Tissainayagam: A travesty of justice?
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Terrorist or victim? |
By Michael Hardy
Seventeen months after being arrested, and almost three
years after writing two articles the government claims
were meant to incite “communal disharmony,” journalist
J.S. Tissainayagam was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous
imprisonment on August 30 by the Colombo High Court.
Tissainayagam’s conviction drew worldwide condemnation,
with Amnesty International declaring him a “prisoner of
conscience,” and Reporters Without Borders calling the
sentence “shameful.” Almost overnight, Tissainayagam
became a symbol of government repression and a martyr
for freedom of the press. To many observers,
Tissainayagam’s treatment cemented Sri Lanka’s
reputation as a totalitarian state in the making.
How
did Tissainayagam go from being a humble columnist for
The Sunday Times to being mentioned by American
President Barack Obama as an “emblematic example” of
persecuted journalists?
The
story began in February of 2008, when he wrote an
article about child recruitment for The Sunday Times.
Soon afterward, Terrorism Investigation Department (TID)
officers were dispatched to arrest Tissainayagam’s
publisher, N. Jasikaran, and his wife Valamarthi. When
Tissainayagam inquired about Jasikaran’s whereabouts on
March 8, he too was arrested, along with the staff of
his website, OutreachSL.com. (The staff members were
later released).
The
only problem was that the TID had neither a detention
order nor anything to charge Tissainayagam with.
Fortunately for the government, a search of
Tissainayagam’s house turned up about 50 back issues of
Northeastern Monthly, a now-defunct magazine with a
small circulation that Tissainayagam then edited.
Although they couldn’t read English, as was revealed
during Tissainayagam’s trial, the TID officers
confiscated these magazines, and the TID later used them
as a convenient pretext for Tissainayagam’s arrest and
prosecution.
Strange delays
Tissainayagam’s imprisonment was a travesty of justice
from beginning to end. When he was finally allowed to
see a lawyer, two weeks after first being arrested, he
could only do so in the presence of the Officer in
Charge (OIC) of the TID. The same condition held for
meetings with his wife; Tissainayagam has never met his
wife in private since his arrest. Since he never
received an explanation for his imprisonment,
Tissainayagam quickly filed a Fundamental Rights
petition challenging his incarceration.
On
March 27, 2008, during Tissainayagam’s first court
hearing, the state counsel said they didn’t have the
detention order in their possession, so High Court Judge
Deepali Wijesundara ordered it to be produced. Later
that afternoon, the order was delivered to Tissainayagam,
backdated to March 7th. Strangely enough, the detention
order was signed by Wijesundara’s sister. Although this
is not technically illegal, the defense could have asked
the judge to recuse herself from the case given this
incident’s strong appearance of impropriety. (Wijesundara’s
sister was later promoted to the High Court.)
On May
8, 2008, Tissainayagam’s lawyers finally received the
OIC affidavit and a copy of Tissainayagam’s statement
translated into Sinhalese. Crucially, however, the state
withheld Tissainayagam’s original statement, which he
wrote in Tamil. The defense would only get a look at the
original confession during the cross-examination of the
superintendent of police, who witnessed Tissainayagam
writing it. According to the Emergency Regulations of
2005, detainees must be produced before court every 30
days to ensure that they haven’t been tortured, but the
state disregarded this law time and again for
Tissainayagam.
On May
12, 23, and 26 of 2008 Tissainayagam was scheduled to be
produced at the Magistrates Court, but mysteriously
failed to turn up. He was finally produced on the 27th,
when the TID legal officer told the court that he needed
more time to investigate. The magistrate ordered
Tissainayagam to be produced on June 6, after his 90th
day of detention.
Unsurprisingly, the state was unable to produce him on
that day either, managing to delay his court appearance
until June 13.
Tissainayagam charged
Ultimately, Tissainayagam would have to wait for over
five months before he was charged, under the Prevention
of Terrorism Act (PTA), for inciting racial violence and
communal disharmony by writing two editorials in 2006
for Northeastern Monthly. The first article, published
in July 2006, criticized the government for failing to
protect the northeastern Tamils, who Tissainayagam
argued were being forced to seek protection from the
LTTE.
The
second article, published in December of the same year,
accused the army of deliberately bombing and starving
Tamil civilians in Vaharai in an attempt to clear the
area for military operations. In a statement to the
court, Tissainayagam defended his writings: “I was and
am still an advocate against terrorism,” he said. “I
have criticized terrorism in whatever form...my
objective was to generate non violent means of resolving
the conflict.”
The
indictment consisted of three charges: (1) that
Tissainayagam printed and distributed the Northeastern
Monthly with the intention to “cause the commission of
acts of violence or racial or communal disharmony and
bring the government into disrepute”; (2) that
Tissainayagam wrote the two above-mentioned articles,
excerpts from which were reproduced in the indictment;
and (3) that to fund the Northeastern Monthly,
Tissainayagam collected money “for the purpose of
terrorism.”
The
state claimed during the trial that Tissainayagam had
confessed to accepting funding from the LTTE.
Tissainayagam has always maintained that the
“confession” was dictated to him and that he was forced
to sign it under threat of torture. He believed the
TID’s threats because he had heard his publisher,
Jasikaran, being tortured in a nearby room. (Jasikaran
recently testified about his torture during his own
trial, which is ongoing.)
Despite the dubious circumstances surrounding
Tissainayagam’s “confession,” Judge Wijesundara ruled on
December 5, 2008 that it was given voluntarily. The
defense chose not to challenge this ruling, not knowing
what was in Tissainayagam’s original statement.
Mysterious alteration
When
the defense finally got a look at the original document,
during cross-examination of the superintendent of
police, it quickly became apparent that the statement
had been doctored. In the statement, Tissainayagam
admits that LTTE officials contacted him three times in
2006 to offer money to the Northeastern Monthly, but
that each time he had refused. “However,” he wrote in
Tamil, “I later discovered that Rs. 100,000 had been
deposited in my bank account from an anonymous donor.”
But
where Tissainyagam had written that he said “no” to the
LTTE for the third time, his words had been crossed out
and replaced with “I said yes,” making it sound like he
had accepted the LTTE’s money. The change to the
statement was made in a different colour of ink and in
different handwriting than the original statement.
Unlike the many other changes to the statement,
Tissainayagam had not signed in the margin to approve
this alteration.
As the
defense pointed out, after the alteration the statement
no longer made sense. Why would Tissainayagam, after
admitting he had agreed to receive the money, then be
surprised to find it in his account? Why use the word
“however,” which implies that he had turned down the
offer? When the defense brought these irregularities to
Wijesundara’s attention, she said that she had already
ruled the statement voluntary, and therefore couldn’t
throw it out.
She
also disputed the defense’s claim that the document was
altered. This decision paved the way for Tissainayagam’s
ultimate conviction. As Wijesundara notes in her
judgement, “once the confession is voluntary, the
accused could be convicted on the confession alone.”
In her
judgement, Wijesundara also mentions that one of the
defense’s witnesses, Kulasiri Hemantha Silva of the
Human Rights Commission, contradicted what Tissainayagam
wrote in his second article. On cross-examination, Silva
stated that he had not seen the bombing and starvation
of civilians in Vaharai. However, the defense later got
Silva to admit that he had traveled to Vaharai two
months before the article was written, and therefore
wasn’t able to say what was happening at the later time.
Silva also admitted that he had heard news of a Vaharai
hospital being bombed by government forces around the
time Tissainayagam was writing.
In his
statement to the court, Tissainayagam said that he grew
up in Colombo with friends from every ethnic group, and
that throughout his career as a journalist and human
rights activist he has “always agitated for justice for
the oppressed.” He concluded his statement by saying
that by writing the two controversial articles he “never
intended to cause violence or communal disharmony and no
such thing ever occurred as a result of those articles.”
The whole world, with the obvious exception of the
Colombo High Court, now stands with Tissainayagam in
agreement and solidarity..
