By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

The jumbo Sri Lankan delegation – an estimated 110 — that traveled to New York to attend the UN General Assembly, included ten top businessmen from the country’s private sector – who were part of the Presidential delegation, all at public expense. For the first time in the country’s history the government paid for the air tickets, hotel rooms etc. for the business leaders. On earlier visits the businessmen paid for their own expenses.
The man behind this wastage of public funds is the infamous Coordinating Secretary to the President, Sajin Vass  Gunewardene who is well known for his extravagant life style at public expense. Vass Gunewardene now a member of parliament, is held responsible for the mammoth Rs. 3 billion loss endured by Mihin Air.
The President’s Coordinating Secretary was in New York in the first week of September to organise the President’s trip. Breaking all regulations for such visits, Vass Gunewardene ordered the Foreign Ministry to pay all ‘extras’ such as room service and laundry. He went further and provided cell phones with IDD facilities to all 110 delegates.
He ordered 40 limousines for the delegation but some of the private sector businessmen who were told that they have been provided with vehicles never saw them.
The Sri Lankan mission in New York is buzzing with gossip as to who collected the hundreds of thousands of dollars in kick-backs from the service providers.
Among the key businessmen who accompanied President Mahinda Rajapaksa in the government delegation to the UN were Mano Selvanathan, Susantha Ratnayake, Noel Selvanayagam, W.K.H. Wegapitiya, Dhammika Perera, Sanjeewa Wickramanayake, Dr. S. Selliah and Ashrof Omar.
CEO of the multi million dollar Brandix group  Ashrof Omar, when contacted by The Sunday Leader confirmed his visit to New York was on a government invitation and said his visit was sponsored by the state.
He said the delegates stayed in New York for about five to six days at the Waldorf Astoria.
Seventy rooms were booked at US$ 472 per night for five days at the Waldorf Astoria at a total cost of US$ 165,200. This was apart from the President’s suite which cost US $ 1000 per night.
Omar said the businessmen attended two sessions at the UN – the session on the Millennium Development Goals and the General Assembly.
Director, Carson Cumberbatch PLC, Mano Selvanathan also confirmed to The Sunday Leader that he visited New York as part of the government delegation. Pressed if he had paid the bill for his five-day stay at the Waldorf Astoria, Selvanathan said he did not know. “I do not know,” he said, maintaining he booked out of the luxury New York hotel unaware who was meeting his bill.
When asked who paid for his airfare to New York, he said he made the reservation for his air travel and is still awaiting the voucher. However The Sunday Leader can confirm that all of  Mano Selvanathan’s expenses including the air ticket was paid by public funds.
Several attempts to contact President, Senok Group, Noel Selvanayagam failed. Repeated attempts by us to get his response proved futile as he ignored all messages left by The Sunday Leader.
Selvanayagam in addition to accompanying the President to New York was also part of his private entourage to Germany and Houston. The air tickets, hotel expenses and all other extras such as laundry room service were paid by the State. Both the visit to Germany and Houston were billed as private visits. While there is no clear explanation as to why the President visited Germany he had visited Houston to meet his brother Dudley. In fact the only brother who does not hold a senior government post in his administration.
Chairman, John Keells Holdings, Susantha Ratnayake said he paid for his own air fare to and from New York.  He admitted however that his hotel bill had been met by the State. “When I tried to pay the bill I was told my room was being met as part of a master bill,” he said.
Group Chairman, Laugfs, Wegapitiya and former Chairman of the Board of Investments (BoI) and businessman, Dhammika Perera were not available for comment as they are yet overseas and expected to return to the country only this week.
The Sunday Leader was also unable to contact CEO/MD, E-Wis, Sanjeewa Wickramanayake and Deputy Chairman, Lanka Walltiles Limited, Dr. Sellaiah.
All the businessman were flown on Business Class.  A return air ticket on Emirates Airlines Colombo – New York is Rs. 425,200.

The Maha Oya may be polluted by industrial waste from the park

By Cassandra Mascarenhas

In August 2009, the Director of Environmental Management of the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka (BOI) attempted to illegally obtain environmental approval for the construction of an industrial park in Mirigama from the Central Environmental Authority.

The Board of Investment of Sri Lanka commenced an environmental examination of the Mahayaya Estate in Mirigama for the establishment of a Chinese industrial park on 130 acres of land in July 1998. A letter granting permission for this was duly obtained from the Central Environmental Authority (CEA) on the grounds that the permission was only valid until 1 July, 2001, unless an extension was obtained.

Although the necessary documents and permission were received, the BOI did not commence work on the industrial park. However, in 2009 after cabinet approval was granted, the BOI decided to begin work once again – only they faced one problem. The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) obtained in 1998 had expired almost ten years ago.

The BOI kept renewing this contract over the years, but rather than getting fresh approval this time around, they wrote to the CEA asking if a separate EIA was required to commence work. The Environmental Authority informed them that this was not necessary and that all that was to be done was to renew the old documents received in 1998 for a small fee.

The Director General of the CEA, Pasan Gunesena confirmed that an extension could be obtained. “As long as the situation has not changed, it does not matter how long a period has elapsed since the expiration of EIA, it can still be renewed”.

The BOI however deemed this unnecessary, and the Director, Environmental Management – BOI, M.A.S. Perera sent back a letter stating “we shall be thankful if you could issue a letter intimating that a fresh EIA approval is not required”; a highly illegal request.

When asked about this situation, Perera declined to comment stating that she was unauthorised to discuss the matter.

The CEA refused to grant permission in such a manner and in a letter dated 4 November 2009, again requested the BOI to apply for an extension of the validity period. By this time however, the BOI had already proceeded with the construction without obtaining the required approval from the Central Environmental Authority.

“Land preparation of the area began in November 2009 – over 25 acres of land have already been cleared of trees”, a resident of the area confirmed.

The BOI did receive the necessary approval within the course of November – the EIA has now been extended for another three years.

The relevant environmental authorities seem to be ignored in the whole process, for even when cabinet approval was passed for the construction of this industrial park in August 2009, the Ministers of Finance and Planning and Urban Development and Sacred Area Development were informed of this decision but not the Minister of Environment and Natural Resources.

Another serious issue regarding the establishment of this park are the plans to construct a pipeline to dump the industrial waste that will accumulate into the Maha Oya, a water body in the area. According to an analysis done by the irrigation department the area has a low water flow and there is a possibility that the waste would remain stagnant, resulting in the people of the area that is Negombo and Katana, drinking water contaminated with these industrial toxins.

Nevertheless, as the BOI has concurrent authority over such matters, they are progressing with the construction without consulting any of the environmental authorities involved to resolve the problems that could arise.

Gunawardena is using UDA vehicles for campaign work

By Nirmala Kannangara

Disregarding the Election Commissioner’s directives, the Urban Development Authority (UDA) has released several vehicles from its fleet for election campaign work in Matale, Deniyaya and Colombo, The Sunday Leader learns.

Seven UDA double cabs bearing registration numbers 59-214, 57-4068, 54-7027, 54-7502, 57-4065, 58-7245 and 56-3242, as well as a motor car, registration number 15-8430, have been released for election work since December 2009. Questions have now been raised as to why the Urban Development and Sacred Area Development Minister Dinesh Gunawardena allowed his officials to flout the election laws of the country, at a time when the Elections Commissioner has ordered all ministers and ministry secretaries not to use public property for election work.

“This was not the first instance where Minister Gunawardena has flouted election guidelines. Soon after the Elections Commissioner cancelled new appointments, promotions and transfers until the conclusion of the January 26 presidential poll, Minister Gunawardena and his Deputy held interviews at their respective party offices in Maharagama and Matale and offered 300 jobs for party supporters. Minister Gunawardena is known to be adopting double standards and now talks on good governance in public, but in private flouts election regulations,” reliable UDA sources told The Sunday Leader.

According to the sources, out of the eight vehicles that were released, the dark green and red (58-7245 and 56-3242) double cabs have been released to the Presidential Secretariat. Both have now been sent to Deniyaya for election campaign work, while the respective drivers Nihal Kithsiri and Ranjith Padmasiri are said to be claiming overtime round the clock in addition to other allowances.

Meanwhile the three gray coloured double cabs 54-7027, 54-7502 and 57-4065 have been sent to Matale – Urban Development Deputy Minister Rohana Dissanayake’s electorate for campaign work and the three respective drivers Damith, S.K. Gunaratne and Lal Amarasiri too are reported to have claimed overtime while the other three vehicles are in Colombo for Minister Gunawardena’s campaign work, according to the UDA sources.

“Apart from these eight vehicles, more have been sent to other parts of the country on the Minister’s request, and we are now in process of getting the details of these illegal vehicle releases,” claimed the sources.

All attempts to contact Gunawardena by The Sunday Leader for a comment failed.

Meanwhile it is also learnt that UDA Chairman Sanath Weerakoon has directed the UDA security to remove common candidate Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s posters from the premises.

“While delivering a political speech for the UDA employees on January 1, Chairman Weerakoon ordered the UDA security to remove Gen. Fonseka’s posters from the building, but not President Rajapaksa’s posters and cutouts. We are totally against the Chairman’s directives and have requested the security not to remove the General’s posters unless they remove President Rajapaksa’s posters as well. Although the UDA is not the UPFA property, the administration believes that we all are bound to work towards the incumbent President’s victory and that was why they make such directives openly,” the sources added.

Poverty weakens not only the body but the mind and spirit as well

Robert Burns claimed that, despite poverty, “A man’s a man for all that.” Those who know the circumstances of his early years will understand the defiant assertion of the song, but poverty means meagre food, if not starvation; inadequate protection from the weather, and shabby, tattered, clothes. It means a shrunken life-span, exposure to illness, and a lack of education for children. The last, in turn, means that the children grow up to be, and remain, poor. Class tends to perpetuate itself, and it is particularly the poor who stagnate:

But let the wrong cry out as raw as wounds. This time forgets and never heals, far less transcends.

(Stephen Spender, 1909-1995)

“The lower your socio-economic position the greater your risk of low birth-weight, infections, cancer, coronary heart disease, respiratory disease, stroke, accident, nervous and mental illness. Class inequality is – literally – marked on the body.”  It is the poor who are at greatest risk of falling victim to violence and crime. The quotation (emphasis added) is from page 9 of the Runnymede Trust’s, Who Cares About The White Working Class? London, January, 2009. I acknowledge my debt, and express thanks to the Trust for sending me a copy of the publication.

The Trust’s statement is made within the context of contemporary England: the predicament of the poor in Sri Lanka is both far worse and more widespread. As I have written elsewhere, it is an almost-overwhelming sight to walk along certain streets of Colombo late in the evening, and see misshapen creatures, human beings, including children, settling down for the night by the road:

“Telling me plain what I escaped
And others could not, that night, as in I went.
And salted was my food, and my repose”
(Edward Thomas, The Owl).

A callus, a thickening of the skin, particularly in an area where there is discomfort, can be a protective growth, deadening pain and helping us to get on with life. It is from “callus” that we have the adjective “callous”, which the dictionary defines as having an insensitive or cruel disregard for others. But in certain circumstances, it is necessary for one’s daily survival to grow a callus, to become inured. And so it is that Hopkins, in his poem, Spring And Fall, observing a little girl crying because it is autumn and the poor tree is losing its leaves, reflects: “as (your) heart grows older / It will come to such sights colder (worse) / By and by, nor spare (even) a sigh.”

Statistics from the internet indicate that 14% of Sri Lankans live on 1.25 dollars a day, while 39. 7%, that is, over one third of the population gets by on under two dollars a day. These figures do not take into account the tens of thousands of children, women and men — thinly dressed, emaciated, wretchedly huddled under flimsy, makeshift, shelters — in government camps in the north. It is a sight that makes a mockery of humanity’s claim to humanity. Poverty, as Orwell writes in Down And Out In Paris And London, weakens not only the body, but the mind and spirit as well.

Yet, since independence, despite the prevalence of a poverty that is immediate, extreme and widespread, Sri Lanka’s preoccupation (one would say, obsession) has been with race, more specifically, with the Sinhalese / Tamil divide. It is the one issue that, if it does not cloud all others, attenuates them into insignificance. It was claimed that, during the years of British imperialism, the Tamils were favoured, implying that the Sinhalese, consequently, were disadvantaged. Tamils doing well (even those holding low-level posts in the government) were compared, resentfully, with the Sinhalese peasant and the Sinhalese poor: the Sinhalese poor, the Sinhalese peasants, were not compared with the Tamil poor and Tamil peasants.

The blame for Sinhalese poverty was shifted onto an ethnic group, and away from the failure of the state, away from exploitation and callous class indifference. In England, some political parties and groups focus attention on the white working-class, and on the white poor: the emphasis is on whiteness, and not on working-conditions, income and hardship. The lot of white workers is not compared with that of their fellow (nonwhite) workers. What is at root is an economic problem turned into an issue of “colour.” The fact is that the situation and daily experience, the problems and prospects, of the Sinhalese poor and the Tamil poor are similar. (See, among others, yke Berkouwer’s Anusha: A Homeless Life In Sri Lanka, Vishva Lekha Publishers, Ratmalana, 2005. I thank K. G. Kulasena for giving me a copy of this study.)

Expressed differently, the gap between rich Sinhalese and poor Sinhalese is far greater than that between the life-reality of poor Sinhalese, poor Tamils and poor Muslims. By focusing on ethnic distinction, and by building up that distinction into a division, exploitative class structures are left securely in place. It is to the advantage of the upper and middle classes to excite and keep alive racial consciousness; to lead the Sinhalese poor and working-class to believe that much, if not all, their problems stem from the Tamils.

Religion is another element in the deception of the masses: not religion per se but as mediated by some of those wielding religious and secular influence. Marx wrote: “Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, the spirit of unspiritual conditions. It is the opium of the people.” Marx’s focus was not on religion but on economic and social conditions. What, he wondered, are the root causes, the material conditions and prospects, which make people need, and turn to, various forms of “opium”?

With regard to Sri Lanka and Buddhism, Dr. K. S. Palihakkara, formerly Director of Education, Director of Pirivena Education, and Secretary to the Oriental Studies Society (which conducts examinations mainly for the Buddhist clergy), states the following in his Buddhism Sans Myths & Miracles. The Buddha was a revolutionary in advocating ‘anathma’ (no soul), when the entire world, in the past as well as the present, believes in the independent existence of a soul. If there is no soul, there can’t be rebirth. Yet the belief in past births and future lives, derived from Hinduism, persists in Buddhism. Among other things, this belief is advantageous to the ruling classes:

When the poor and the outcasts suffer in their poverty, sickness and squalor in their hovels it is said even now that their suffering is due to their own fault of inheriting bad ‘karma’ from past births. In other words, the downtrodden masses are made to believe that they themselves are responsible for their condition.
(Stamford Lake Publication, Pannipitiya, 2003, p. 120.)

However, if an opiate is associated with inducing a drowsy sense of well-being, religion can also have the opposite effect and act as an intoxicant, a drug that convinces people they are acting in the very highest, the noblest, of causes, and drive them to wild and violent acts. Brutality and cruelty are then not merely legitimised but sanctified. To murder, maim or destroy is inhumane, but we do it for Allah or the Buddha or Jesus or Ram (alphabetical order).

For things to change in Sri Lanka, there must be a new political order. The presidential election looms. “Election” implies choice, and choice, an opportunity.  One hopes the people will not choose the person who boasts of having the most racist credentials, but (at long last) the one who can unite and build a new Sri Lanka, a true paradise isle of political justice;  a country where religion is used not to divide and dominate;  where Buddhist compassion finds true expression; a land of social care and concern:  “Without a materialist politics one is unable to transcend the things that break people apart – one cannot find the shared experiences that bridge cultural, religious and racial differences” (Who Cares About The White Working Class? p. 51). Individual acts of charity within an uncaring order of things are merely palliative. New values and priorities are needed: in short, a new system, a new order of things.  Winston Churchill is perhaps Britain’s greatest war-hero, yet he lost the elections which immediately followed the end of the Second World War. I quote from ‘Elections And Emotional Gratitude’ (Sarvan, The Sunday Leader, 7 June 2009):

It’s not that the British were ingrates, but the country faced many and major problems of reconstruction and, while recognising and applauding Churchill’s gifts and contribution as a war-time leader, the people felt that Labour would be better able to deal with the tasks facing the country. In other words, they rationally kept their electoral choice for the future of the country separate from the emotions of admiration, gratitude and affection for services rendered to it in the immediate past.

Sri Lanka needs a new politics, one that emphasises commonality and community; one that, not destructively obsessed with race and religion, is caringly concerned about social problems: a new politics for the new Millennium, and a new Sri Lanka rising, Phoenix like, from the ashes of ethnic conflict and cruelty, destruction and tragedy. The following words are from Professor G.A. Cohen’s Why Not Socialism? (Princeton and Oxford), 2009, page 82:

I agree with Albert Einstein that socialism is humanity’s attempt to “overcome and advance beyond the predatory phase of human development.” Every market, even a socialist market, is a system of predation. Our attempt to get beyond predation has thus far failed. I do not think the right conclusion is to give up. (Emphasis added.)

Namal Rajapaksa — Misusing public funds for election campaign?

An initiative of Transparency International of Sri Lanka (TISL), the Programme for Protection of Public Resources (PPPR), notes that the governing party in its presidential election campaign has during December misused state resources amounting to millions of rupees.

The PPPR has also stated that the Tharunyata Hetak youth organisation headed by the President’s sons Namal and Yoshitha has spent Rs. 89 million (Rs. 89,869,600) of sponsorship funds received from state institutions on advertisements to promote the President on TV and radio.

TISL Executive Director J.C. Weliamuna said the total value of the misuse of state funds and resources during the presidential election campaign could amount to approximately Rs. 8 billion.

“It is a rough estimation as the real figure would only be known after the conclusion of the election,” he said.

The first report issued by TISL’s PPPR on December 31, 2009 highlighted several areas where public resources have been misused in violation of the law.

The report states that the high cost involved in election campaigns is a contributory factor for using public property by candidates who have control over them.

Cost of propaganda material

Citing examples with regard to the cost of propaganda material, the report observes that a four-colour poster (medium size) would cost approximately between Rs.8 to Rs.12 for a quantity over 100,000 in the initial print. A cost of a 20X20 feet hoarding to be exhibited in Colombo city limits would cost around Rs.300,000 and a larger hoarding would cost approximately Rs.500,000.

The PPPR states that a large number of hoardings and advertisements sponsored by public institutions are displayed at various places in the country and published in newspapers supporting the President and his election messages.

The hoarding displayed at Nugegoda sponsored by the State Trading Corporation, in Town Hall sponsored by the Presidential Secretariat, in Thimbirigasyaya sponsored by Presidential Operational Office, in Matara sponsored by Southern Development Authority and Ruhunu Radio have been cited as examples.

In reference to advertisements, the report has highlighted the advertisements published in Ravaya on 20.12.2009 sponsored by Board of Investment (BOI), Sri Lanka; in Lankadeepa (Sunday Edition) 28.12.2009 sponsored by the Ministry of Tourism; in Divaina on 29.12.2009 sponsored by Urban Development Authority and the Ministry of Urban Development and Scared Area Development and in Dinamina 29.12.2009 sponsored by Lanka Sathosa.

The report has also laid emphasis on the Tharunyata Hetak youth organisation, which is reportedly receiving high contributions (by way of sponsorships) from several public institutions such as Bank of Ceylon and National Lotteries Board, both of which fall under the purview of the President.

The key officials of this youth organisation are the President’s sons Namal Rajapaksa (chairman) and Yoshitha Rajapaksa (vice chairman).

The report states that while a series of advertisements are carried out by the organisation through radio and TV highlighting the need for a strong leader for the country, the advertisements do not mention the name of a candidate — “it is not a secret or difficult to understand, for whom they stand for, given the direct political affiliation of this organisation with the President and his regime and the content of the advertisements.”

“Total cost of the advertisements during this period, based on regular disclosed rate cards of the channels, amount to Rs. 84,027,600. We have observed that another amount of Rs. 5,842,000 has been spent on radio advertisements. We note that the cost of political commercials is more than the normal rates disclosed in the rate cards,” the report states.

Further there is an additional cost of production, which has not been ascertainable as at present.

The report also notes that facilities at Temple Trees, the official residence of the President, are used to entertain people from various sectors for political purposes.

“At these events, most of the participants were transported to the venue at state expense and were provided with food and in some instances, even with liquor. The President justified such entertainment events where the cost was borne with public money as a normal cultural practice.

Another case of misuse of public property highlighted in the report is in relation to public buildings and machinery.

The report refers to a property belonging to the Ports Authority situated at 56/1 Mc-Callum Road, Colombo 10 being used to print propaganda material in favour of the President. The said posters are seen in Colombo city and other parts of the country and a large stage that is the property of Sri Lanka Ports Authority was transported to Minuwangoda and used for the public rally on 27.12.2009, patronised by the President.

Several employees from the Ports Authority and two vehicles registered as Ports Authority vehicles (registered numbers: 41 – 3995 and GJ – 2312) have reportedly been discharged for this purpose.

Misuse of vehicles

Vehicles belonging to various public institutions are reported to have been transporting supporters and used for propaganda across the country for the candidate of the UPFA.

The vehicles of Sri Lanka Transport Board, different government ministries, departments and local government authorities have been abused in this regard.

Meanwhile the PPPR states that there are reports of many public officials from ministries and public corporations being engaged in political party activities.

Under the Establishment Code, Chapter XXXII, members of Armed Forces, Police, State Officers and Supervisory Officers etc. are prohibited from engaging in political activities, except to vote at an election.

The Elections Commissioner, acting under the 17th Amendment to the Constitution has also prohibited usage of public officials/employees in political party activities pending an election.

The report refers to a key public servant in the Defence establishment being actively engaged in campaigning for the President’s election campaign. For example the respective official had addressed a political meeting on December 19, 2009 at a rally in Urapola, Kadugannawa.

Misuse Of Public Vehicles

Given below are a few instances where public vehicles have been misused according to the PPPR report:

1) (a) Nine lorries bearing the numbers WP-LG 4738, WP-LG 4740, WP-LG 4741, WP-LG 4742, WP-LG 4744, WP-LG 4745,  WP-LG 4546, WP-LG 4547, WP-LG 4749 of Sri Lanka Ports Authority (purchased in 2009) have been released for  election work of the UPFA in the Southern Province.
(b)    A fatal accident that took place at Koppara junction in Negombo on the night of 12.12.2009 involving a lorry bearing number LG-4608 belonging to the Ministry of Road Development and a double cab bearing no. NB 7414 belonging to the Chief Secretary of the Eastern Province. It was revealed that the lorry was transporting several cut-outs of the President at the time of the accident.
2) The use of Central Transport Board (CTB) buses
There is almost a pattern of using CTB buses to transport crowds for meetings attended by President Rajapaksa. Two such instances are given below:
(a)    The meeting of the UPFA on 27-12-2009 at Minuwangoda (Japalawatta) – Around 26 CTB buses were used to transport crowds free of charge from Nittambuwa, Attanagalla, Mattakuliya, Udahamulla, Angoda, Wattegama and Teldeniya.
(b)    The meeting held on 26-12-2009 in Alankuda Grounds in Kalpitiya – The Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), previously displaced from Jaffna and now living in Mannar, were transported by CTB buses free of charge.
(c)    Crowds for several meetings in Temple Trees were brought in CTB buses. On 13.12.2009 a large number of CTB buses were used to transport police officers from outstations (in addition to police vehicles) to Temple Trees.
3) The use of Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) helicopters
On 24-12-2009, a SLAF helicopter carried Ministers Dulles Alahapperuma and Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, Member of Parliament Wimal Weerawansa and Western Provincial Council Minister Udaya Gammanpila to Kandy where they participated in a public meeting attended by Technical College Staff, Women’s Organisations and University Employees.
These acts violate the regulation of the Commissioner of Elections issued on 08.12.2009, which prohibits the use of government motor vehicles and helicopters/aircraft for the benefit of a candidate of the election.

De Soyza bought a Montero with state money

By Nirmala Kannangara

Ceylon Petroleum Storage Terminal (CPSTL) employees are up in arms against its Chairman (Rtd) Maj. Gen. M. R. W. De Soyza’s wasteful expenses, CPSTL sources told The Sunday Leader.

Since assuming duties four months ago De Soyza has spent Rs. 7 million to refurbish his office, while another Rs. 17.4 million has been spent to purchase a super-luxury Montero for his personal use, according to the sources.

According to the sources the wasteful expenditure has been brought to the notice of Petroleum and Petroleum Resources Minister A.H.M. Fowzie and to the Ministry Secretary, but nothing has been done to prevent De Soyza from spending company funds unnecessarily.

“What is the reason for the Ministry to be silent on these extravagant expenses?” asked the source. “Was it because he is a close associate of the Defence Secretary? Although the former Chairman CPSTL W.B. Ganegala got his office refurbished a few months before De Soyza was appointed to the post, he still went for a massive refurbishment drive, demolishing the spacious board room and the Chairman’s office unnecessarily.”

According to sources, De Soyza has converted Chairman’s office into a ‘Chairman’s Secretariat’ while absorbing more than 30 employees into his personal staff.

“Although we had differences with the former CPSTL Chairmen Asantha de Mel and W.B. Ganegala they still managed to discharge an honourable duty by the institution,” the source said. “They were also able to maintain a good administration, whereas the present Chairman has allowed his personal staff to ruin the institution.”

The sources further said that for the first time De Soyza has been given police protection and a backup vehicle.

“It is the CPSTL that has to bear all these expenses, and we do not know  why he has gotten police protection with body guards,” the source said. “Although overtime has been curtailed for the CPSTL employees, the Chairman’s personal office staff, including his two drivers, have been allowed to claim overtime for over 150 hours a month without any difficulty.”