners there is no credibility left in these pronouncements.

General response

The general response of the government takes the following form: We have ‘liberated’ the civilians from the yoke of the LTTE and they are extremely grateful, we are looking after them excellently, and in doing so we’re not going to listen to the international community’s doublespeak and interference, since all the claims about problems in the camps and civilian casualties are false propaganda manufactured by the LTTE and their INGO stooges.

Even if we concede the first part of this formula, the rest has absolutely no merit. It is incumbent on the government to be transparent and responsible about the IDP situation, which includes identifying acute problems and urgently seeking help in various ways to overcome them.

The hypocrisy of the (Western) regimes that express concern over Mullaithivu and not Kabul or the Swat area is irrelevant to this, as is whether the information cited is similar to that publicised by the LTTE. Rather than criminalising the messenger, the government should address the substance of the message that is being conveyed.

Is it too much to ask of the state to refrain from ‘debating’ irrelevancies and introducing red herrings, and instead to provide a credible, honest account of the crisis? It is only on this basis that further tragedy can be averted.

IDP crisis

Key to the amelioration of the IDP crisis is to ensure that as many IDPs as possible, as soon as possible, be allowed to stay with host families, at least for those who wish and are able to do so. This should be followed expeditiously by a more permanent relocation, which engages the IDPs themselves in decision-making. Further, the heavy presence of military personnel providing ‘security’ within the camps is not conducive to rehabilitation of these survivors of such terrible and sustained trauma.

The LTTE’s horrendous treatment of these people – using them as property and human shields, forcing them to remain in the conflict areas and attacking them as they tried to escape – cannot be minimised, but the government’s own culpability in causing death and injury to them in the name of  defeating the Tigers is just as unacceptable.

Even worse, is the government’s inability and unwillingness to adequately address the life-threatening issues IDPs are facing today. To cite one example out of hundreds that have trickled into the public discourse, a little child who had pneumonia was denied proper medical attention in Vavuniya for over a week and finally sent to Kandy only to die in hospital there last week. Who is accountable for this and all the other preventable, entirely unnecessary deaths among the IDPs?

IDPs are not permitted to move freely, and they are subjected to innumerable rules and regulations, arbitrary and unacceptable, in the name of security. The screening or vetting process appears interminable, while the total day-to-day military control of the camps in Mannar and Vavuniya has inevitably led to tension and fear.

Govt. should be grateful

NGO workers who have become the life-sustaining force in these areas are working under debilitating suspicion and censorship. The threat of being kicked out of the camps is always imminent and hangs like a sword over their heads, whereas, on the contrary, the government should be eternally grateful that its work is being undertaken by these agencies.

This crudely implemented censorship must be stopped and greater access provided to watchdog institutions as well as the National Human Rights Commission. This is the acid test of the government’s bona fides. 

Now that these civilians have escaped the torment of the LTTE as well as the government’s shelling and aerial attacks, it is necessary to provide them with their basic rights as innocent citizens who have been internally displaced. There is a general sense that screening for LTTE cadres is both necessary and justified. However, this should not happen in a manner that adds to their traumatisation and suffering. Yet, this is precisely what continues.

Let us look at how a very similar situation is being spoken about in Pakistan, where attacks on the Taliban in the Swat region has led to massive displacement of civilians. In response to a question posed to her, Sabina Ahmed of the International Crisis Group’s office in Islamabad has this to say about the vetting of “these large numbers of people fleeing the area to make sure that the Taliban are not amongst them”: she states, “It’s a very difficult question. The question of vetting at this point in time, I think, shouldn’t even arise. What should be looked at with great urgency is the humanitarian needs of the displaced people and certainly the law enforcement agencies. And this is not the military that’s going to do it. The civilian law enforcement agencies, the police in the North West Frontier Province, the civilian intelligence agencies must also start gearing themselves up for a massive vetting exercise.” Ultimately, it is a question of priorities.

The immediate humanitarian needs and fundamental rights the nearly-two-hundred-thousand IDPs outside the present conflict zone, and the acute danger faced by 50,000 or so others still trapped in the ongoing war are of paramount importance. These needs and rights can only be adequately addressed through an open, transparent process that is accountable to those it seeks to help. This, in turn, can only happen if the present regime sincerely believes that the people caught in the middle are equal in every way to the rest of the country’s population. Unfortunately, the government’s rhetoric and performance so far indicates that this precondition of respect and commitment is a pipe dream.