President Mahinda Rajapaksa is now facing continuous headaches in the form of the possible re-entry into politics by former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge and a joint opposition struggle against the government. All these issues haunted Rajapaksa last week with indications of them continuing in the coming months. With the Rajapaksa government’s greatest fears showing signs of becoming reality, the decision making members in the government are now engaged in disaster mitigation work.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Somawansa Amarasinghe

Speculation was rife last week of Kumaratunga re-entering local politics through abroad alliance. The news that did the rounds was that UNP parliamentarian Mangala Samaraweera and Kumaratunga were engaged in a discussion overseas on the formation of a new political party. Kumaratunga has been briefed on the current political situation in the country and the issues faced within the governing party by SLFP seniors. Despite frequent claims of Kumaratunga’s second coming into politics, talk of her re-entry now sounds real given the growing dissention among the people against the government.

Rajapaksa knows very well that Kumaratunga still enjoys a comfortable support base within the SLFP, which is cause for much discomfort for him. A political party registered by Samaraweera several years back is to be used as the platform for Kumaratunga’s re-entry.

The news of the formation of a new political party headed by Kumaratunga and the likelihood of her becoming the next common candidate at the Presidential election has reportedly caused much joy among certain senior SLFPers. Amidst the continuous agitation campaigns against the government, the opposition political parties, especially the UNP, is mindful of the possibility of facing a Presidential election in 2014.

Therefore, talk of Kumaratunga’s re-entry to politics does not ring well for the Opposition and UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who has been continuously predicting that the UNP could return to office in 2014. Wickremesinghe’s prediction was that the war victory enjoyed by the Rajapaksa government would wear off after a few years when people are confronted with the real problems ailing the country’s economy. True to his words, the country and people are now feeling the real pinch of the economic crisis and are disillusioned by the path taken by the Rajapaksa administration.

Therefore, Wickremesinghe’s chances of contesting at the next Presidential election could take a beating if Kumaratunga considers re-entering politics.

Some opposition politicians have opted to consider Kumaratunga as an option for the next Presidential election since she could muster the support of senior SLFPers and the majority of the SLFPers who are disgruntled with the Rajapaksa way of governance.
However, another aspect that needs to be considered is whether Kumaratunga could enjoy mass support of the UNP and JVP as well.
Wickremesinghe being the shrewd strategist is undoubtedly looking at the best option to secure power for the UNP. He could opt to ask for Kumaratunga’s support to get the backing of the SLFP and together with the UNP vote base work towards an electoral victory.
While the opposition is engaged in strategizing the best option to gain power by defeating Rajapaksa at the next Presidential election, the President is trying hard to keep track of Kumaratunga’s actions and ensuring control over his party men.

However, it is evident that any Presidential candidate who would contest against Rajapaksa must have the support of all opposition forces in order to emerge victorious.

Opposition alliance

Be that as it may, the Rajapaksa government through its actions has unwittingly brought together all opposition forces to fight against the government.

As stated by a UNP parliamentarian, the government created an excellent opportunity through the increase in electricity tariffs for political parties that felt they could never work together to fight for a common cause.
The opposition alliance has now come about through the trade union sector. The UNP’s Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya (JSS) and the JVP’s National Trade Union Center (NTUC) are participating in a joint trade union alliance to fight for common causes that affect the country’s working masses.

The Rajapaksa government has always been deterred by any joint struggle and the massive protest march staged in Colombo on the 15th by trade unions, opposition political parties and the civil society was a wakeup call. The increase in the electricity tariffs has been deemed unfair due to the burdening of the people for the wrong policy decisions of the administration and the public that has been patient during the war and four years after have now had enough. The expressions of the people who participated in the march on the 15th were an indication that their patience was running out.

The Rajapaksa government possibly did not anticipate such a show of strength from the trade unions and the opposition political parties that were made weak by the Rajapaksas after assuming office in 2005. Adopting a policy of divide and rule, the first move of the Rajapaksa government was to destabilize the UNP and even the UPFA’s one time ally, the JVP by creating defections from the parties.
However, after years of internal battles and hard work, the UNP and JVP have once again got their ‘mojo’ back and are back with vigour.

The stark reality is that even the police and security forces personnel who are deployed to act against protests in this instance are also faced with the daunting task of facing high electricity tariffs. A police constable at the protest march said that they too are badly affected by the electricity tariff hike. The trade unions are to now hold a nationwide strike action on the 21st and the Rajapaksa government in usual fashion has stepped in to prevent people from participating in it. Orders have been issued to cancel leave of public servants and various religious observances have been directed to be held on the 21st.

Nevertheless, the trade unions with the backing of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) have said the government cannot take away the fundamental and human rights of the people by trying to suppress them. Both the JSS and the NTUC have said that the ongoing struggle should not be shaded with political colours and should be considered a struggle of the working people. The Coordinating Committee for a Joint Trade Union Alliance has warned the Rajapaksa government that the strike action on the 21st is only the first in a series of joint action to be carried out in future.

The state media as usual is carrying out massive campaigns accusing trade union leaders like the JVP’s Wasantha Samarasinghe and K. D. Lalkantha of a conspiracy against the government and creating a UNP-JVP alliance.

“All these are responses of a government that has nowhere to run,” Lalkantha said, adding that it doesn’t hold well for the Rajapaksa government to behave in such a manner since it gives out the impression that it could be toppled by a token strike by the trade unions.
The Rajapaksa government undoubtedly will have its cup brimming in the next few months with continuous agitations by joint alliances that show promise of expanding even further.

Northern polls

The Northern Provincial Council election meanwhile continues to be a topic of discussion among the local Tamil politicians as well as the Indians and the US.

The Northern election has become a sour point for the government with governing party ally, the JHU threatening to defect from the government if the election is held under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

The JHU is planning legislative action seeking the abolition of the 13th Amendment and the provincial councils. Deputy Secretary of the JHU, Provincial Minister Udaya Gammanpila has been quoted in the media as saying that the party’s central committee had decided to move parliament within the next two weeks to abolish the 13th Amendment. “We shall move parliament within the next two weeks to abolish the thirteenth amendment,” Gammanpila has said.

The Rajapaksa government has for some time been using the 13th Amendment as the carrot dangled before neighbouring India to silence it whenever concerns were raised about the delay in finding a lasting political solution to the ethnic issue.
Senior members of the Rajapaksa government have continuously pledged to the Indian government that the solution would be based on the 13th Amendment and that it was willing to even go beyond the 13th Amendment.

However, New Delhi after its dealings with the Rajapaksa government through the years is now wiser. Despite the undertaking by the Rajapaksa government at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) session in Geneva in March that the Northern Provincial Council election would be held in September this year, Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya has said that he has not been informed of any plan to hold elections in the North.

He has further stated that elections in the North could not be held as he pleased and there needs to be constitutional provision or an executive or judicial order to make arrangements for such an election. The key Tamil coalition party in the country, the TNA has been pushing for the Northern Provincial Council elections along with many others and is continuing to lobby for the election. The TNA recently met US Ambassador to Colombo Michele J. Sison for a discussion on the elections in the north.

According to the Jaffna based Uthayan newspaper, the Ambassador had also discussed the land acquisition issue in Jaffna and the current political situation in Sri Lanka. TNA leader R. Sampanthan and parliamentarian M. A. Sumanthiran had attended the discussion with the US envoy held in Colombo, the newspaper said.

The TNA delegation had informed the US envoy that the elections for the northern provincial council should be held with the presence of international monitors.

Meanwhile, the Indian media reported that concerned over reports of Sri Lankan government considering removal of land and police powers from the provinces prior to the elections in the Northern Province, India has asked not to take any step against their own commitments relating to the 13th Amendment.

The Press Trust of India has reported that Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid had telephoned his Sri Lankan counterpart Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris and also raised the issue of 26 Indian fishermen who are in detention in his country while seeking their early release.

According to official sources, the conversation had also focused on the elections that are to be held in the Northern Province with Khurshid expressing his concerns regarding media reports referring to some consideration being given to removal of land and police powers from the provinces prior to the polls.

“In this context, he urged the Sri Lankan Government not to take any step in the light of its own commitments relating to the 13th Amendment and their expressed intention to build upon it,” the sources said.

The 13th Amendment is a creation of the Indian government and any move by the Rajapaksa government therefore to abolish or repeal certain sections under the 13th Amendment would have to be with New Delhi’s consent.

Commonwealth concerns

The Rajapaksa government’s relations with the international community have been under test since the end of the war in 2009. However, the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo this November would be another trying test for the Rajapaksa government’s foreign policy.

Members of the diplomatic corps in the country say that the Rajapaksa government needs to be cautious during the session since the international community could use the meeting as a platform to raise concerns over the Rajapaksa government’s failures in addressing human rights issues.

It is in this backdrop that Britain issued a warning that there would be consequences if the Sri Lankan government continues to ignore their international commitments in the lead up to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November.
Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg told the British parliament that Britain condemned alleged human rights abuses committed in Sri Lanka. He has said it in response to a question raised by British MP Simon Hughes as to why the British Prime Minister is attending the summit in Sri Lanka despite concerns raised over human rights abuses.

“We are all aware that the decision that the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary will attend the upcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Sri Lanka is controversial, especially in the light of the despicable human rights violations during the recent civil war. But I assure my right hon. Friend that the Government condemns those violations, the way in which political trials, regular assaults on legal professionals and suppression of press freedom continue, and the fact that too many recommendations of the lessons learnt and reconciliation commission have not been implemented. If such violations continue, and if the Sri Lankan Government continues to ignore their international commitments in the lead up to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, of course there will be consequences,” the Deputy Prime Minister has said.

He has said that while all understand the controversy and unease about the matter, by attending the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Sri Lanka, Britain will be using the opportunity to cast a spotlight on the unacceptable abuses in Sri Lanka.
“Of course there will be consequences if the conduct of the Sri Lankan authorities does not change. The Commonwealth matters to us all, and it is based on a number of values. Where I accept the hon. Lady’s implicit criticism is in relation to this point: all Commonwealth Governments should do more to not only talk about those values, but also ensure that they are properly monitored and enforced,” he has added.

Therefore, it would be wise for the Rajapaksa government to remind itself that dealing with the international community takes more than providing Rolls Royce and BMWs for the Commonwealth heads of state to travel about in Colombo.

Most astrologers believe that leaving the country for a short time would help overcome the bad period one is experiencing due to the ill-positioned planets. Whenever a bad period is reaching its peak, most astrologers advice their clients to undertake overseas trips.

What with the country still suffering from the shock treatment received by way of an electricity tariff increase, President Mahinda Rajapaksa was scheduled to travel to Uganda on Saturday to participate in the Commonwealth Local Government conference.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Somawansa Amarasinghe and Rauf Hakeem

The current situation in the country, meanwhile, has become a simmering pot with clashes brewing within the govenrment and opposition political parties along with some governing party allies also joining forces to carry out an intense struggle against the govenrment.

The Mahinda Rajapaksa government’s move to increase the electricity tariffs hit a raw nerve with the people resulting in continuous protest campaigns.

Realizing the growing dissention among the people against the govenrment, President Rajapaksa on May Day announced that he would reduce electricity tariffs and provide relief to the people.

After remaining silent for a few days, opposition politicians and even the people realized that Rajapaksa’s pledge to provide relief to electricity consumers was in no way a form of relief.

“The government has arbitrarily increased the electricity tariffs to cover their sins and has now marginally reduced it. That cannot be called relief. If the government wants to provide relief, it needs to withdraw the electricity tariff hike,” a senior trade unionist said.

Hundreds of trade unions along with the support of opposition political parties including the UNP and JVP have agreed to support the May 21st island-wide strike action called by a joint trade union alliance.

The Rajapaksa government is now looking at the warning signs a combined struggle could have on the administration’s powers.
To add fuel to the fire, governing party allies, the leftist parties in the govenrment have also expressed their support to the trade union action against the government on the electricity tariffs.

A key collation partner of the govenrment, the JHU is also displeased with the government’s current actions.

Former Power and Energy Minister Champika Ranawaka is angry that the govenrment was trying to blame him for the current crisis.
The Rajapaksa government is now fast realizing that it is losing its allure with the people who are now beginning to call its bluff. The war victory cannot be used to satisfy the hungry masses four years later.

Be that as it may, the strength shown by the UNP and the JVP at their respective May Day rallies with the large crowds that thronged to the events gave a clear indication of the people moving slowly towards the opposition parties.

President Rajapaksa was not at all pleased to see the crowd turn out figures compiled by the intelligence units.
The JVP has shown a massive increase in numbers while the UNP that held three May Day rallies – Colombo, Kurunegala and Badulla – has recorded the highest crowd turn out.

Even the UNP Youth Front rally in Badulla organized by UNP MPs Ruwan Wijewardena and Harin Fernando also saw thousands flocking to see their young leaders.

All these developments have shown one thing – the writing is now on the wall for the Rajapaksa government.

Back foot

The Rajapaksa govenrment has been pushed on the back foot by the opposition political parties as well as a few governing party allies.

The arrest of Muslim Tamil National Alliance Leader and former Deputy Mayor of Colombo, Azath Salley under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) created an uproar in the country along with the agitations against the electricity tariff hike.

Salley’s arrest drew criticism to the Rajapaksa government locally and internationally, especially due to the enforcement of a draconian piece of law, the PTA to arrest and detain him.

The statement that he was arrested for a statement that could incite religious disharmony angered even the Muslim members in the governing party.

Had the authorities questioned the hate speeches made by certain members of the Bodhu Bala Sena, a statement that Salley’s arrest was due to a comment made by him on religious lines, could have been somewhat justified.

However, eight days after he was taken into custody, the govenrment took a step back and Salley was released on a Presidential pardon.
According to information received, Salley had entered into some mutual understanding with the President that is yet unknown.
However, Salley’s arrest and detention also created a space for him to return to the UNP.

iven that SLMC Leader, Justice Minister Rauf Hakeem is fast losing his appeal among the Eastern Province population, Salley seemed the likely candidate of the opposition to take over the Eastern Muslim constituency.

Nevertheless, Salley’s sudden release after being granted approval to detain him for 90 days, has now caste doubts on the future political course he would take up owning to the likely ‘conditions’ that could be connected with his release.

Hakeem put to the test

Salley’s arrest and detention also resulted in a heated exchange of words between Minister Hakeem and a senior official of the country’s defence establishment.

The official was angered by the critical comments made by Hakeem to the media about Salley’s arrest.

When the official had telephoned Hakeem, the latter had charged that he was unaware of Salley’s arrest despite holding the justice portfolio.

Following a heated exchange of words, both parties had disconnected the telephone line.

However, a few hours later, a CID officer had met Hakeem and explained to him the reasons behind Salley’ arrest.

Hakeem is also facing the daunting task of holding his political party, the SLMC together.

Senior members of the SLMC are disgruntled with Hakeem’s performance as a party leader holding a Cabinet portfolio.
Given the pressure from the party’s grass root level members on the SLMC’s stances on key issues, especially on issues like the Eastern Provincial Council and the hate campaign against the Muslims.

A senior SLMC official said that a majority of the party membership were displeased that the government is ignoring the party.

“The President gave certain assurances to the party when the Eastern Provincial Council was formed, but they have not been honored. Any issue raised by the SLMC has been ignored by the govenrment,” he said.

The party’s parliamentarians, provincial councilors and electoral organizers met on the 8th afternoon to discuss these issues and the SLMC’s future.

The build up to the meeting resulted in speculation that the SLMC was going to defect from the government.

However, Hakeem clarified his point in parliament saying the party would not defect from the govenrment despite disagreements.
Hakeem’s statement was a disappointment to his Muslim brethren since they saw a man trying to cling to power at the cost of his integrity and an entire community.

The SLMC seniors were displeased when they met on the 8th and had taken Hakeem to task.

They have expressed their displeasure to the manner in which the SLMC was being treated by the government and demanded some form of firm action.

However, Hakeem had pleaded for two weeks to discuss all issues connected to the party with the President.

Following the meeting, SLMC General Secretary Hassan Ali has said the SLMC leadership will first meet with the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province to gather information on Muslim related issues in the area.

He has added that once the information is collected the SLMC leadership would seek a meeting with the President to discuss solutions to the issues.

The question that remains is whether Hakeem would resort to firm action or allow the growing internal dissention to split the party.

UN on Sri Lanka

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka was once again focused at the UN when UN Deputy Secretary-General Jan Eliasson had reportedly said the report on Sri Lanka on the UN actions during the final stages of the war was taken seriously.

“I was asked by the Secretary-General, to head a group to look, go through the recommendations of the report, and above all, look forward to the future so that we avoid such situations as we did in Sri Lanka, and as we have in several other tragic situations. This group was established in January, and they have worked very diligently. It is co-chaired by Andrew Gilmour of the Political Unit, and Paul Akiwumi, my Chief of Staff. And we have a very good secretariat headed by Michael Keating, who is a very respected colleague, who was the Deputy SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary-General] in Afghanistan,” the UN had quoted him as saying.
He had said that he found most important was to bring in all the agencies, departments, programmes, funds, who indirectly or directly are involved in the situation or the role of the United Nations in Sri Lanka.

“So, we have had a working group with representatives of all groups working very intensely on taking these recommendations seriously. We also have invited experts from the outside for hearings. Today, I had a hearing with a group of very respectable colleagues of mine and many others – Jan Egeland, Staffan De Mistura, Michael Van Den Schulenberg – I can’t give you the whole list, but we had a video conference of one-and a half hours today, where we got their reactions to the report. So, it is a big process right now. And I suppose I will, within a month or so, receive the report and then it is up to me to assess these recommendations and go to the Secretary-General and discuss what measures should be taken. I hope this whole process will be finished by the middle of June at the latest, I would hope. We take it very seriously,” he had added.

The Brits and CHOGM

Speaking of being taken seriously, the decision that the Queen, the head of the Commonwealth, would not be attending the Commonwealth Heads of Governments Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo this year was likened to a wedding without the bride.
The Rajapaksa government after rejoicing over the news that Premier David Cameron would be attending the CHOGM were disappointed that the Queen would not be attending the event.

What the Rajapaksa government needs to understand is that Cameron’s decision to attend the CHOGM was not made out of choice.
As the head of the Commonwealth, the Brits cannot avoid the responsibility of attending its event.

The two options that were before the Commonwealth was to pull CHOGM out of Colombo or that Cameron would have to attend the meeting if it were to be held in Colombo.

Once the decision to hold the summit in Colombo was confirmed, Cameron had no option but to agree to attend the event.
Nevertheless, it seems that the Queen’s decision to refrain from attending the CHOGM summit has helped the British save face with the large Tamil Diaspora in the UK.

However, responding to an e-mail query by The Sunday Leader, Sri Lankan High Commissioner to the UK, Dr Chris Nonis said the foundation of the UK-Sri Lanka relationship transcends our Commonwealth links alone.

“It is built on a broad spectrum of areas of common interest including trade, tourism, education, friendship, and strong historical links. Despite all the pressure from well-funded lobby groups with collateral agendas, who have been carrying out an aggressive and vitriolic campaign against Sri Lanka, and portraying a negative and anachronistic narrative, the fact that the British Government will be coming at Prime Ministerial level clearly demonstrates how strong our relations are, and we look forward to a very successful CHOGM 2013 in Sri Lanka,” he said.

When inquired about Cameron’s decision to attend CHOGM, Dr Nonis said, “During my interactions with Prime Minister David Cameron, I never got the impression that he didn’t intend to come, therefore it don’t feel it was ever a question of him having to change his mind, and I do feel it was an extremely commendable and sensible decision on his part.”

“The British Government has been assailed by various forces and lobbyists to boycott the CHOGM, but having weighed the pros and cons, the Government has decided to attend just as other Heads of Government intend to do.

“As I mentioned in my recent BBC Radio 4 Interview, the imperative is for the international community to visit Sri Lanka and make an objective and impartial analysis of the reality of contemporary Sri Lanka and CHOGM 2013 will provide just that opportunity for all 54 Countries,” the High Commissioner added.

As for the Queen’s decision not to attend the CHOGM, he observed “Whilst we appreciate Her Majesty the Queen’s tremendous dedication to duty and passion for the Commonwealth, and her stewardship throughout the years, I do not feel there would be any negative impact. Indeed HRH Prince Charles, is the Heir to the throne and the future King of England, and has a strong interest in Commonwealth issues, as was evidenced by his attendance at the CHOGM 2007 in Kampala, Uganda, and his visits to over 30 Commonwealth countries, including Sri Lanka, over the years.”

Neither Victors Nor Vanquished – Savage

Bernard Savage

Head of Delegation of the European Union to Sri Lanka Bernard Savage says that additional efforts need to be made to get an effective reconciliation process for the country. “The country by its nature is a multi ethnic culture and it’s important that all have a voice in building the future of the country,” he said, adding that the end result of negotiation is always that neither party thinks that the other party had won. Speaking of Sri Lanka’s relations with the international community, Savage said that dialogue is the way forward and that the EU would continue to engage with Sri Lanka. “The best way is to continue engagement and discussion. It doesn’t mean that either side would fully agree to the other. But I don’t see a reason for resentment or anger,” he observed.
Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q: What are your parting impressions of Sri Lanka?
A: Of course things have changed considerably since I arrived. When I arrived the conflict had started to enter its final stage and thankfully that tragic is over. All you saw was displacements and hardships resulting from the consequences of conflict and a great deal of what has been done. I’d like to also emphasize the EU humanitarian and development assistance contributed to that successful phase and continues to contribute through the reconstruction of the areas affected by the conflict, both in the north and east. So, on a general view of the past four years, the end of the conflict, the return of the communities to the areas, the rebuilding of the areas affected by the conflict have certainly been the positive developments.

 

Q: During your tenure in the country could you say that the country has moved towards lasting peace and reconciliation following the end of the war?
A: I think the bases are there. I think additional efforts need to be made. It is important that all communities can feel that the equal contribution in uniting Sri Lanka. The country by its nature is a multi ethnic culture and it’s important that all have a voice in building the future of the country. That is certainly a future we wish to see, a peaceful, prosperous Sri Lanka. Which all of the citizens feel that they share equal rights and obligations as citizens and that all can prosper by the economic developments of the country. There are a few elements that still need to be addressed clearly. All the citizens need to be aware and I can only hope that in the years to come the conflict recedes from the memory that we will see structures in Sri Lanka, which will allow all communities to have an equal role in the country’s development.

Q: How best do you think the government could work towards achieving an effective reconciliation process?
A: Any reconciliation process is that both parties have to feel that the deal reached is acceptable. Any reconciliation process basically needs to move forward. Basic tenet is that all communities should have a chance at reconciliation. They must feel that all parties have compromised and all would recognize and commit to an architecture where they can move forward. So the end result of negotiation is always that neither party thinks that the other party had won. There is a phrase that is used in Europe at the end of the Second World War on building a new continent that was neither victors nor vanquished. That is the formula that is being used in Africa. I think it can be captioned in one phrase that would be really apprehensive to move forward, neither victors nor vanquished.

Q: The government has spoken of a large number of development programmes. Do you believe that the country has seen development in real terms (ie: social, political and economic development)?
A: I think it’s difficult for any country from the richest to achieve real development. Sri Lanka is a middle-income country riding to become an upper middle-income country. Following the end of the war everything has transformed as a result of economic development. There’s a clear desire of infrastructure and framework. We wish the country all the success. As partners of Sri Lanka we want to see prosperous development and that would be the interest of everybody. The government is quite determined to achieve the goal of moving on from its lower middle-income country to an upper middle-income country. And of course ultimately reaching the level of prosperity that needs to be achieved and I don’t see a reason why it can’t be done.

Q: How do you view Sri Lanka’s relations with the international community? How could diplomatic relations be further strengthened?
A: Well of course it has been no secret to anybody that relations can be strange. Different countries take different approaches. As far as relations with the European Union are concerned it is a long-term relationship. We have a really good history in Sri Lanka both with the heads of states and the European Union as a corporation for 35 years. The EU has stood by Sri Lanka in the face of conflict, in the face of natural disaster and we continue to contribute toward the country’s development. Obviously we have had our differences on certain aspects and my view is that discussions are healthy. Dialogue is the way forward. We will continue to engage with Sri Lanka. The best way is to continue engagement and discussion. It doesn’t mean that either side would fully agree to the other. But I don’t see a reason for resentment or anger. Therefore we will encourage continuous discussion because a breakdown in relations would be a real failure.

Q: Would you say that during your tenure as the head of the EU delegation in Sri Lanka, you managed to get the message of the EU across to the Sri Lankan government?
A: That’s a difficult question. Probably the question should be referred to the Sri Lankan government. My only feeling is that the answer is probably, sometimes!

The age-old adage that you cannot fool all the people all the time has now come true for the Mahinda Rajapaksa government.
Pledges made about granting relief following the end of the war and development projects that would help uplift the economy have become nothing but pipe dreams and the people are now aware of the bluff.

A nation that has faithfully stood by its government that fought a war against the LTTE listening to the many calls for the people to tighten their belts until the end of the war now feels betrayed.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Chandrika Kumaratunge and Somawansa Amarasinghe

Pledges have been made in abundance from providing relief to the farmers affected by floods and droughts in the North Central Province to salary hikes and pension schemes for the working masses that are far from being honored. In fact a week after the President pledged to stop the interest payments in all loans taken by farmers, the state banks sent letters demanding full payments from farmers.

Be that as it may, the Rajapaksa government that has managed to find some explanation to wriggle its way out of issues was checkmated by the people on the issue of electricity tariff hikes.

All opposition political parties, trade unions and the civil society shed their differences to take to the streets in protest against the unfair tariff increase. The people outrightly rejected the government’s claim that the electricity tariff increase was a result of the losses incurred by the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).

President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his usual fashion tried to bowl a doosra, but was no balled by the people when he tried to benevolently announce that the electricity consumers would be provided with relief.
Addressing the UPFA May Day rally at the Campbell Park in Borella, President Rajapaksa announced that relief would be provided for the low electricity users while providing relief for other users.

Interestingly, the government on the following day announced that the fuel surcharge would be reduced by 25% to other consumers.

“This is like robbing Rs. 100 and giving back Rs. 25 and saying all is fine,” an opposition parliamentarian said.
However, the fuel surcharge added to the electricity bill was said to be a temporary measure adopted during the period of the drought when there was a decline in hydropower generation resulting in an increase in the thermal power generation.

According to trade unions, the fuel surcharge is to be removed by December this year. In such a scenario, the government would not have really offered any proper relief to the electricity consumers.

Opposition political parties, the UNP and the JVP have said that they would continue with the agitations until the increase in electricity tariffs are completely withdrawn.

A joint trade union alliance that includes the JVP and UNP trade unions among many others have vowed to stand by an ultimatum of May 20th given to the President to withdraw the electricity tariff hike. Otherwise, they say a nation wide strike would be called on May 21st.

The call to the government is to address the issue of corruption, wastage and mismanagement in state institutions.
Nevertheless, for a government that has managed to construct a port in Hambantota that has had 35 ships call at it for 26 months, an airport in Mattala that has 36 flights operating every month and many other development programmes that have become white elephants, the issue of wastage seems to just pass without an effort to address it.

As pointed out by Opposition and UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, the government was spending Rs. 333,000 million to purchase 10 Airbus aircraft for its loss making SriLankan Airlines when the people are in desperate need for relief. He added that apart from relief from the burgeoning cost of living, the people do not have a proper public transport system in the country when the government decides to spend billions of rupees of public funds to purchase aircraft for another loss making enterprise.
“It is monies that could be used in so many areas like health and education that are being spent in this manner,” Wickremesinghe said.

PTA and press freedom

Criticism on the electricity tariffs extended to other areas during the latter part of the week.
The arrest of former Deputy Mayor of the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), Azath Salley in the early hours of Thursday morning under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) resulted in the opposition politicians publicly condemning the arrest while some government members made private statements against Salley’s incident.

The main opposition UNP decided to play an active role despite the fact that Salley had defected from the party.
The UNP leadership noted that it was an issue that needs to be addressed seriously.

Whether Azath Salley was a terrorist and on what basis such an assumption was made were the key areas under discussion.
It is learnt that the UNP would carry out a campaign demanding Salley’s immediate release and also take the matter before the Commonwealth as well.

Since the government has assured the Commonwealth that the draconian piece of law that is the PTA was no longer strictly enforced following the end of the war and that emergency regulations have been lifted, many international observers have also decided to bring the matter to the notice of the Commonwealth Secretariat.

Sri Lanka’s plans of hosting the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) this November in Colombo and its success would all depend on the Rajapaksa government’s actions.

The Rajapaksa administration after pledging to address issues of human rights concerns in the country at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions in March this year has since then added more issues to its list of woes.
Salley’s incident along with the threat on the local media, especially in the country’s North would have an impact on the success of CHOGM in Colombo.

Even New Dlehi, which is speculated to have aided the Rajapaksa government at the Commonwealth Secretariat through Indian diplomat and current Commonwealth Secretary General Kamalesh Sharma, might be helpless if the Rajapaksa government is not sensitive to the concerns of the international community.

Meanwhile, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has listed Sri Lanka in its 2013 Impunity Index.
The index spotlights countries where journalists are slain and the killers go free.

Apart from Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India are on the index of 12 nations.
CPJ’s analysis has reportedly found that journalist murders have slowed in Iraq, Sri Lanka, Mexico, Colombia, and Afghanistan – five Impunity Index countries with long records of deadly, anti-press violence.

However, it has said that Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, and Mexico have failed completely in the prosecution of numerous past slayings.

CPJ has said that Sri Lanka’s impunity rating was unchanged from 2012.
But four years after the end of the nation’s long civil war, CPJ has noted that President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s administration has shown no interest in pursuing the perpetrators in nine journalist murders over the past decade.

CPJ has observed that all of the victims had reported on politically sensitive issues in ways that were critical of the Rajapaksa government. The cases include the killing of prominent newspaper editor Lasantha Wickrematunge in 2009.

Govt blues

That the Rajapaksa government is now beginning to see blue and the blue wave launched by the key collation party, the SLFP, is likely to be the blue tsunami that would wipe put the party.

The government’s choice of Campbell Park for its May Day rally raised questions on why the SLFP led UPFA did not opt for a better location that could help the party boast the people power enjoyed by it.

The Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) fleet of buses was used to transport SLFP supporters as usual and roads leading to Borella from Buller’s Road were blocked by hundreds of SLTB buses that had transported SLFPers to the governing party rally.
Interestingly, as much as the buses on the roads, there were also as many people or ‘supporters’ of the governing party sitting on the pavements and enjoying friendly chats while the rally was on going.

Most of the party supporters had removed their party T-shirts and were bear bodied – a sight that was not visible in any other May Day rallies.

A party loyalist is never seen to remove the party attire regardless of sun or rain.
The governing party May Day is now used by members and organizers to show their strength to the President to score points and most often, the SLFP supporters are picked from the respective electorates and driven to Colombo with the promise of a lunch and cash. Apart from the May Day, the SLFP’s internal squabbles continue. Insecurities among the party hierarchy continue amidst the SLFP’s Blue Wave campaign.

The campaign that was launched by SLFP National Organizer and Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa has upset some governing party members, especially since the close rapport he is trying to build with the old SLFP guard.
Basil whenever he visits an electorate is said to make special attempts to meet with members of the old SLFP guard.

The President after hearing several comments by party members has now decided to keep a close watch on Basil’s actions.
The President who is focused on promoting his progeny to succeed him is also aware that Basil is also ambitious of reaching great heights. Another internal issue that continues to trouble President Rajapaksa is the growing support base within the SLFP for former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge.

Whenever Kumaratunge is in the country members of the old SLFP guard visit her and invite her for various functions.
For the President these meetings and loyalties are unnerving since it could pose a threat at a point when the party and people decide to look for a change.

UNP rising

The woes of President Rajapaksa have now increased with the growing support base of the UNP. The party organized three May Day events in Colombo, Kurunegala and Badulla. The event in Colombo was at the Sirikotha party headquarters while the Kurunegala rally was held in the Maligapitiya grounds. The rally in Badulla was organized by the party’s youth front.
Party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe participated in the Kurunegala rally.

UNPers came in their thousands to all the rallies and despite the rains, they stood and listened to the party leader’s speech.

Wickremesinghe’s statement that the time to plead for relief from the government has come to an end and that it was now time to take to the streets and struggle for a change was a clear indication of a new path taken by the UNP.
After remaining somewhat silent for years, the UNP has commenced re-organziaing the party to take the struggle to the streets as pointed out by Wickremesinghe. The strength portrayed by Wickremesinghe has undoubtedly given confidence to the UNPers.
The strategist in Wickremesinghe is now evident. He marked his time until the people started to see the real picture and come out of the euphoria of winning the war.

After giving the people the time they needed for celebrations, the UNP is now gearing to join forces with the people when the government is losing its allure in their eyes.
The JVP meanwhile is also gathering its strength and looking at forming a common ground to fight against the government.
If President Rajapaksa thought winning the war was a hard task, he would now understand the importance of winning the hearts and trust of the people.

That the Mahinda Rajapaksa government’s glory days are fast coming to an end was evident by looking at the events that unfolded last week.

The Rajapaksa government was jubilant last week that Sri Lanka was not included in the agenda of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) meeting in London. Canada, after attempting to raise the issue of Sri Lanka during the discussion on other matters at the CMAG meeting, has announced that a high level delegation would not attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) that is scheduled to be held this November in Colombo.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Champika Ranawaka , Ranil Wickremesinghe and Somawansa Amarasinghe

However, the issues that the government has managed to add to its list of woes last week have cast aside the minor ‘victory’ at CMAG.
The arrogance displayed by members of the Rajapaksa government over the electricity tariff revision and the sentiment expressed in comments made by them to indicate that the masses are asses have irked the people.

It was after a lapse of almost four years that we saw people and parliamentarians alike being engaged in agitation campaigns.

The opposition members of parliament carried out protests in the House on both days the parliament met for sessions.

On Wednesday, opposition members lit candles and stood in the well of the House while two JVP MPs – Vijitha Herath and Sunil Handunnetti – stood on tables and protested against the government’s attempt to push through four bills in parliament amidst the protests.

While the opposition protested in the House and on the streets, Power and Energy Minister Pavithra Wanniarachchi and former Power and Energy Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka were also at loggerheads.

Wanniarachchi’s comment that it was Ranawaka who had mooted the electricity tariff revision resulted in the latter coming out hard against the government’s decision to increase tariffs.

In fact, Ranawaka after objecting to the tariff hike has even spoken of the losses that would be incurred by the proposed Sampur power plant as well.

He was also scheduled to address a forum to discuss the electricity tariff revision yesterday (27).

While ministers were at loggerheads, the protest by opposition parliamentarians in the House nearly ended in fisticuffs with several young governing party parliamentarians throwing water bottles at the UNP MPs and trying to manhandle them.

Interestingly, apart from the young governing party parliamentarians, senior SLFP members did not intervene or oppose the protest carried out by the opposition party MPs.

When sessions were adjourned, several senior governing party members had even gone to the extent of expressing their frustration on the electricity tariff revision to the opposition MPs.

“This is what happens when you stay silent. We stayed silent and now the people have to suffer the consequences,” a senior government party legislator has told an opposition MP.

Strong message

The SLFP seniors continue to remain silent amidst the issues faced by the government. They are resolute in their stance of staying aside without making any attempt to white wash the actions of a few selected members of the government’s hierarchy.

The silence of senior SLFP members in parliament during the protest carried out by opposition parliamentarians against the electricity tariff hike is a strong message to the Rajapaksas that all is not well in their own house.

It seems that everyone is now marking time. The opposition members, a majority of the governing party members and most of the people are now waiting for the opportune time to make their frustrations known to the powers that be.

The Rajapaksa government would then have to pay dearly for being insensitive to the needs of a nation that had until now given it carte blanche to carry out its policies.

If President Rajapaksa thought his headaches were limited to clashes within the government and saving face before the international community in order to be able to host the CHOGM this year, he has never been more wrong. The actions of the Rajapaksa government are now beginning to push people away from it. The hapless masses are now thronging around the opposition political parties, the UNP and the JVP.

After remaining silent for a while, both parties have now commenced campaigns to muster the people’s support and to build strength against the Rajapaksa government.

It would be wise for the Rajapaksa government to cast aside its arrogance and take stock of the situation that is unfolding before its eyes.

For a government that was at the helm of popularity following the end of the war nearly four years ago, it is fast losing its grip and is now becoming one of the most unpopular governments to rule the country.

The Rajapaksa government has lost its sense that the people had undergone immense hardships and given into the various excuses by the government when it asked the people to “tighten their belts until the war is ended.” Instead of providing relief to the people, the Rajapaksa government has burdened the people even more than they had shouldered during the period of the war.

The Rajapaksa government’s belief that development of a country is limited to the construction of roadways, airports and ports is now bringing about its downfall.

Realizing this, the opposition parties are now gearing to enter the fray after a lapse of several years and after allowing the Rajapaksa government to wallow in its victories.

RW in Jaffna

A group of UNP representatives led by party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe last week visited the North.

The visit was a precursor to the party’s move to develop the party’s position in the Northern province prior to the Northern Provincial Council election, which President Rajapaksa has promised to hold this September.

The UNP delegation visited several areas in Jaffna and also the Uthayan newspaper that was attacked on the 13th.
Wickremesinghe held a meeting with the editorial staff of the Uthayan as well.

However, during the UNP delegation’s visit to some areas in the North, they were refused access to a High Security Zone (HSZ) in Valikamam, Jaffna.

Reports from Jaffna have said that the delegation including UNP MP Ravi Karunanayake and General Secretary Tissa Attanayake were prevented from entering the area.

Wickremesinghe had attempted to inspect the area, which has been earmarked to be acquired by the government.

“On the one hand the government announces to the world that the North is open to the people and for political parties to engage in politics, but when we go there we are not allowed to move freely,” a UNP member in the delegation said.

He added that despite receiving approval from the authorities in the area, the delegation was not granted permission by the Defence Ministry to visit the HSZ area.

Even four years after the war, despite claims by the government that the military was moving out of the HSZ, the refusal of entry to the UNP delegation is a clear indication of the real situation in the North.

The UNP leadership has insisted on the necessity to understand the issues faced by the Northern civilians and to witness the issues first hand.

Demonstrations were also held in Jaffna by landowners and politicians last week against the acquisition of the land by the government.
Speaking to the media in Jaffna, Wickremesinghe has said that the government needed to appoint a civil Governor to the North instead of the retired army major general who is currently holding the post.

He has observed that a civil Governor would give more credibility to the elections when it is held in the North.
Wickremesinghe has also stated that the UNP would contest an election in the Northern Province.

Given the current status quo in the North, the keen interest shown by the UNP to commence its political activities in the province and to gear for elections is undoubtedly an unnerving factor for the Rajapaksa government.

JVP to the fore

Meanwhile, after undergoing a series of incidents that affected the party’s operations, a revitalized JVP has once again taken to the streets in their numbers to protest against the electricity tariff hike and the rising cost of living.

The JVP has always commanded superiority in organizing campaigns. Even President Rajapaksa could vouch for this.
The JVP last week commenced an island wide protest campaign against the electricity tariff hike. The innovative protest campaign where protestors walk down streets carrying torches and shouting slogans against the government captured the attention of many people.

A petition was also signed in the districts against the electricity tariff hike.

The party’s trade union wing, the National Trade Union Center and several other trade unions are currently in the process of forming a joint trade union alliance to carry out a broad struggle against the rising cost of living and other issues faced by the people.

The committee coordinating the trade union alliance met last Friday and had arrived at several key decisions on carrying out an effective struggle against the electricity tariff hike.

It is learnt that the trade unions have decided to give an ultimatum to the Rajapaksa government to reduce the electricity tariffs or face a strike action from workers in the public, private and estate sectors.

The NTUC has said that the government should be given time till May 20th to reduce the electricity tariffs or the trade unions would launch an island wide strike action on the 21st.

The decisions, reached by the trade union alliance last week, are to be made public today (28).

DNA tests

The JVP is also determined to ensure that justice is served to the comrades who were killed and buried in the Matale mass grave.
The case on the Matale mass grave is to be taken up for hearing on May 8th.

When the case bearing No. B/1810, the JVP is to make representations to court and request for DNA tests to be carried out on the skeletal remains.

JVP Propaganda Secretary and parliamentarian Vijitha Herath said that the party has already gathered information of about 100 persons who had gone missing in the Matale District during the 1988-1989 period.

“They will give affidavits on the disappearances of their loved ones. The JVP will therefore intervene when the case is taken up and call for a DNA report,” he explained.

The JVP is also looking at filing a fundamental rights petition on behalf of the persons killed and buried in the Matale mass grave. According to Herath, party lawyers are currently engaged in gathering the necessary information to file the FR petition before the Supreme Court.

The JVP leaders have decided that the government should not be allowed to ignore the issue of the Matale mass grave.
Despite attempts by the Rajapaksa government to sweep the matter under the carpet, the JVP is determined to continue with the prosecution process to identify the persons responsible for the mass grave.

The Mahinda Rajapaksa government last week faced several setbacks locally and internationally.
The US government proposed a 20 percent aid cut to Sri Lanka and the Rajapaksa government came under pressure from the Muslim countries to act against the anti-Muslim campaign being carried out in the country.
Also, the Commonwealth lawyers passed a resolution at a conference in South Africa calling for the withdrawal of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) scheduled in Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka’s suspension from the Commonwealth.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Prof. G. L. Peiris, Rauff Hakeem and Douglas Devananda

Amidst all these pressures, the Rajapaksa government was also faced with the criticism over the increase in attacks on the country’s media. The statements made by government spokespersons on the second attack within a few days on the Jaffna based Uthayan newspaper did not help the state’s image.
However, a delegation of resident heads of 15 Islamic countries in Sri Lanka, met with President Rajapaksa at the Temple Trees last week.
Diplomatic heads from Bangladesh, Iran, Iraq, Egypt, Indonesia, Kuwait, Malaysia, Maldives, Nigeria, Pakistan, Palestine, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Qatar were present at the meeting.
According to the Government Information Department it was to discuss various matters of mutual interest pertaining to both domestic and international arenas.
The President had assured the delegation that the government would not tolerate anyone perpetrating acts to create communal or religious disharmony.
In usual fashion, Rajapaksa has said that if anyone has proof and evidence of such incidents, they should hand over that information, and action would be taken promptly.
It is learnt that Muslim countries are displeased with the silence maintained by the Rajapaksa government over the hate campaign being carried out by the Bodhu Bala Sena against the Muslim community.
The Muslim community fired the first salvo against the government during the recent visit of Pakistani Foreign Secretary Jalil Abbas Jilani.
Muslim politicians and other members of the community met with him prior to his meeting with the Defence Secretary and briefed him of the current situation in the country.
Pakistan is especially under pressure to address the plight of the Muslim community since it played a key role in securing the support of other Muslim nations for the Rajapaksa government when the second US sponsored resolution on Sri Lanka was taken up for a vote at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva.
Islamic nations that have been closely monitoring the situation in Sri Lanka had also asked Pakistan to intervene.
Following Jilani’s meeting with members of the Rajapaksa government, coincidentally, senior members of the Bodhu Bala Sena, Ven. Galagodatte Gnanasara Thero and Ven. Vitharandeniye Nanda Thero travelled overseas to the US to expand the organization amongst the international community.
The Bodhu Bala Sena is now focused on expanding its branch network within the country as well. Executive committee member of the organization, Dilantha Withanage has said that it would set up branches in Kalmunai in the East and Jaffna in the North.
However, the diplomatic heads of 15 Muslim nations had also expressed their serious concerns to the President.
They have pointed out the assitance provided by the Muslim countries to the Rajapaksa government.
In the backdrop of aid cuts from Western nations, the Rajapaksa government is well aware that it has to play its cards properly with the Muslim countries to avoid further isolation.

CHOGM heat

The Rajapaksa government also received a blow last week in the Commonwealth front as well.
A resolution on Sri Lanka was ratified at the 18th Commonwealth Law Conference in Cape Town, South Africa.
The Law Society of England and Wales called for the suspension of Sri Lanka from the Commonwealth.
It has announced its support for the high-level international resolution, which was ratified at the conference calling for resolute action against Sri Lanka following ‘repressive actions’.
The resolution was ratified at the conference by the Commonwealth Lawyers’ Association (CLA), the Commonwealth Legal Education Association (CLEA), and the Commonwealth Magistrates’ and Judges’ Association (CMJA).

According to the Law Society of England and Wales, the resolution includes, “a call upon the Members of the Commonwealth to place Sri Lanka on the agenda of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group meeting on 26 April 2013 and suspend it from the Councils of the Commonwealth; and a plea for the Members of the Commonwealth to reconsider the holding of the next Heads of Government Meeting in Sri Lanka.”

The resolution followed reports of serious breaches of the rule of law and judicial independence in Sri Lanka, including the controversial impeachment of Chief Justice Dr Shirani Bandaranayake in January 2013, the Law Society of England and Wales said in a press release.

Lucy Scott-Moncrieff, President of the Law Society of England and Wales has said, the Law Society adds its voice to those calling for the suspension of Sri Lanka from the Councils of the Commonwealth.

“When our shared values, including those respecting human rights and the rule of law, are under threat, we must act resolutely and hold firm,” she has said.

“We cannot sit back and watch as the independence of the Sri Lankan judiciary continues to be eroded. We cannot remain inactive as politicians fail to abide by court orders. We cannot look away as members of the legal profession face gross and persistent harassment. We remain committed to supporting those who do uphold the rule of law in Sri Lanka.”

The resolution would undoubtedly add more strength to the campaign carried out by some countries against the holding of the CHOGM summit in Sri Lanka this year.

Sri Lanka is already facing a problem in meeting the initially anticipated numbers for the summit in Colombo.
Hotel rooms that were earlier blocked to provide lodging for the CHOGM delegates are now being released due to the decline in numbers.

However, the CMAG meeting on April 26 would be crucial since the Rajapaksa government could seriously face a problem in holding the CHOGM summit this November.

Violence in the North

The Rajapaksa government amidst all these issues in the international for a is also coming close to the deadline set by the government on holding Northern Provincial Council elections in September 2013.

The government since last year has been saying it would hold elections to the North in September 2013. That has been the assurance given to India and even at the UNHRC in March.

Be that as it may, as the time gets closer, the Rajapaksa government has not shown any interest in discussing about Northern elections.
Instead the incidents that have been taking place in the North in the past few months are in fact deterrents to holding an election in the North.

There have so far been five attacks on the media in the North since January this year with the Uthayan newspaper owned by TNA MP E. Saravanapavan receiving the brunt of it.

Reports from Jaffna state that the situation in the North is getting worse with many areas being subjected to Sinhalization with many people from the South being resettled in the North.

According to opposition politicians, the government through attacks on the media and protests in the North is now setting the stage to re-introduce emergency regulations prior to the Northern Provincial Council elections.

“Once emergency regulations are in place, the government would be in a position to manipulate its way during the Northern Provincial Council elections,” a senior opposition parliamentarian said, adding that it is also an indication of how nervous the Rajapksa government is to face an election.

The international community continues to emphasize the need for the Mahinda Rajapaksa government to get its act together and address issues of reconciliation and accountability.

The Rajapaksa government’s statement in parliament on Tuesday (9) that it rejected the resolution brought against the country at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva last month and there has been no change in the government’s stance on the proposal since its inception does not augur well for the building of diplomatic ties with the West.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Prof. G. L. Peiris, Rauf Hakeem and Champika Ranawaka

External Affairs Minister Professor G. L. Peiris, clarifying the government’s stance on the resolution in response to a question posed by Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, has said the government has no need to conduct further discussions in this regard.

The Minister has noted that the government has by now implemented many recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) and only a handful of proposals remain to be implemented.
Members of the diplomatic community in the country did not view Peiris’ statement favourably.

The growing displeasure among the international community on the failures of the Rajapaksa government was expressed by US ambassador to Colombo Michele Sison at a meeting with the Foreign Correspondents’ Association.
Sison said that the United States has expressed disappointment with the stalled progress on reconciliation and accountability since the end of the conflict in 2009.

Explaining the reason for pushing a second resolution on Sri Lanka at the UNHRC in Geneva, the ambassador has said that the 2012 resolution, passed by a majority of countries on the Human Rights Council, sent a clear message that the international community shared the United States’ concerns regarding the lack of progress on reconciliation and accountability.

“The 2012 resolution simply asked the government of Sri Lanka to fulfill its own commitments to its people from its Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission report, and to meet its own international obligations,” she has observed.

“Following the 2012 resolution, the United States government continued to raise concerns on the human rights front. We monitored the situation throughout the country, engaged with the government when we had concerns, and offered assistance whenever we were able,” she has added.

She has noted that an important challenge faced by a nation is to protect and maintain the core principles of democracy and rule of law during difficult times.

“As many of you know, the United States remains particularly concerned about threats against, and attacks on, media outlets in Sri Lanka.  Several prominent journalists have fled the country, and a number of attacks on journalists remain unresolved.  This includes the 2009 killing of The Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, the January 2010 abduction of Prageeth Ekneligoda, and the July 2011 attack on Uthayan news editor Gnanasundaram Kuganathan,” Sison has said.

“I raise these issues because the United States has always worked to defend the universal right to freedom of expression.  We believe freedom of expression by all individuals, including the media, is not only an essential democratic prescription in its own right, but also critical in protecting other democratic institutions and values,” she has added.

The US has also raised other concerns recently as well, including dismay over the process that led to the impeachment of the Chief Justice and what that means for a free and independent judiciary in Sri Lanka.

Sison has noted that as Sri Lanka moves forward from the Human Rights Council session, the US will look closely at what steps the government chooses to take in response to the resolution.

Indian delegation

As the push for Sri Lanka’s reconciliation process keeps gathering momentum, five parliamentarians from India arrived in Sri Lanka a few days back to witness first hand the situation in the country.

The delegation met Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa and External Affairs Minister Peiris on Tuesday (9).

However, sources with the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) – which organized the trip – have reportedly refused to divulge details of the agenda or the outcome of the meetings.

The Hindu has reported that after spending the morning at the Parliament, the delegation had proceeded to Jaffna to review ongoing projects supported by the Indian government, particularly the housing initiative.

The delegation includes Saugata Roy (Trinamool Congress), Sandeep Dikshit (Congress), Anurag Thakur (BJP), Dhananjay Singh (BSP) and Prakash Javadekar (BJP).

However, Madhu Goud Yaskhi (Congress), who was also supposed to come, had not been able to make it.
While the Indian parliamentary delegation was engaged in witnessing the current situation in the country, politicians in Tamil Nadu joined by the artistes in the South Indian state continued with their campaign against Sri Lanka.

Sinhala extremist forces like the JHU and Ravana Balaya condemned the campaign carried out in Tamil Nadu.

The Ravana Balaya even went to the extent of calling on the National Film Corporation to ban films of Tamil Nadu artistes in Sri Lanka.
JHU General Secretary, Minister Champika Ranawaka alleged that the Indian government was pushing the Tamil Nadu agitation campaign and that India needs to treat Sri Lanka as an equal partner and not as one of its colonies.
He also warned that the Indian government needs to be mindful of the fact that the last anti-Sri Lanka campaign supported by it had backfired.

Muslim issue

Meanwhile, the anti-Muslim campaign in the country has now posed a great problem for governing party ally, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC).

The party and its leadership are under pressure by the Muslim community to even leave the government if it is unable to effectively address the issues faced by the community.

SLMC Leader, Minister Rauf Hakeem has so far expressed his sentiments at the cabinet sub committee to address issues of religious tensions headed by Senior Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake.

The President ignored the call by Hakeem for an immediate Cabinet meeting to discuss and address the issues faced by the Muslims.

This has also placed Hakeem in a difficult spot where the Muslim community is concerned.

It is learnt that the SLMC is also under pressure to ensure that the All Ceylon Jamiyathul Ulama is given the right to issue the halal certification.

Hakeem is now facing a situation of the devil and the deep blue sea.

Meanwhile, the Pakistan High Commission in Colombo had last week organized a discussion between Pakistan Foreign Secretary Jalil Abbas Jilani who was in Colombo during the week with several Muslim politicians and the members of the civil society.

The main aim of the meeting was to discuss the current situation in the country, especially where the Muslims are concerned.
Interestingly, Jilani’s meeting with the Muslim members had taken place before his meeting with Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

Hakeem was also among the members at the discussion along with several Muslim members of the governing party.
After explaining the issues faced by the Muslim community in the country, a majority of the members at the discussion had called on the Pakistani Foreign Secretary to exert pressure on the Rajapaksa government to protect the rights of the Muslim community in the country.

They have said that Islamabad had a responsibility to stand for the rights of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka since Pakistan had voted against the US backed resolution on Sri Lanka at the UNHRC in Geneva and had also canvassed for other Muslim nations to also support the Sri Lankan government.

Image building

Be that as it may, the Rajapaksa government, while acting in a manner that would hinder its relations with the international community, is on the other hand trying to build its image before the foreign nations as well.

The lack of a clear foreign policy has continuously landed the Rajapaksa government in a mess and unfortunately the trend seems to be continuing.

Minister Peiris’ statement in parliament on Tuesday is another instance where the Rajapaksa government has managed to further strain its relations with the international community.

However, on the other hand, the government has entered into an agreement with a new PR firm for image building and lobbying.

The government previously solicited the services of Patton Boggs, which has reportedly terminated its representation of Sri Lanka in early February, according to Department of Justice records.

The new company, according to information received by The Sunday Leader, is the Majority Group.

“We’re excited to work with Sri Lanka on a number of issues important to both of our countries. As a small boutique firm, we are able to give constant and individualized attention to our clients; I know that was very important to Sri Lanka,” Majority Group’s partner and co-founder Rob Ellsworth has reportedly said.

Also, it is learnt that the Central Bank of Sri Lanka has also entered into an agreement with the Thompson Advisory Group to promote the country’s economic interests.

Nevertheless, the Rajapaksa government needs to act fast since the drop in the number of visitors expected during November’s Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) has resulted in some hotels having to release rooms that have been earlier booked.

Sources from the tourism industry said that city hotels and the hotels in Wadduwa had earlier been asked not to release their rooms for visitors who are not part of the CHOGM summit and affiliated events.
The government, to accommodate visitors for CHOGM who cannot be accommodated in city hotels, booked hotel rooms in Wadduwa.
However, The Sunday Leader learns that the government had informed the hotels in Wadduwa to release the rooms booked for the CHOGM summit since the expected number of visitors could easily be accommodated in city hotels.

The Rajapaksa government received a slap in its face when the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) invited the impeached Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake for its inauguration ceremony instead of incumbent Chief Justice Mohan Peiris.

Also, ignoring the warning signs sent by the international community that Sri Lanka is now in the agenda of the international community, the short sighted Rajapaksa government is trying to find solace in the fact that Sri Lanka would not be included in the agenda of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) meeting to be held end of the month.

With speculation that the head of the Commonwealth, the Queen of England may not attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) scheduled to be held in Sri Lanka this November, most countries are likely to send low-level delegations for the Colombo summit.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Pranab Mukherjee and Hina Rabbani Khar

The Rajapaksa government has not yet comprehended the humiliation it would face even if CHOGM is held in Sri Lanka with a poor participation and member states making critical comments on the government’s actions.

The Rajapaksa government’s failure in re-building diplomatic relations with the international community including neighbouring India is likely to boomerang badly in future.

Relations between the Mahinda Rajapaksa government and the Indian government have been under mounting pressure since the adoption of the second US sponsored resolution at the UNHRC sessions in Geneva.

The Indian government that has been engaged in a continuous diplomatic tussle with the Rajapaksa government over issues faced by the Tamil community in the country and post war reconciliation has sent a clear message of its frustration at Colombo’s inaction through its vote at the UNHRC.

India’s sentiments were expressed to Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe during his visit to India last week.
Indian President Pranab Mukherjee has reportedly said that India has always felt that the end of the conflict in Sri Lanka provides a unique opportunity to pursue lasting political settlement, acceptable to all communities.

Sri Lanka must seize the opportunity for genuine national reconciliation and move ahead, he has told Wickremesinghe during a meeting at the Rashtrapati Bhavan on Wednesday.

Apart from meeting Mukherjee, Wickremesinghe also called on External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj, National Security Adviser Shiv Shanker Menon and several other officials.

The Sunday Leader learns that New Delhi has requested Wickremesinghe to play an active role in Sri Lanka’s activities.
Expressing dissatisfaction at the Rajapaksa government’s actions, Wickremesinghe has been asked to work towards getting all opposition political forces together to defeat the government.

New Delhi has pointed out that a strong opposition force could propel some favourable action in areas like reconciliation and accountability.

Meanwhile, India last week said that it took a risk on the Sri Lankan issue despite pressure from some political parties and interest groups in India.

In an interview with the Indo Asian News Service (IANS), Indian External Affairs Minister Khurshid has said that some groups wanted India to go much further.

“Tamil Nadu assembly has passed a resolution, they wanted us to do the same thing at the UN, but we didn’t do it,” he has said.
The Indian External Affairs Minister has said that India took the risk and took the responsibility of going only as far as they thought was the right thing to do.

He has observed that he feels there is an appreciation in Sri Lanka on the stand India took with regards to the island nation.
India supported a resolution on Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council but refused to accept a resolution adopted by the Tamil Nadu Assembly against Sri Lanka.
However, senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha has urged Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to skip the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) scheduled to be held in Sri Lanka from November 15 to 17.
Addressing a hall meeting on the Sri Lankan Tamils issue in Chennai, Sinha said India was the pivot of the Commonwealth body. “If

India does not go there, CHOGM cannot be held,” he said.

The Indian media report said that the BJP leader also called for the suspension of Sri Lanka from Commonwealth membership by the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group for violations of the Harare Declaration.

Focus on Pakistan

While relations between India and Sri Lanka have been put to the test by the Rajapaksa government, it has found itself another key regional ally in Pakistan.

Pakistani Foreign Secretary Jalil Abbas Jilani visited Sri Lanka from April 4 to 5 to take part in the third Round of Bilateral Political Consultations between the two countries.

Jilani called on the President Rajapaksa on the 4th at the Presidential Secretariat.

It needs to be noted that the support of Muslim countries received by Sri Lanka at the UNHRC during the US backed resolution at last month’s sessions is mainly due to the campaign launched by Pakistan.

It was Pakistani Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar who directed Pakistan’s envoy at the UNHRC to muster the support against the US backed resolution on Sri Lanka.

However, US relations with Pakistan have been strained since 2011 and are still in the process of being re-built.

Former US ambassador to Pakistan Cameron Munter has been quoted in the media some time back saying that Washington’s “callousness” over the killing of 24 Pakistani troops in a US air strike on a post in November 2011 had strained ties between the two nations.
Strained relations between the US and Pakistan and India’s decision to vote in favour of the resolution resulted in Pakistan pulling support for Sri Lanka at the UNHRC and getting the support of the Muslim countries.

Nevertheless, Pakistan and the other Muslim countries that voted against the resolution have to now reconsider its position given the issues faced by the Muslim community in the country.

The Rajapaksa government’s failure to effectively address the continuing anti-Muslim campaign in the country is now putting pressure on the Muslim countries headed by Pakistan, which are new found allies of the government.

Pakistan is also faced with a dilemma of building its relations with Sri Lanka when Indian relations are pushed aside while also representing the position of the Muslim community in the country.

SLMC’s dilemma

The Rajapaksa government has also managed to conveniently ignore the concerns raised by the Muslim ministers in the government as well. The situation has resulted in the Muslim civilian population becoming frustrated with the Muslim political leadership in the government.

Soon after the attack on two Muslim business institution, Leader of the SLMC, Justice Minister Rauf Hakeem called on the President to summon an emergency cabinet meeting to discuss the religious extremism that was being carried out in the country and the campaign against the Muslim community.

The President however did not heed this request and refrained from summoning a Cabinet meeting to discuss the issue.
It is Hakeem, who is now faced with the most difficult task of saving face before the Muslim community in the country.
His recent statement to a media institution did not help his current position in the government as well.

Hakeem has reportedly told the BBC’s Tamil Service that he had repeatedly requested President Rajapaksa to prevent the Defence Secretary from attending the opening of an institution funded by the Bodu Bala Sena in Galle last month.

The presence of the senior Defence Ministry official at the Bodu Bala Sena function in Galle was an indication of the scant disregard shown to Hakeem and company of the SLMC.

The Rajapaksa government has snubbed the SLMC that joined the government along with eight seats to support the 18th amendment to the Constitution time and again.

The SLMC is fast losing face amongst its community and no amount of lip service would help the party since the Muslim community continues to move away from the party.

Apart from the SLMC, even the senior Muslim leaders in the SLFP have been unable to stand by their brethren.

According to some senior SLFP sources, the Muslim political leadership in the SLFP are purposely distancing themselves from the entire issue of religious extremism for several reasons – the government headed by Rajapaksa is unlikely to allow the Muslim political leaders to try and provide justice to the Muslim community and the issue of growing religious extremism in the country that is a ticking time bomb waiting to explode.

SLFP crisis

In a similar manner, the crisis in the SLFP is also a ticking bomb waiting to explode.

The Blue Wave campaign launched by SLFP National Organizer and Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa as reported in this column last week has managed to intensify the internal crisis in the party.

The party that is operating under three factions is faced with a new problem due to the appointment of SLFP representatives at grama seva divisional levels. These representatives are appointed by Basil and are answerable only to him or his office. Even the chief organizer of an electorate cannot question them. The situation has further irked the senior SLFPers who have been sidelined and in some instances even forced to share their electorates with Rajapaksa acolytes.

However, the disgruntled SLFP old guard is therefore getting closer to former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge.
Kumaratunge’s recent actions including her participation in several key events like the inauguration ceremony of the BASL and several events in the out-stations like Kurunegala and Embilipitiya have also made the Rajapaksas quite uncomfortable.

Speculation that Kumaratunge was likely to re-enter politics with the support of a large number of SLFPers resulted in the launching of the Blue Wave.

The programme was aimed at being a cure to the ailments of the SLFP, but instead, it has added more woes to the already ailing party.

That the Mahinda Rajapaksa government is now on a fast descending precipice of its popularity is evident by the continuous issues faced by the administration.

Hot on the heels of the adoption of a second consecutive resolution at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions in Geneva against the Rajapaksa government’s failures, the administration is now being haunted from ghosts from the past. The Matale mass grave that was dug in November last year and the latest discovery of a grave site in Vakarai has now left the government looking for responses when human rights watchdogs around the globe are breathing fire calling on President Mahinda Rajapaksa et al to deliver its commitments on human rights and humanitarian laws.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Somawansa Amarasinghe, Champika Ranawaka and Rauff Hakeem

The report on the findings of the Matale mass grave to courts last week finally confirmed the suspicions expressed by the JVP that the skeletal remains exhumed from the grave belonged to comrades killed during the 1988-89 insurgency.
When the mass grave was accidentally discovered when the ground at the Matale Base Hospital was dug to construct a new building, authorities tried to make various claims to prevent any suspicion that the skeletal remains belonged to the period of the JVP insurgency.

Matale, which was hotbed of JVP activities during the insurgency, was under heavy military security at the time. The JVP charged that certain leading members in the current government had played a key role in the disappearance of hundreds of youths during the 1988-89 period.

The party charged that this very reason would result in the government trying to “sweep the issue under the carpet” although the killings had taken place under the watch of the UNP regime.

JVP politburo member Anura Kumara Dissanayake said that initial investigations into the skeletal remains had found that the persons who were buried in the grave were tortured.

“Some of the bones had been broken while some bones have been covered with pieces of iron mesh,” he said.

Despite attempts to say that the skeletal remains could have been of persons killed during an epidemic in the Matale area during the early 1940s, the authorities were clueless as to why such a mass burial had not been recorded either in a courthouse or at the hospital.
However, Prof. Raj Somadeva of the Post Graduate Institute of Archeology in his 54 page report based on investigations carried on rings, buttons and other material evidence uncovered from the mass grave stated that the period of burial was between 1986-1990.
The Matale Magistrate immediately issued an order to declare the mass grave a crime scene despite a previous request by the police to cover the grave.

The latest findings on the Matale mass grave has now put the onus on the President and government to initiate a proper inquiry and bring to book those responsible for the killings. The persons buried need to be identified. After all, that is accountability.

The JVP maintains that the controversy over the Matale mass grave was due to the possible involvement of a high profile government official in the killings in Matale during the 1988-89 period.

“The President during the period of the insurgency played the role of a human rights activist and took these cases to Geneva. It would now be the best time for the President to show if he was truly concerned about the human rights situation in the country at the time or whether it was yet another political game,” Dissanayake said while thanking the team of professionals who investigated the findings of the mass grave despite various pressures.

True to Dissanayake’s words, it is now up to the President to prove his role of a human rights defender that paved the way for his ascension to office.

“Treachery? You must remember we are southerners. They have never betrayed their country. Time and again they have sacrificed their life for the country. We have a right to tell this to the world. Tears of innocent grieving mothers compel us to tell their story of pain and sorrow to the world. We will do it today, tomorrow and always,” said the then opposition MP Mahinda Rajapaksa in parliament on January 25, 1991.

President Rajapaksa, 22 years after making this statement in parliament, now has the opportunity to show his mettle – or he could always speak of treachery on the part of opposition members, especially the JVP for demanding justice for their fallen comrades.
It would also be interesting to see how the government would deal with the Vakarai grave in the next few weeks.

Muslims concerned

While skeletons from the past are haunting the government on one side, religious dissention being pushed by a group of extremists with support from the governing party has now managed to hit a raw nerve in the government.

The Muslim political leadership in the government that has up to now maintained a silent policy were last week compelled to focus on the anti-Muslim campaign that is now getting out of hand.

The Muslim ministers are now on a collision course with Sinhala extremist forces in the governing party like the JHU and NFF.
The JHU has openly supported the cause of the Bodhu Bala Sena and other newly popped up movements like Ravana Balaya.
Following the attack on business establishments owned by Muslims in Pepiliyana last week the SLMC finally opened its eyes.
SLMC Leader and Justice Minister Rauff Hakeem had requested President Rajapaksa to convene a cabinet meeting to discuss the rising religious unrest and civil disturbance in the country.

Hakeem had also contacted all Muslim parliamentarians including Senior Minister A. H. M. Fowzie (who is currently out of the country) and Ministers Rishard Bathiutheen and A. L. M. Athaullah for a meeting on the matter.

A statement by the SLMC has said that the Minister has expressed his displeasure and condemnation on the attack on a private business site. He has said that he believed this was seemingly carried out as a sequel to the ongoing attacks on the religious places and hate campaigns against Muslims and other religious minority communities in the country.
Hakeem has said he is constrained not to treat this as an isolated incident and is equally dismayed at the ineffective response of the law and order machinery in containing the spread of such violence and unrest that fuels insecurity and peace of all minority communities in Sri Lanka.

“What we are now witnessing is unrest and violence extended to the rest of the country too, threatening post war religious freedom with the potential to lead our multi ethno-religious communities to irreversible depths of antagonism once again. The President and his powerful good office that contained violence and bloodshed of the past, he believes can and will spend no time in curbing such violence too, by nipping it in the bud,” the SLMC statement said.

Hakeem has stressed that the duty and responsibility for the protection of people must be borne by the legitimate government and the State apparatuses of the country alone. He has noted that no religious extremist/militant element can take the law onto themselves nor should they provoke others.

The anti-Muslim campaign by extremist groups is a ticking time bomb waiting to explode and any decision by the government to turn a blind eye to the issue due to petty political gains could have an adverse impact on the country in future.

Blue wave

The main coalition party of the government, the SLFP meanwhile seems to be faced with its own load of problems.
The internal conflicts that keep intensifying every week have now surfaced in the open in the ‘Nil Rella’ (Blue Wave) programme initiated by the SLFP’s new National Organizer Basil Rajapaksa.

The campaign is aimed at revitalizing the SLFP membership at electoral level, island wide and is carried out under Basil’s patronage.
The campaign was launched following speculation in the political circles of the possible return of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to politics.

However, the campaign has intensified the splits in the SLFP. The SLFP is already split into three groups – Basil’s factions, MP Namal Rajapaksa’s faction and the senior SLFPers.

Interestingly, the Blue Wave has caused a rift between the two Rajapaksa factions.

SLFP organizers in the South have been informed that all programmes held under the Blue Wave campaign in the South have to be held under Namal’s patronage since Basil was taking the lead in all other electorates and was seen to be receiving a good response.
Meanwhile, the JVP has slammed the Blue Wave campaign saying it is also a move by the government to divert the people’s attention from the wave of price hikes that are to hit the consumers in April.

JVP politburo member K.D. Lalkantha said that while the government is planning to increase bus fares, electricity tariffs and other commodity prices next month, attempts are made to divert the people’s attention through campaigns like the Blue Wave.

Close watch

Be that as it may, the high offices of the governing party are none too pleased to hear of the possible entry into politics by Kumaratunga.

Given the growing dissention against the SLFP leadership by senior party members, senior members of the government have decided to keep a close watch on the senior SLFPers.

The senior SLFPers are being watched to see if they would build any close links with Kuamartunga and whether any future political plans are being made.

It is learnt that state intelligence units have been directed to be cautious of the latest political developments and to therefore keep close tabs on the senior SLFPers.

In crisis

Meanwhile, in the run up to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) meeting next month, the Executive Summary of an International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) report has stated that the removal from office in Sri Lanka of Chief Justice Bandaranayake was unlawful, is undermining public confidence in the rule of law, and threatening to eviscerate the country’s judiciary as an independent guarantor of constitutional rights.

Issued ahead of the full report, the Executive Summary of A Crisis of Legitimacy: The Impeachment of Chief Justice Bandaranayake and the Erosion of the Rule of Law in Sri Lanka finds the legal profession in Sri Lanka to be in a perilous state.
Sternford Moyo, IBAHRI Co-Chair has commented, “We call upon the Government of Sri Lanka to take immediate steps to reverse the impeachment and replacement of Chief Justice Bandaranayake and to work to rebuild the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession in the country, as a matter of absolute urgency.”

A high-level delegation, under the auspices of the IBAHRI, had investigated the removal of Chief Justice Bandaranayake and the independence of the legal profession in Sri Lanka through a series of in-depth conversations by telephone and via the internet with a range of key players in Sri Lanka, including judges, lawyers, journalists, parliamentarians and civil society activists.

The interviews were conducted remotely because authorities would not permit an investigation to take place within Sri Lanka. The delegation had found there to be a systematic effort to intimidate and discredit lawyers and others who advocate and promote respect for fundamental rights in Sri Lanka.

In advance of the planning for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), scheduled to be held in Sri Lanka in November 2013, Sternford Moyo has stated, “This is a critical time for Sri Lanka and international efforts to work towards reform must be intensified. The IBAHRI invites the Commonwealth to carefully consider this report and Sri Lanka’s position with regard to respect for the separation of powers, the rule of law, good governance and human rights as enshrined in Sri Lanka’s Charter when deciding how to proceed with arrangements for the forthcoming CHOGM.”

The Executive Summary of A Crisis of Legitimacy includes specific recommendations to Sri Lanka’s authorities, including taking immediate steps to reverse the impeachment and replacement of Chief Justice Bandaranayake, consistent with the Sri Lankan Constitution and extant rulings of the Court of Appeal and Supreme Court, drawing up a Code of Conduct for judges as a matter of urgency, taking full account of the principles set out in relevant international instruments, including the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct and the Latimer House Guidelines; and Repealing the 18th Amendment to the Constitution and taking steps to create a body independent of the President and responsible for the appointment of all senior officials and judges in Sri Lanka.

The Rajapaksa government was last week reminded that the tactics used to mislead people in Sri Lanka would not work with the international community.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has constantly being stating that the country needs time to address reconciliation issues after the war. Sri Lankans have believed the President’s words given that he had managed to end a three decade long war.

Michelle Sisson, Navi Pillay, M. Karunanidhi and Hugh Segal

However, nearly four years after the end of the war, the international community knows that the government of Sri Lanka has had the time and space to address immediate issues of alleged human rights violations and accountability.

US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Michelle Sisson told a group of senior journalists during a discussion on Friday that the government has had ample time and space to address a number of concerns, especially to address allegations of violations of human rights and international humanitarian laws.

She observed that the resolution that was adopted last week was built on the resolution adopted last year and included some new elements.

She explained that the resolution was a message from a broad cross section that even included nations that are not in the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

“The expectation is that the government of Sri Lanka heard this message coming from a broad cross section,” Sisson said, adding that the 40 plus countries that co-sponsored the resolution and those who voted in favour of it were looking at the constructive role of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to continue to report on these issues.

When inquired whether the US believed that the government of Sri Lanka would implement the recommendations in the report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights given the critical comments made against Navi Pillay and her office by Sri Lanka, Sisson told The Sunday Leader that the resolution has given a strong message with “a majority of the Council sitting and saying yes to a resolution that shows appreciation to the efforts by the High Commissioner and her office.”

According to Sisson, the US resolutions are for “the international community to come together to encourage Sri Lanka to do more”.
The US has clearly maintained its focus on Sri Lanka and had managed to include the country and its government on the agenda of the UNHRC from last year.

Following the adoption of last week’s resolution, Sri Lanka will figure at the 24th sessions of the UNHRC in September this year and at the 25th session next year.

The US National Security Council Spokesperson Caitlin Hayden’s statement following the adoption of the resolution was that the vote sent a clear message that the international community is committed to working with the government of Sri Lanka to promote greater peace, stability and prosperity for all of the people of Sri Lanka.

Spotlight on India

Apart from Sri Lanka, the 22nd session of the UNHRC and the adoption of the US resolution on Sri Lanka have also placed India in the spotlight.

The days that led to the vote in Geneva saw turmoil on the domestic political front in India.

The first issue was the pressure by South India on the Centre to support the US backed resolution on Sri Lanka.

This was followed by calls from the South Indian polity for New Delhi to move another resolution on war crimes against Sri Lanka.
Finally, once the vote concluded with India voting in favour of the resolution, the South Indian politicians expressed their dissatisfaction with New Delhi for supporting a watered down resolution.

The Indian media widely reported that the US had rejected seven amendments to the resolution on Sri Lanka, which were submitted to the UNHRC.

India’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Dileep Sinha, was summoned to New Delhi last week and Foreign Secretary Ranjan Mathai had asked him to move seven amendments. But once Sinha had returned to Geneva, his American counterpart had reportedly objected to moving amendments to the resolution.

The Indian media had stated that the US had told India that it wanted the resolution to have broader support and so could not accommodate the Indian proposals.

However, US Ambassador Sisson said that the resolution was prepared following a consultative process where all delegates worked together.

Meanwhile, expressing ‘surprise’ over India supporting a ‘weak’ and ‘diluted’ US resolution against Sri Lanka, former UPA ally DMK had said New Delhi had by its action “totally disappointed” the entire Tamil Diaspora.

DMK parliamentary party leader T. R. Baalu had told the Press Trust of India (PTI) that they had wanted India to propose amendments in order to declare that Sri Lanka had committed “genocide, human rights violations and war crimes”.

“We (also) wanted to have amendments for an independent, credible, international inquiry into war crimes and human rights violations committed by Sri Lanka. But to our surprise, the government of India has simply supported a diluted and a weak resolution,” he had said.

India had not even tried to propose any amendments to the US-backed resolution which was adopted by 25-13 margin with eight abstentions, he had said.

“The Government of India has totally disappointed not only the eight crore Tamil population but the entire Tamil Diaspora as well,” Baalu had added.

The Indian delegation said at the UNHRC on the day of the vote that it believes that the report of the LLRC and its findings and recommendation provides a window of opportunity to forge a consensual way forward towards a lasting political settlement through genuine national reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all its citizens.

India noted with concern the inadequate progress by Sri Lanka in fulfilling its commitment to this Council in 2009.
Furthermore, India called on Sri Lanka to move forward on its public commitments, including on the devolution of political authority through full implementation of the 13th Amendment and building upon it.

As Sri Lanka’s closest neighbour, India said it remains engaged in a substantial way in the relief, resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction process in that country. Their efforts have contributed to the resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons and the rebuilding of infrastructure and development, especially in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka.

While noting the commitment of Sri Lanka to hold elections to the Northern Provincial Council in September 2013, the Indian delegation said India expects the people of the province to be able to exercise their democratic rights freely and without delay as guaranteed to them by the Sri Lankan Constitution.

Be that as it may, India’s decision to vote in favour of the resolution on Sri Lanka was based on resolving the crises that were brewing on its home front and the inability to distance itself from an issue New Delhi had supported last year. This year’s resolution was crucial for India since it highlighted the lack of progress on many fronts, especially on reconciliation by the Rajapaksa government.
Since the end of the war, New Delhi had been at the receiving end of many veiled assurances and undertakings by the Rajapaksa government on reconciliation and a political solution to the ethnic issue.

Next step

The Rajapaksa government needs to now take stock of what happened in Geneva.

Instead of playing the role of a spoilt brat making angry statements at Big Brother India for voting in favour of the resolution on Sri Lanka, the Rajapaksa government if astute should look at the wrong moves made by the administration.

It would be wise for the government to understand that the “village thug” attitude would not do any good for Sri Lanka before the international community and that diplomacy does not mean bowing to another’s dictates.

These misconceptions need to be rectified by the Rajapaksa government if the country is to prevent a severe censure by the international community in future.

Be that as it may, given the statement by a senior government official expressing disappointment at India’s decision to vote in favour of the resolution, hope of the Rajapaksa government reflecting its actions seem quite dim.

A diplomat in Colombo last week said in lighter vein that government allies might now be busy painting placards with anti-Indian slogans to carry around Colombo while some others would call for a boycott of Indian products in Sri Lanka.

True to these words, an ally of the Rajapaksa government, the JHU had said last week that Sri Lanka needed to re-think its diplomatic ties with India given the recent attacks on Sri Lankans in South India and India’s vote in favour of the resolution.

A clinical analysis on the vote in Geneva would show that the Rajapaksa government while understanding that New Delhi was pushed to such a stance due to Colombo’s shortcomings, realises that serious attention needs to be paid to the anti-Muslim campaign carried out in the country by certain extremist Sinhalese elements.

The government boasted saying that Sri Lanka had managed to receive the support of the Muslim countries at the UNHRC.
The government should then extend that gratitude and respect to the Muslim community in the country without turning a blind eye to the hate campaign being unleashed by extremist elements.

The Rajapaksa government has to get its act together and nearly four years after the end of the war, it is high time that the administration starts addressing the real issues faced by the country.

The Commonwealth

The Rajapaksas are now focused on the Commonwealth and it is now more important than ever to play host to the 2013 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM).
Now that the Geneva debacle has ended, in true spirit of the Rajapaksa government, the resolution would be put on the backburner until six months prior to the 25th session of the UNHRC in Geneva next year.
The next hurdle for the Rajapaksa government is the meeting of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) that is to meet next month.

Canada is pushing hard for the inclusion of Sri Lanka on to the CMAG agenda based on the fact that the Rajapaksa government had violated the Latimer House Principles in the impeachment of Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake.
CMAG deals with serious or persistent violations of the Harare Declaration, which contains the Commonwealth’s fundamental political values.

CMAG’s task is to assess the nature of infringements and recommend measures for collective Commonwealth action aimed at speedy restoration of democracy and constitutional rule.

The current membership of the group is: Australia, Bangladesh (Chair), Canada, Jamaica, Maldives (currently suspended), Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Trinidad and Tobago and Vanuatu.

Last week’s visit to Sri Lanka by Canada’s special envoy to the Commonwealth, Senator Hugh Segal was sought by members of the civil society and religious leaders to explain the plight of the country’s post war reconciliation process.
Jaffna Bishop Rt. Rev. Thomas Soundaranayagam during a meeting with Segal had said the post war reconciliation has been slow and that the Tamil people were faced with many issues in the North.
Segal has openly stated that the purpose of his visit to Sri Lanka will be to act as a fact finder for Canada’s Foreign Minister.
Canada says Prime Minister Stephen Harper will not attend the CHOGM in Sri Lanka unless there is an improvement in the human rights situation in Sri Lanka.

Given the adoption of a second resolution at the UNHRC, it is evident that progress on the human rights and accountability fronts is yet to be achieved.

However, the Rajapaksa government has been lobbying hard with the Bangladeshi government, which is chairing the CMAG, for support in the face of Canada’s campaign to discuss Sri Lanka at the next meeting and to move CHOGM out of Colombo.
For all the saber rattling by the Rajapaksa government that it would face any challenge at the UNHRC and any resolution, the impact of the adoption of resolutions, especially on an annual basis will have far reaching implications.

It would indeed be interesting to see whether the Rajapaksa government has the political will and maturity to comprehend and take appropriate action in order to minimize the ill effects the country would have to face in the future.

It is now evident that the 22nd session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva would be a decisive one for the Mahinda Rajapaksa government despite the “watering down” of the draft US resolution presented before the Council.

Albeit attempts being made by the Rajapaksas to indicate that the somewhat watering down of the US resolution is a “victory” achieved by the government, the international community has in no uncertain terms stated that Sri Lanka would remain on its agenda until the Rajapaksa government got its act together.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Manmohan Singh, Mahinda Samarasinghe and Shinzo Abe

The Rajapaksa government in its short sighted approach has not fully comprehended the impact of the latest resolution by the US, which is the beginning of a long term process against the country’s administration.

In the event the Rajapaksa government fails to show adequate progress at the sessions next March, members of the international community could start taking action against the government that could have a greater impact on the country as a whole.

The Rajapaksa government’s failures have already lost the EU’s GSP Plus trade concession that has had a massive impact on the country’s industrial sector.

With the main focus being the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) scheduled to be held in Sri Lanka in November, the Rajapaksa government has lost sight of the bigger picture.

Hell-bent on hosting the CHOGM summit in Sri Lanka this year, the Rajapaksas have not yet assessed the possible negative impact on the country during the summit.

As rightfully stated by a diplomat in Colombo, “What is important is to understand whether it would be better to accept a shift in the CHOGM venue or to have foreign delegates coming to the country making critical comments on the government’s failures”.

This comment summed up the possibilities that surround the CHOGM summit scheduled this year in Sri Lanka.

The international community including neighboring India is weary of the Rajapaksa government’s excuses and bald-faced lies to cover up its failures to deliver and address concerns of human rights and accountability.

The adoption of the US backed resolution in March 2012 created a platform for the international community to air its views on the government’s actions.

The present resolution was expected to be stronger than last year’s resolution. However, the US has fallen short in doing so, but has still managed to keep effective focus on Sri Lanka.

The third draft US resolution is now being discussed at the UNHRC and is likely to be taken up for a vote this week when Sri Lanka is expected to request Pakistan to call for a vote when the resolution is taken up at the Council.

The latest amendments to the draft were discussed at an informal discussion on the resolution ‘Promoting Reconciliation and Accountability in Sri Lanka’ organized by the US mission in Geneva and held at the UNHRC’s room no. 27 on Wednesday.

Russia, China, Pakistan and Cuba had reportedly proposed to amend the resolution. They had wanted the resolution to be watered down while the EU countries and Canada had called for language of the resolution to be stronger.

Interestingly, neighboring India had remained silent at the forum.

The most debated issue was ‘the dedicated general debate’ (Clause No. 4) proposed in the resolution on Sri Lanka at the 25th session of the UNHRC in March 2014. This debate will be on the report OHCHR will be presenting to the Council. All four countries that supported the Sri Lankan Government opposed the inclusion of ‘dedicated debate’.

The second contentious point was Clause No. 2 which states, ‘encourages Sri Lanka Government to implement the recommendation in the OHCHR report’ on Sri Lanka.

Also, Clause No. 6 was discussed with references to an interim oral report and an interactive dialogue by the OHCHR at the 24th and 25th sessions at the UNHRC.

The US resolution is likely to be passed with a greater majority than last March and any victory felt by the Rajapaksa government would be premature given the impact of Geneva 22 in the long term.

Time and space till 2017?

However, the Rajapaksa government that has requested last week for time and space from the international community to address concerns came out with the time frame it is considering.

Presidential human rights envoy, Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe addressing the UNHRC when Sri Lanka’s report on the country’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) was taken up for adoption said that Sri Lanka would address all concerns by 2017.

“We are confident that we can incorporate the outcome document into our national plans and programmes of action, so that, by 2017 when we next face a Review, we will be able to demonstrate further advances in the promotion and protection of human rights for the benefit of the Sri Lankan people,” Samarasinghe said.

While some countries welcomed Sri Lanka’s UPR report, the US and the UK raised concerns over Sri Lanka’s failure to address some issues.

The Colombo Gazette reported on Friday that the US had raised particular concerns over the government’s failure to implement all the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC).

The killing of five students in Trincomalee, the religious tensions raised by the Bodu Bala Sena and comments made by Minister Mervyn Silva were mention by non-governmental organisations at the UNHRC.

Speaking just before Sri Lanka’s UPR report was adopted the father of one of the students killed in Trincomalee in 2006 had broken down in tears and demanded justice for his son’s murder.

Dr. Kasippillai Manoharan, the father of Ragihar, had apologized to the Council as he struggled to speak while making his speech.
The Trincomalee massacre in 2006 took place when five Tamil students playing by the beach were briefly detained and then shot dead.
Meanwhile an NGO had raised concerns over the threats posed to religious freedom in Sri Lanka as a result of the statements and actions of the Bodu Bala Sena.

Minister Samarasinghe had then asked why no one was speaking about the LTTE and instead targeting only the government. He had said the LTTE killed several innocent people including children.

Indian stance

India’s decision to refrain from direct intervention and the maintaining of silence in relation to amending the draft US resolution are strong indications that New Delhi would not be going back on its stance taken last March.

New Delhi, which has been at the receiving end of umpteen fork-tongued assurances given by the Rajapaksa government, is finding it difficult to find a reason to justify openly supporting the Rajapaksa government at the UNHRC.

The pressure from Tamil Nadu that India should present a separate resolution to the UNHRC on the alleged war crimes committed in Sri Lanka during the period of the war cannot be ignored by the Congress-led government that is looking at re-election.

New Delhi’s only issue is the “intrusive” nature of the US resolution, for which the Indian government called on Colombo to negotiate a settlement with the US to amend the resolution.

The Indian government is also taking stock of the Rajapaksa government’s decision not to hold discussions with the US in order to reach a compromise and its move towards Russia, China, Pakistan and Japan for support.

However, the Press Trust of India has reported that India is in the process of working out its stand on the UN Resolution against Sri Lanka, with an emphasis that there should be accountability besides an “impartial, independent and transparent” probe into allegations of atrocities on Tamils.

External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid had made a statement in the Rajya Sabha in the wake of demands made by DMK and AIADMK that India should support a US-moved resolution at the UNHRC condemning killing of Tamils in Sri Lanka and holding of an independent inquiry.

“We are in the process of finalising our response. As soon as a final view is taken, we will come back to the House,” he had said.
He had said the process for a decision on the resolution is underway and India has already started engaging with other countries to finalise its view on the resolution.

“Since anxiety has been expressed, the process for resolution is now underway. We are engaging with all member countries. We are absolutely committed. Whatever steps are necessary will be taken by the government,” he had said.

The minister had also said, “There must be accountability and there must be a fair participation. A life of dignity must be ensured (to Tamils in Sri Lanka). We are in pursuit of this objective.”

Khurshid had observed that an investigation must be “impartial, independent and transparent” and said India remained committed to this cause.

Raising the issue in the Rajya Sabha soon after it met for the day, Tiruchi Siva (DMK) had said students in Tamil Nadu are agitating. “The state of Tamil Nadu is burning,” he had said demanding that India support the UN resolution condemning war crimes. He also sought to know India’s stance in Geneva.

Turning to Japan

Be that as it may, New Delhi has one reason for comfort – the Rajapaksa government’s shift towards Japan. In comparison to China, New Delhi will feel a little more comfortable with Japan due to the mutual relationship with the US.
Japan, which is an ally of the US, has maintained a strong relationship with Sri Lanka since then Minister J. R. Jayewardene spoke on behalf of the Japanese in 1951.

The Rajapaksa government its seems is now trying to reap the benefits of Jayewardene’s 1951 speech at the San Francisco Peace Conference on Asia’s aspiration to freedom and the magnanimous stand of the then Ceylon Government towards Japan.

At the conference, the Russian delegation had expressed the view that Japan’s freedom should be limited.
Responding to this view Jayewardene had stated that what he had advocated was a completely free and independent Japan.

“That is why I cannot subscribe to the views of the delegate of the Soviet Union when he proposes that the freedom of Japan should be limited. The restrictions he wishes to impose such as the limitation on the right of Japan to maintain such defence forces as a free nation is entitled to, and the other limitations he proposes would make this treaty not acceptable not only to the vast majority of the delegates present here but even to some of the countries that have not attended this Conference, particularly India, who wished to go even further than this treaty visualizes,” he had said.

“The reason why, therefore, we cannot agree to the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegate, is because this Treaty proposes to return to Japan sovereignty, equality and dignity and we cannot do so if we give them with qualifications. The purpose of the Treaty then is to make Japan free, to impose no restrictions on Japan’s recovery, to see to it that she organizes her own military defence against external aggression and internal subversion, and that until she does so, she invites the aid of a friendly power to protect her and that no reparations be exacted from her that harm her economy,” Jayewardene had added.

Jayewardene’s speech had received a massive ovation at the conference and the Japanese immediately responded with a note of gratitude to Jayewardene.

Since then Japan has maintained close links with Sri Lanka and is now one of the country’s leading donors.

In this backdrop, Rajapaksa’s visit to Japan last week, days prior to the US resolution being taken up for vote at the UNHRC, could be seen as a move towards requesting the Japanese to reciprocate at a time of Sri Lanka’s need.

Japan was not a member of the UNHRC last year, but is now a member of the Council grouped under Asian states comprising 13 countries (India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Malaysia, Maldives, Pakistan, Philippines, Qatar, South Korea, Thailand and the United Arab Emirates).

President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s smile during his visit to Japan therefore was similar to saying, “We have scratched your back, now it is time to scratch ours.” The Rajapaksa government is hopeful that Japan would use its good offices with the US to minimize the pressure on Sri Lanka and to bring about emancipation for the Rajapaksas.

More splits

However, the Rajapaksa government’s headaches within its party, the SLFP are far from over.

The internal squabbles that have been continuing for weeks nay months now seem to be causing a three-way split in the party.

The three likely factions in the SLFP are – the old SLFP guard, the SLFP group led by newly appointed National Organizer Minister Basil Rajapaksa and the SLFP group led by MP Namal Rajapaksa.

This triangular battle has intensified since Basil’s appointment as National Organizer of the SLFP.

Namal who got the SLFP youth to rally around him while also building a separate Nil Balakaya base at electoral level is suddenly faced with another SLFP base being set up by Uncle Basil along with his loyalists.

Furious by the latest developments the old SLFP guard is lamenting that the party is now dissolved to such an extent that it would never be able to contest an election without an alliance.

‘The SLFP has now become a shell. Someday if the party has to go solo, we will have to build it from scratch. Those who ruined the party will not be anywhere at the time,” a senior SLFP member said.