Clinton’s Missive

The United States Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton sent a letter to Minister G. L. Peiris, giving advance notice of an impending visit by a delegation of US officials for closed door meetings with key officials and Ministers including President Rajapaksa. The letter was terse and to the point. Clinton was to go as far as to sugest that the key Ministers from the Sri Lankan side and those connected with the discussions, even re organise their calanders to be available to meet with the US officials. In fact US Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Issues, Steven J. Rapp was asked to reschedule his diary to take on a visit to Sri Lanka together with US Under Secretary Robert Blake and Maria Otero, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Human Rights and Democracy. The job descriptions of the delegation gives an inkling as to the purpose of their visit as ordered by Secretary of State Clinton. Be aware that Blake and Otero did not have Sri Lanka in their sights but were to visit the Maldives and Nepal. Events that took place subsequent to their itinerary made them include a visit to Sri Lanka.

Fonseka a Political Prisoner

The USA has considered Sarath Fonseka a political prisoner and that position remains so up to the present time. That Sarath Fonseka was a candidate who polled 40 percent at the last Presidential elections, gave them added reason to consider such a position. He is also a  Green Card holder of the US. It is believed that Anoma Foneska has held back an appeal to ask for a pardon for her husband from President Rajapaksa on the basis that Sarath Fonseka would be given one in the near future under pressure from the USA. They feel that the opposition led by the UNP and JVP are in disarray and a free Sarath Fonseka could galvanise a sleeping opposition.
The US delegation is in favour of an internal investigation by Sri Lanka into the possible crimes against humanity during the last stages of the war. They have had reservations about the entire process of the LLRC but was willing to grant time for President Rajapaksa to set in motion an internal mechanism to show good faith. This was conveyed through Asst. Secretary of State Robert Blake. Now with the LLRC report being tabled, the USA is insistent that follow up action is taken post haste as a first step. Free Fonseka, would be another factor that the Chief Executive would have to handle at the nudging of ‘Uncle Sam’. Investigate disappearences,  killing of and  attacks on journalists is yet another area the USA has been urging the government of Sri Lanka to pursue.

Mullaivaikkal Sealed

Hot on the heels of the US delegation leaving our shores President Rajapaksa acted by instructing Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya to appoint a four member Court of Inquiry under Maj. Gen. Chrishantha de Silva, Commander of Security Forces in Kilinochchi, to probe and even go  to Court Martial stage if anyone was found guilty of actions that the LLRC highlighted in their report. Whether Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya was the best option for the government of Mahinda Rajapaksa, is debated by the public but yet is a significant first step. Time is of the essence and any tardiness shown in this probe would be deemed as delaying tactics which the US and India would not be inclined to buy anymore.
Added to this scenario is the secrecy and cordoning off of the entire area where the last stages of the war against the LTTE was conducted. The rationale behind this is unknown and speculation is rife that personnel from a major power are being used to clean up whatever that needs to be mopped up before the public is given access to this area.

A Census in the Offing

The government is also in the process of charting up numbers in these areas through a census. They would also take into account those who have left the country and others who were taken into camps and then resettled elswhere to prove that there were not many who died during the final stages. This is a long shot but could prove effective nevertheless in the short term.  The international bodies and nations watching Sri Lanka’s record during the last stages of the war and the period leading upto it have kept their aces close to their chests. It is not solely the Tamil diaspora that has brought pressure on them but even serving high ranking military officers during that period seem to have made submissions that are very damaging to the government of Sri Lanka. The white flag drama is certain to come up with another twist in the near future and many are going to have egg on their faces.

Quid Pro Quo by US?

However, President Rajapaksa knows that if he delivers on a transparent and credible internal investigation into the LLRC findings and also devolves power according to  13 Plus as promised, the resolutions envisaged by the international community at the UNHRC would be not supported by the USA or India. That is the way the international community works. Some may have laid their lives in vain for expediency in another area. ‘The bigger picture comes into play’ theory.
The UNHRC vets each country every four years and Sri Lanka will be on their list this year (2012). Though this committee does not have punitive or executive powers to initiate any action on countries that fall short of international standards they could forward such adverse reports to the main body for follow up as deemed fit. The human rights standards are being spearheaded by the US but the modalities for reconciliation have been left largely in the hands of India. That is where the 13th Amendment mooted by India way back during late President J. R. Jayawardene’s term becomes relevent.

Krishna wields the Big Stick

Prior to the visit of the US delegation the Indian External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna visited Sri Lanka, mid January on a four day visit. During his visit, Minister Krishna held discussions with President Mahinda Rajapaksa, External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, representatives of the TNA and several others. He also visited the North and gifted 10,000 bicycles and assured the people that the balance 49,000 houses would be built speedily. Nine Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) were signed between Sri Lanka and India including a housing project for IDPs, restoration of the Northern railway line, financing the Greater Dambulla Water Supply Project, co-operation in the field of agriculture and telecommunication. Yet the emphasis was on the northern peninsula.

Volte Face by Mahinda Rajapaksa

The discussions of the Indian Minister with the President revolved around the devolution package, mainly to the North – East. The Indian External Affairs Minister in his media briefing prior to departure reiterated that President Rajapaksa had assured of a 13 Plus arrangement to the Constitution, being implemented. What annoyed the Indian government was the volte face by President Mahinda Rajapaksa immediately after  Krishna’s departure. Rajapaksa was once again speaking of a Parliamentary Select Committee to seek a solution to the northern issue.
The High Commissioner of  India Ashok Kantha followed up in the wake of his Minister and was in no mood to tip toe around the contentious issue. The top Indian Diplomat pushed Prof. G. L. Peiris to come to terms with the TNA and draft a memorandum of understanding on the terms to be agreed upon between the government and the TNA which then could be taken before a parliament select committee if needed. Though Prof G. L. Peiris wished to buy time Ashok Kantha was not going to relent. Eventually it fell upon the TNA leader R. Sambandan to allow Prof. Peiris some leeway. A few days grace was agreed upon to come up with an agreement with the TNA.

Port of Call around the Region

In the meantime the Indian Government is yet pursuing the Sethusamudram Project with vigour. Though the BJP objected to the continuance of this project, the Chennai State Government sees the importance of it being completed at the earliest. The project proposal by experts had outlined four possible paths which could be dredged without causing any harm to the “monkey bridge”. The Indian Supreme Court reserved it’s verdict on the Rama Sethu path suggested by experts and the Indian Government is expected to suggest an alternative route in the coming months.
If this project is approved by the Supreme Court of India, the transhipment cargo presently coming into the Colombo Port would be diverted to ports such as Cochin. More than 60 percent of the cargo that is transhipped from Colombo is to Indian Ports. India has cause to worry on one more score. That is the Colombo  South  Harbour Development project. Originally, the Chinese Company, China Merchant Holdings (Int) Company  Ltd ( with 55 percent), Aitken Spence PLC ( with 30 percent), Sri Lanka Ports Authority (with 15 percent) were to develop this harbour through a BOT system. But with the project costs being changed the Aitken Spence PLC withdrew from the joint Public Private Partnership leaving the Chinese Company to carry out the project with The Sri Lanka Ports Authority much to the chagrin of the Indians who were quick to smell that something was rotten in the manner the whole process was being manipulated. It is in this context that the Sethusamudram Project has to be viewed from a Sri Lankan perspective taking into account the geo politics of the region.

Lasantha’s Murder

President Mahinda Rajapaksa took wing to Singapore with Prof. G. L. Peiris and Lalith Weeratunge, on Thursday February 16. The NUS University’s Lee Kwan Yu College for Public Policy, held a confab for their lecturers where questions were asked from the visiting delegation. Prof. Rohan Gunaratne made the arrangements for this session. Prof. Peiris took most of the questions and the audience raised many a  pertinent question.
Q: What have you got to say about the situation in Sri Lanka in relation to media freedom?
A: (Prof Peiris…after a three minute discourse praising the President for bringing peace to the country), if you look at a Sunday Newspaper you will find many articles containing diverse views. Some even criticise the President and the Ministers and are defamatory of them. These are allowed.
A: (President Rajapaksa) They even write about the children

Q: What about Lasantha Wickrematunge’s murder?
A: My predecessor (Lakshman Kadirgama) was also killed. His murder is yet not solved. It was during a special period and circumstances (war).

Q: So, are you saying Lasantha Wickrematunge’s killing was part of the war?
A: It happened during special times. Under special circumstances.

Q: (Prof. Razeen Salie)What efforts are being made towards reconciliation?
A: (Prof Peiris) A number of efforts are being made in this direction. 700 Tamil speaking police officers have been recruited and will be posted to the north.
Thereafter Prof. Rohan Guneratne made a speech for about five minutes praising the President for his achevements but laid emphasis on the Sri Lankan government’s inabilty to get this message (concerning the good work done) across to the international community.
This is the same Prof. Rohan Guneratne who is close to the Rajapaksa Brothers and advises them on matters concerning terrorism in a global context and who visited the 15 soldiers detained on suspicion in Lasantha Wickrematunge’s murder, who made these comments.

Ball in Opposition Court

Whilst all these closed door sessions were going on, the government increased the fuel and electricity prices which brought out mass protests by a public already wilting under the escalating cost of living. The JVP protest was stopped by the use of force. The Chilaw fishermen’s protest saw one being shot dead. The UNP protest was tear gassed. The public are quite open with their crticism. Time is ripe for a combined opposition to ride the tide. But are they capable? Or will they abdicate their duty by the people and let another opportunity slip by? The weeks ahead will prove if the people’s choices are worthy of them or not.

Maldives In Turmoil

The Maldives’ first democratically-elected president, Mohamed Nasheed, resigned on Tuesday, February 7, after a police mutiny described by President Nasheed’s office as an attempted coup. This was after three continuous weeks of political upheaval in the holiday paradise. President Nasheed was the first democratically elected President of Maldives after a thiry year reign of former President M. Abdul Gayoom who ruled in the fashion of a monarch. Though President Nasheed was elected to this high office, he did not enjoy a majority in parliament. A recipe for disaster. Unlike in Sri Lanka, there were no defections to the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP)  from the opposition.
The Maldivians voted Maumoon Abdul Gayoom  out of office in the 2008  presidential elections. The parliamentary elections that followed was held on a first past the post system. Mohamed Nasheed affectionately called “Anni” was elected President in 2008 with much hope riding on him to uphold democracy in this paradise archipelago. Though Gayoom lost his position as president his party the DRP secured 28 seats to the 26 won by Nasheed’s MDP at the 2009 parliamentary elections. The table shows the breakdown of seats.

Bubble Waiting To Burst

The fractured result did not allow President M. Nasheed to govern with comfort. The Parliament (Majlis) was controlled by the opposition. Not a single bill was passed during the last two years which is a reflection of the divisive politics in this collection of  paradise islands.
Maumoon Abdul Gayoom the former President never gave up his ambition to make a comeback though his party cadres did not wish to go back to the days of a tyrannical rule. The power plays within the opposition parties have left many contenders licking their lips along the sidelines. Given this scenario it was a bubble waiting to burst.
The Maldives has struggled to bring the use of narcotics among it’s youth under control. The narcotics trade is big business and the law enforcement authorities have few answers due to the easy and varied accessibility to the myriad of atolls. The number of youth using narcotics is deemed to be as high as thirty five percent. The Maldives attracts a near full complement of tourists at the high end but the small local population have not enjoyed the fruits of this boom though the blame cannot be laid at the feet of deposed President  Nasheed. It was Gayoom who set the trend to avoid the trickle down of  benefits from the tourism boom. The Maldives was the beneficiary of the lackadaisical attitude to tourism by Sri Lankan politicians of yesteryear.

Arrest of Judge

Early January saw the opposition parties pushing President Nasheed aka ‘Anni’ against the wall. It was on January 16, that the Police carried out an order said to have been initiated by Nasheed the then President, to arrest Chief Criminal Court Judge Abdulla Mohammed and the Vice President of the DQP, lawyer Dr Mohammed Jameel Ahmed (later to be made a Minister). The MDP supporters staged a protest outside the residence of the judge urging the police to arrest him which led to the perception that President Nasheed was initiating this saga. The gauntlet was thrown. The reasons for the arrest and being held incommunicado were not made public and the opposition seized the moment and  carried out a series of protests. Six sitting judges of the criminal courts visited a defiant Abdulla Mohammed  at K. Girifushi to map out a plan of action to get him released.
A successful application was made in the High Court by the Judicial Services Commission to present Judge Abdulla Mohammed before the Court but neither the Military (MNDF) nor the Police heeded this order.  The High Court Judge Azmiralda Zahid, issued a warning and subsequently ordered the heads of the Police and the Military to appear in Court.
In the case by the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) against Judge Abdulla Mohamed, Judge Azmiralda Zahir said that the case could not be continued in the absence of Judge Abdulla or a representative for his defence.
Judge Azmiralda Zahir also said that the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) had previously failed to comply with the order to present Judge Abdulla in court and has not reported the reasons behind the failure to do so.
She also noted that a Court session was scheduled to hear the explanation of the failure by MNDF to present Judge Abdulla in Court but both parties had failed to show up in Court on more than one ocassion. She also added that disobeying a direct Court order was disrespectful of the judicial system and that the Court would not hesitate to take strict legal action.
MNDF had ignored two separate orders issued for the release of Judge Abdulla following his detention by MNDF since the 16th of last month and had also failed to present Judge Abdulla in the two Court hearings on the behavioral issues raised by the JSC against the Judge.

Protests Continue

The series of anti-government protests went out of control when the opposition parties clashed with the ruling Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) members at an artificial beach. The Police Commissioner Ahamed Faseer and the MNDF Chief  Major General Moosa Ali Jaleel were summoned by Parliament to be present on the January 22, to explain their conduct.
Meanwhile the protests continued with the MDP supporters of President Nasheed and an amalgam of the opposition taking confrontational positions. Upto this point the Police and the Military were trying to quell disturbances without resorting to strong arm tactics. The two sides continued to disturb normal civilian life. The Speaker of the Parliament tried to bring the two sides together in peaceful resolution without success. It was soon apparent that democratic means were not going to break the impasse.

Nasheed Forced To Resign

By early February the unrest was building up into a more serious conflict. The Police and the Military were under increasing pressure. Backroom deals were rife and the opposition was gaining ground. The Police and the Military shifted their neutral stance by February 7, and pushed President Nasheed to resign. Having no choice Anni went public with his resignation. The Maldivian Vice President  Mohamed Wahid Hassan was sworn in as the new President in double quick time. Deposed President Nasheed called upon the new President to bring normalcy but the protests from both divisions did not reduce. Bottles of alcohol said to be in the official residence of the ex-President were photographed and released  to discredit Nasheed.
Interestingly, President Waheed does not have a single MP from his party in Parliament. The next elections are due only in November 2013. President Waheed intends to continue till then. Yoosuf said police were planning a “joint operation with the armed forces” to bring the situation under control.”
Taking no chances the new President swore in two cabinet ministers and charged them with the responsibility of quelling the disturbances. Initially there were reports that deposed President Nasheed would be arrested but such an order was slow in coming and this made the MDP supporters continue with their protests. Anni challenged the new President to dissolve parliament and call for fresh elections but Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan was not interested.

Police Brutality

Supporters of Nasheed along with MP Moosa ‘Reeko’ Manik, Chairperson of MDP Maariya Ahmed Didi and Anni were demostrating along a shopping area with the intent of moving into the Republic Square on February 8, when the Police used force to disperse the crowd. The three above mentioned politicians were unceremoniously removed from the scene by armed policemen. MP Moosa was injured and was later flown to Colombo for medical treatment though information was that he too was amongst those blacklisted from leaving the mainland.
The Ex-President’s wife Laila and her two daughters were flown to Colombo for safety.
Meanwhile the world was watching aghast at the spectacle that was unfolding in this rich  tourist’s paradise. The UN sent a mission on February 9, headed by Asst. Secretary of Political Affairs Oscar Fernandez Tarantino to the Maldives to assist in bringing political normalcy.
The US Asst. Secretary of State for West and South Asia Robert Blake was expected to visit Maldives in addition to his visit to Sri Lanka.
The international allies Mahinda Rajapaksa embraced have either fallen or are facing troubled times. Ghadaffi of Libya, Mubarak of Egypt, Nasheed of the Maldives and Rafsanjani in Iran, to name just a few.

Cabinet Changes

The new President has made urgent cabinet appointments to try and contain the violence that has spread across the nation since his predecessor said he was forced to resign as a result of a coup. President Dr. Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik appointed retired Colonel Mohamed Nazim as Defence Minister and lawyer Mohamed Jameel Ahmed as Home Minister, presidential aide Mohamed Shareef said on February 9.  “Even though the appointment of a national unity cabinet is taking time, the President made these two urgent appointments to take charge and control the spread of violence since Wednesday evening,” Shareef said. He accused Nasheed of inciting his supporters to unleash “anarchy” on the streets. He claimed that police stations were torched and other government buildings were damaged by protesters loyal to Nasheed.
Maldivian police declined to give details of any casualties, but denied media reports that as many as three people may have been killed in the unrest. Police Chief Inspector Abdul Mannan Yoosuf confirmed that violence in the capital had spread to far flung atolls, but added that tourist resorts were unaffected. The protests and counters rage on.

Rajitha Takes On Felix

With Fisheries Minister Rajitha Senaratne using a government controlled TV channel to vent his fury at a private radio channel for targetting him, the internal battles of the UPFA cabinet have spilt into the open. Rajitha was a member of the late Vijaya Kumaratunge’s SLMP and so was the late Bharatha Lukshman Premachandra. Bharatha Luckshman crossed over to the SLFP first and then Rajitha who had joined the UNP crossed over to the SLFP. Their friendship goes back a long way and Rajitha along with some senior SLFPers canvassed for Bharatha’s nominee at the ill-fated local government elections in Kolonnawa late last year.
The private channel run by Duminda Silva’s family has targetted Rajitha politically and the Fisheries Minister has retaliated. (See interview elsewhere in this paper). It was natural for Rajitha to support Bharatha which was not to the liking of Duminda Silva’s family. Rajitha’s Deputy Minister Felix Perera is a vocal critic of the Minister and defends Duminda Silva in this battle. Rajitha did not spare Felix either.

President Turns Blind Eye

President Rajapaksa has turned a blind eye and allowed the two factions to slug it out in the open. Another internal issue which was also allowed to fester out in the open is the one where Mervyn Silva is being targetted by his own Pradeshiya Sabha members. The opposition to the government seems to be coming from within and is considered a natural progression with the political opposition being divided and drained.
Whether President Rajapaksa reins in his fractured family members to pull together or allows old wounds to fester, or whether an implosion is on the horizon is anybody’s fair guess.

Lasantha Wickrematunge, Attack on MTV/ MTB Studios and Prageeth Ekneligoda

Surprisingly, since the first swearing in of Rajapaksa as President on 19 November, 2005 and the subsequent appointment of his brother, a former military officer as Secretary of Defence, media and media personnel have found January, a very bad month. The first victim was a freelance photo journalist from Trincomalee, Subramaniam Sugirdharajan who contributed to “Sudar Oli”. He was killed by an unidentified gunman on 24 January, 2006 in Trincomalee. It was Sugirdharajan who provided photographs to the Tamil media on the killing of the 5 youths in Trincomalee, early January, 2006. Then comes the attack on the “MTV/MTB” media complex at Depanama, Pannipitiya, the killing of Lasantha Wickramatunge, founder Editor of this news paper, the Sunday Leader and the abduction and disappearance of journalist/cartoonist Prageeth Ekneligoda, all in the month of January over a period of years.

Venue taken over

The alliance of media organisations was therefore more than justified in declaring a “black protest” on 25 January, and so was its campaign  for public awareness and support. Posters were up in the city in advance, announcing the protest and also against a counter government propaganda onslaught that declared the protest as “Tiger” manipulated. The ITN was used excessively to slander the media organisations as a proxy of the LTTE rump within  the Tamil Diaspora, using the names of journalists who were forced to flee the country to save their lives, though not confined to the months of January alone. The Lake House Sinhala daily “Dinamina” on Monday carried a front page distorted main news item, which said, Lankapeli, a former Lake House employee and a long time media activist, was the only Sinhalese who went to pay his last respects to the Tiger leader Prabhakaran’s father, at his death. Money for the protest, the news report and other media campaigns was pumped in by the LTTE sympathisers it was said, while the Media Minister said the government would reveal to the public more about Tiger funding of some of the journalists, but true to form no names were revealed.
There was meanwhile a difference of opinion brewing within the government as to how this whole campaign should be handled. Basil Rajapaksa, who since of late seems to be towing a moderate and cautious line within the Rajapaksa family,  did not want to tread a confrontational line. His argument seemed clear. “Do not play into these agitating forces. The government needs to be projected as a democratic government  to attract investment”. He is widely spoken of as the force behind the Kelaniya Pradeshiya Sabha Members who were called up by the SLFP disciplinary committee to present their part of the story against Minister Mervyn Silva, who is also the Kelaniya SLFP Organiser and a socially accepted political thug.
“The problem with this regime is that there are too many powerful Rajapaksas,” quipped a Minister from one of the ruling alliance’s many political parties, when asked why such a hyped campaign was launched against the “black protest” by media organisations. Despite Basil’s differing stand, a decision was taken, say these insiders, to let loose a “street protest” as a  counter to  the black protest.  The  strategy was clear and was said to be backed by defence experts who believe, protests have to be curbed fast and soon, before they go viral and out of control. The only novelty in the strategy is that, instead of going for an outright physical attack, it was decided the police would be used to move for legal sanctions, while a group of goons and pro-regime union members would go out on the streets against the “black” protest by media organisations and to occupy their venue. They would also have the benefit of the State media campaign. Thus on the day of the protest, this pro government group was set up within the precincts of the Fort Railway Station, ahead of the time announced by the media organisations.

Police use double standards

That strategy did work. While the pro government picket was not considered as disturbing the peace,  police went to Court against the media protest and were given a restraining order by the Fort Magistrate who said, the black protest can be held under 3 conditions. One – the venue cannot be changed, two – no protest march is allowed and hence they would have to restrict themselves to the precincts of the Fort Railway Station and three – roads to be used by people and traffic cannot be disturbed nor blocked.
While the Magistrate was dependent on information submitted to Court, the Police proved they are wholly inefficient and stubbornly ignorant of what is happening in and around the city. They moved that the protest organised by the “Platform for Freedom” should be stopped as it would disturb the peace. This was what the media broke as news, after the Court laid restrictions on the protest. But the “Platform for Freedom” was in no way involved in the protest, apart from sympathising with the issues raised by the media organisations.

Wrong organisation

Speaking to this column, one of the five Conveners of the “Platform for Freedom” said, “This is sheer madness. They even got the names of organisers wrong. If the police do not know who is organising the protests, even after posters are publicly displayed, then it proves they are only acting on political dictates and not on actual information.” Asked what “Platform for Freedom” would do for this unwarranted implication by a Court order, the source said, they are contemplating legal action for wrongly dragging them into this case, to prove how inefficient and irresponsible the police is, in performing their duties.
While the few heavy weights within the regime now stand disturbed because of increasing protests and agitation that crop up almost every where, the State owned and State controlled ITN had a news clip late Thursday night that gave much hype to a protest launched in a private company in the Katunayake Free Trade Zone. Contacted by this Column, the FTZ Union leader Mr. Marcus said the government, is now scared of workers getting organised in the free trade zones, after the government was forced to back down on the Employees’ Pension Fund Bill, despite the two thirds majority they hold in parliament. Therefore, he said, these companies are given the authority to use all dirty tricks in suppressing the rights of workers, going to the extent of using force, violating the law and getting officials to tow their line of action. “Money talks,” he said.

Employers protest  

The anti union picket organised by the company owners was one such crude intervention taken as a normal event by the authorities. The reason why it went on air from a government controlled TV station sends out a signal to other workers in Katunayake that union action would no longer be welcome. Asked about their reaction as a trade union, Mr. Marcus said they are now working on a complaint to the ILO and already, most such information has been sent to their international trade union affiliates. That perhaps is another issue Basil as Minister of Economic Development would have to burn the mid night oil on.
The hard liners within the regime say they should be tagged as having “links with the Tamil Tigers” within the Diaspora and curbed. Not falling in line with  this strategy, is another group in the regime, led by a very influential social activist, in fact a classmate of one of the Rajapaksa siblings, who wants to counter this overt Sinhala bias. This group wants sanity to prevail.They feel the anti-Tiger slogan would not work any more, in post war Sri Lanka. With a direct link to President Rajapaksa, this group though small but yet  powerful by having access to the highest in the regime, feels the LLRC recommendations need to have a credible follow up and pronto at that. There had been a slow and silent lobbying for an independent mechanism. There is also talk of canvassing TNA support for such a scheme to be implemented.
How far can this new effort in setting up an independent mechanism with the approval of President Rajapaksa go? Basil went on record last Wednesday saying “no police and land powers” to Provincial Councils. He instead offered police protection and land for use. For the sixth time, President Rajapaksa’s assurance to the Indian central government on the full implementation of the 13th Amendment, this time given to visiting Indian Minister of External Affairs, Krishna, is doomed to hit the rocks.

Playing one against the other

Basil’s position on devolution, which is like Gotabhaya’s 13 “Minus” is talked of as a family compromise. He had been told it is said, to tow the same line with elder brother Gotabhaya on devolution. The family obviously cannot afford to show their disagreements in public. Some SLFP ministers play on such divisions, whenever they get an opportunity, said a Rajapaksa loyalist. Yet the affiliates of the two brothers have opposing interests. For example it is seen at the Fisheries Ministry where the NAQDA chairman is more with the Deputy Minister than with the Minister, and so getting close to Gotabhaya. Why Gotabhaya ? Because, those in the know say, Minister Senaratne and Basil were classmates at Ananda College. Therefore the next option? Go to the other sibling to implement their own agendas. That perhaps is why Minister Senaratne’s invitation to an aquatic trade fair in Kerala in May, is being down played by the NAQDA Chairman according to insiders.
With the seams coming apart in different places in the Rajapaksa quilt, for different reasons, what is not being assessed is the role of the Opposition. Ranil Wickremesinghe has still not been able to have his men fall in line. His slant in giving more focus to their former Common Presidential Candidate Fonseka, has given space for the Sajith-Karu group to address the UNP rank and file by way of positioning themselves as the most conspicuous “anti government, anti Rajapaksa” voice. The duo went before the media, to call for a broad alliance of forces against the Rajapaksa regime. This despite Jayasuriya stressing that he is not in the “Sajith” group. A Ranil fan asked, “Where else can Karu go?” The answer to that question is probably  what Karu is contemplating.
The Rajapaksa’s face absolutely no threat with these fragmenting Opposition parties, including the JVP. They would not waste time on them. What would perhaps make the Rajapaksa regime work overtime, is finding the right answer to the international campaign on war crimes and accountability led by the Tamil Diaspora. The month of March is said to be crucial. Civil society groups in Colombo are also gearing up to have their position on the LLRC and accountability registered at the UN Human Rights Council sessions in March. They too want an independent international inquiry into allegations of crimes, on the grounds that within Sri Lanka, there is no credible and effective agency that can play an independent role on such sensitive investigations. A strong argument, that will not go un-addressed.

Ban Ki-moon and connections

Within the defence agency, with a carefully hand-picked few working on international relations, they seem to feel the “accountability” issue pushed by the Tamil Diaspora and other international human rights groups, will be compromised by the US and NATO countries. They have gained influence with the UN Secretary General presumably via the Indian External Affairs Ministry bureaucracy and that was how Major General Shavendra Silva, Deputy Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka was selected to be in Ban Ki-moon’s Special Advisory Group on UN peace keeping. The first Sri Lankan to be so appointed, regardless of his conduct in war which is accompanied by many allegations. As contacts and influence go, Sathish Nambiar was contracted to the Sri Lanka army as a military consultant on strategy. His brother Vijeya Nambiar is the most trusted, Chief-of- Staff to Ban Ki-moon and he had played a key role during the last phase of the war. Inner City Press a UN accredited media group in New York, had gone on record to say, Ban Ki-moon’s son in law, an Indian ex military officer who had also been in Sri Lanka with the IPKF, also plays an influential role now, within UN politics.
The problem, insiders say, is that  the Rajapaksas do not have a person to lead a strong campaign in diplomatic circles and therefore are burdened by working through proxy agencies and PR firms. They lack a Kadiragamar for that work, said a close relative. But they will go on. They have South Africa’s support and that country has made it very clear that any resolution from Canada would be opposed at the UN Human Rights Council Sessions. Illogical, but it is so. March would thus get postponed to June and the international community works just like that. With the Opposition in SL playing no role in any of it, the Rajapaksas can manage, said the same source, if the ground swell can be controlled. That seems to be the priority right now.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, S.M. Krishna and G. L. Peiris

The media was hurriedly called upon to stress that Minister Peiris was at the BIA tarmac personally, to receive the visiting Indian Minister, when the plane carrying the Indian delegation landed.
Why Minister Peiris was personally at the BIA, it is said, was to prevail and invite Minister Krishna to first visit the “Thaipongal” ceremony arranged at Temple Trees, before meeting with the TNA. That was to be a hurried photo event. Photos of Minister Krishna in Temple Trees, with President Rajapaksa was thus released to the media immediately and most news reports did not mention of any meeting with the TNA, the same evening.

Krishna says 13th Plus promised

The first official meeting with the TNA after landing here on a four day visit, before meeting the Government for official talks, was not the only deviation, by Minister Krishna. It was also that he made his own statements to the media on his official meeting with President Rajapaksa, though with Minister Peiris in attendance. Usually in the past, joint written statements were issued by the two Government parties. He was also to meet the President and the Sri Lankan delegation, not at Temple Trees, but very officially at the Presidential Secretariat.
After the meeting with President Rajapaksa, Minister Krishna with Prof. Peiris by his side, told the media that President Rajapaksa has promised to go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in providing a stable solution to the long standing conflict with the Tamil society. This assurance by the President to the Indian Minister had mixed reactions here in Colombo, with both the UNP and the JVP wanting to know what the Rajapaksa Government has to say about it.

Karu meets President at Wedding

For Karu Jayasuriya, who officiated at the high profile wedding ceremony of Derana 360 talk show anchor, Dilka Samanmalee from the groom’s side, received an opportunity to meet President Rajapaksa who attested at the wedding, from the bride’s side.
The first ever wedding to be celebrated in the tiny island resort in the Beira Lake, left the two one time ministerial colleagues engaged in a brief conversation, that perhaps picked on the issue of the 13th Amendment. The response it is said had been a 180 degree turn  to what Minister Krishna announced at the media briefing. It was to be a Second Chamber of a sort (Senate), with no police powers explained away nonchalantly with an “I don’t care” attitude, that left most commenting that it is another Rajapaksa bluff, as it had been always, for Indian consumption.
The wedding and its sneaky stories apart, Minister Krishna’s deviations were no mere “Sarkozian” aberrations in politics. For the Tamil people and for the world, they had very peculiar overtones on the Indian approach to Sri Lanka and its government. It showed that Minister Krishna would not be carried by the powerful “South Bloc” bureaucrats, who usually decide on Indian foreign policy and take a public stand on Sri Lankan issues. At least this time around, on Sri Lanka and the Tamil political issue, he seems to be on his own.

Chennai Lobby and China Connections

The Chennai Tamil lobby, seemed quite happy over these “Krishna deviations” in handling the Sri Lankan Tamil issue. They had previously been accusing most South bloc heavy weights, working as a “Malayali cabaal” of being mostly negative than even neutral on Tamil interests. The accusations extend up to saying, the Rajapaksa regime had always been saved or bailed out by these Malayali bureaucrats. Top names in the Indian Foreign Service, some important even now, including M. K. Narayanan, Shiv Shankar Menon, Nirupama Rao (nee Menon), Vijeya and Satish Nambiar, were bandied about in TN Thamilean politics. Vijeya Nambiar, the Chief of Staff of the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon any way stands implicated in the “white flag” surrender issue. What seems interesting is that some of these names are linked to Chinese connections in Sri Lanka. Menons have been having “China stop overs” in their family line, with Shiv Shankar credited for his role in improving bi-lateral relations as Ambassador in Beijing, while Rao is considered an Asia Pacific Security expert with a stint in Beijing as Ambassador as well as a very close personal link with the Rajapaksas.

Moragoda and Delhi

Yet another interesting  episode for Sri Lanka is Milinda Moragoda’s comings and goings with the Indian connections. He was often the trusted link with Delhi for Prime Minister Wickremesinghe who was considered  pro US . Political allegiances thereafter changed and Moragoda is rumoured to have burnt the midnight oil backstage, to include the Rajapaksas in the trusted fold of the Indian South bloc. The Rajapaksas have since been flying to Delhi with just a phone call to Moragoda to make arrangements, minutes prior to take off from Katunayake. With Rao in particular, they had become very trusted friends and the TN lobby hesitates little to say that they all have pro China business links.
Dropped out of the Indian canoe, Moragoda has been left to fight his own survival in the Colombo Municipal Council with a small time local council member, Azad Sally. They have two things in common. Firstly, they are both pole vaulters from the UNP, Sally was a one-time UNP Deputy Mayor, while Moragoda was a cabinet minister in Wickremesinghe’s government from December 2001. Secondly, they are both known for their very close association with Killi Maharaja and MTV.

Sally Withdraws

Azad Sally, whose credentials are also very much at stake, went on record saying Moragoda crossed over to the Rajapaksa regime to save his neck from corruption. Sally feels miffed with another UNP crossover to the UPFA, Colombo Central’s Mahroof being named the “Deputy Opposition Leader” of the Colombo MC, a position that has no real value nor seriousness in local government politics. Sally was sullied more at the CMC meeting on January 19, when he withdrew his resignation, saying President Rajapaksa had advised him to do so, a reason not taken seriously by the UPFA Councillors. Yet they say, Sally’s strength is Gotabhaya’s waning support for Moragoda, after he lost the much wanted Colombo MC to the UNP that was more a  quarrel than a campaign.

No Cabinet Reshuffle

The Rajapaksas now have other issues larger than the CMC, said an insider when asked why the hurried cabinet reshuffle expected to happen last week, did not materialise. The heads cannot be rolled in the power sector that has turned militant with an uncompromising demand for a  45 percent pay hike. Regardless of the President’s not more than 2,500 rupee increase explanation in the 2012 budget speech, an 18 percent hike offered was increased to twenty five per cent of the salary within  three days, only to be refused again by the agitating trade union leaders. With the private sector unions also gearing for a “national living wage” that would match the public sector cry, the President not wanting to invite any more trouble within his own house, seemed the logic behind the increase.
While a ruffled President speaking to a Sinhala daily denied any such cabinet reshuffle, MP Ravi Karunanayake was on his feet in Parliament to ask how true the media exposure on a cabinet reshuffle was, from Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa. He was more keen to know whether Chamal Rajapaksa would be the next Prime Minister of the UPFA government. This prompted Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa also to deny such reports as rumours and went further to inform the House that the print media report would be investigated. This columnist who also picked up the story about a possible cabinet reshuffle in last week’s column, was thus left non plussed as to what exactly the Speaker meant by saying he would investigate the “media story”. The media does get such “leaks” but is not bound to tell the Speaker, where and whence the leaks spring, for these columns would not have their spice and size if the source is exposed. The best person who would know the truth of such “leaks” is the President himself, who at times takes pride in saying, he was also a reporter in the cabinet many years back.

Gomin Speaks Out

What was not leaked, but was quite clear to the public is the confusion the LLRC Report had created in the Sinhala circles that encircle the regime. Gomin Dayasri, a leading corporate sector lawyer who stood by the Rajapaksa regime, often getting up to clear doubts over Sinhala “rights”. Thus having more or less official sanction to use the airwaves of State run electronic media, went the whole hog in support of the LLRC recommendations last Monday morning speaking to ITN. He had no qualms in saying, development must reach the ordinary Tamil people in the Vanni, for the government to now prove its commitment on developing the whole country and that requires, the recommendations by the LLRC to be implemented without delay.

JHU, NFF and JVP a thorn

Dayasri was made to sound like  a “traitor” when JHU Minister Champika Ranawaka with his MP, Rev. Rathana Thero and two others went all out to rubbish the report at a special seminar, held in the auditorium of the Mahaweli Centre on Tuesday. The speakers labelled it as anti-Sinhala and as against the mandate given to the LLRC. Ranawaka said, it is now time again to be on the ready to defeat a new wave of “separatist terrorists” in the making, with Tamil Diaspora support.
This whole seminar was an interesting projection that contradicts a Colombo US Embassy cable found in the WikiLeaks cable dump. The unclassified cable has it that Defence Secretary Rajapaksa briefed Ambassador Blake  that such offers as amnesty to fighting LTTE cadres had been kept quiet as Sinhalese nationalist parties (JHU, NFF and JVP) would react loudly if such offers were publicised too widely. Yet now it seems they are on the same platform, raising the issue of a possible LTTE threat in the making, and doing so quite loudly.
The LLRC has certainly cracked the Sinhala base with the Rajapaksa regime. The JHU going the Gotabhaya way and the more moderate Sinhala bloc, the other way.

Tourism and Land

Meanwhile, the Rajapaksa triumvirate’s effort in turning the whole coastline into a holiday resort belt for high flying tourists, had run into troubled waters at Kalpitiya, not long after the Tangalle hotel murder of a British tourist that also left his partner allegedly raped and badly wounded, as reported in media. A lone Muslim woman in Kalpitiya, who fought for her ancestral rights to a land that was encroached upon by a businessman who had built an 80 villa resort on her land for a company named, Dutch Bay Resort, made the news. The Court decided the complainant owner, Ms. Saleema should be compensated for damages caused to her island property, to the value of 5 million rupees.
Community organisations that stood by her during the seven month long legal battle, are now looking for other victims whose lands have similarly been taken over for hotel projects by numerous businessmen, with political backing. Some in the area claim these squatter hoteliers are backed by defence authorities. This case creates a precedent says Herman Kumara, a social activist, among especially the fisher community, in evicting squatter hoteliers in Kalpitiya. They not only encroach on poor villagers’ lands but ruin the eco system as well, he charged.

TNA woos the South

Another week ends not so well for the Rajapaksa regime, leaving the TNA to sit with a regime for devolution discussions which they are not very comfortable with. Perhaps their decision to open up to the Southern Sinhala society in explaining their cause as justifiable and politically necessary, is due to their discomfort with the regime. This week would thus have a TNA parliamentarian addressing a public forum at the Dr. N. M. Perera centre on  January 24, on their critical response to the LLRC Report. The Rajapaksa regime may not be comfortable with the TNA coming South. The TNA for sure feels the absence of their popular MP Raviraj, who was an asset to them in Colombo. For the regime, the absence of Raviraj in hindsight should make sense, when battle lines are drawn on democratic platforms.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Chamal Rajapaksa and D. M. Jayaratne

It is no easy route for the Rajapaksas. How shrewd the seasoned politician, Mahinda Rajapaksa can be, is what the coming week will put to the test, with more issues to confront a regime that is cash strapped, even though  the flamboyant Cabraal would want him to believe otherwise. The dollar and the rupee have their own tussle too, for Rajapaksa to decide on. At the end of the day, it is Rajapaksa and not Cabraal who will have to face the agitation on the streets.

S. M. Krishna arrives

President Rajapaksa has a heavy schedule too with the Indian Minister for External Affairs S. M. Krishna’s visit to Sri Lanka. He is scheduled to meet the TNA parliamentarians who have not made any final stand on the LLRC Report. Krishna’s visit was preceded by Canada saying it (the LLRC Report) is sufficient. The US and the EU too was saying almost the same. Will Krishna push a similar line, or will he want more on devolution? Rajapaksa has now backed down on both police and land powers, saying they could be discussed. The TNA has also agreed to sit with the government once again. Delhi certainly plays it soft and cool, with Tamil Nadu not heard of since of late.
Rajapaksa meanwhile was scouting for a campaigner on the LLRC Report. Someone who could reach out to the moderate Tamils and the Sinhalese. He does not seem happy with the Professor who cannot reach the people. The Rajapaksas no doubt feel they have not been served well by those around them. Not in a manner that would shield them from what is unravelling at present.. “How else could a government that won a two thirds majority 20 months ago, run into mass protests on Colombo streets?”, asked one of his closest men in the Information Department.

Three Bills withdrawn

Within 7 months, the government was forced to roll back 3 important Bills and its vegetable and fruit transporting regulations. Their two thirds majority in parliament going impotent in the face of public protests. Farmers and middlemen made tough talking minister Fernando look a scarecrow in a fallow land with the President deciding his regime cannot afford a widespread crackdown on protesting farmers from Dambulla to vendors in the Manning market in Pettah. Trying to ram down these would have been political suicide and that is the only language the Rajapaksas will listen to.
Starting with the Employees’ Pension Fund Bill that was brought to parliament in early April 2011, the government had to shelve 2 more at the Cabinet meeting last Wednesday, again due to mounting pressure from civil society, threatening to get on the streets.  Amendments to the EPF Act No. 15 of 1958 that sought first to provide powers to the Commissioner General of Labour (CGL) to establish both a Pension and an Insurance Fund with no mention of how monies would be provided for the Funds and the power to purchase land and build a secretariat for the established Funds, with no mention of spending limits, despite these monies being savings of employees, has now been marked for shelving. At the National Labour Advisory Committee (NLAC) Minister Lokuge had been told by trade union representatives that include government affiliated representatives as well, they would walk out immediately if powers given to the CGL are not removed. That too is another crisis brewing.
FUTA was gathering steam after being made to list its protest against the proposed Bill to set up a “Sri Lanka Quality Assurance and Accreditation Board and Non-State Higher Education Council” even over their pay hike issue. A group of university academics standing for “Democracy and Dialogue” had issued a long analysis on the Bill and claimed the proposed Bill was meant to smuggle in private universities with State universities allowed to gradually decay while private capital would be provided space to make profits by churning out robots for the labour market. This campaign against the Bill was thus getting more attention than the claims made by the Higher Education Minister on benefits of private education. With A/L exam results also muddled up beyond use, students taking to the streets and all universities agitating furiously – that Bill too was shelved. The house of cards is beginning to shake.

Further Headaches

Interestingly, all 4 failures this time were “naturalised SLFPers” and crossovers from the UNP, one time or another. Fernando, Lokuge and Dissanayake, with Bandula Gunawardne also following on their heels, with the A/L fiasco. This naturally created punchy stories with a pinch of vengeance amongst lead players in the SLFP, guessing who from the crossovers would give the next dead rope to the President. Many were predicting another cropper, the second from the Treasury Head, on a draft bill that is meant to regularise “contract labour” in the private sector. That the Head of the Central Bank and the Secretary to the Treasury are traversing two different roads is yet another story.
Veteran SLFP trade unionist Devendra had brought the issue up, while in discussion with the President, said insiders. Dr. Jayasundera seated next to Devendra had kept ignoring the complaints raised by Devendra. Rajapaksa had said it was necessary to promote foreign investment, an argument Devendra would not buy as he knew, it was local businessmen who opted for contract labour to avoid administrative commitments on permanent labour and union activities. Devendra, it is said, had been advised by the President to sort out the rough edges with Jayasundera, who sees nothing so rough in employing contract labour.

Curbing Protests

What is rough though with the government is its inability to curb vital protests. The effect it has within its own ranks in government is not to be ignored by the President. It is not just that President Rajapaksa is unable to ignore accusations brought against Mervyn Silva. It is that the protests against Silva, goes smack against his silent approval given to the man, all these years. It is in keeping him as a ‘sidekick’ minister despite his antics. There is no stopping the disciplinary inquiry against Mervyn Silva this time as was done when he was accused of forcing himself into the Rupavahini Corporation and thereby getting mauled by the employees. This time the promise of a serious disciplinary inquiry against Mervyn Silva is not conducted by the likes of spokesman Lakshamn Yapa. This time it is the General Secretary of the SLFP, Minister Maithripala Sirisena who made the promise. Minister Sirisena again, is one who will not go by Rajapaksa dictates – not always. Since it is only a disciplinary inquiry the more serious charges of bribery etc., will not be on the agenda.
Problems within the ranks of the governing party do not necessarily remain outside the family and confined to the party. The cold blooded murder of an ICRC volunteer on holiday, rape and grievous hurt to his young female partner in a Tangalle tourist hotel that had the Chairman of the Tangalle Pradeshiya Sabha identified as an accused in the crime, along with six others, proved the regime is infested with many Mervyns and Dumindas, down the line. What was nevertheless not much to the liking of Uncle Basil, was “junior’s” move to script a “Duminda Silva” type exit from the crime, for accused Sampath Vidhanapathirana. Regardless of junior throwing his weight behind Vidhanapathirana, Basil had the Tangalle police go about their business without hindrance.
For Basil, it was his pet project “tourism” that was being hacked to naught in Tangalle, with junior trying to play local politics. The “Thorntree” thread in the internationally famous tourism website “Lonely Planet” carried a comment that summed up the issue: “Whatever you do, do not cross the thugs around local politicians and businessmen. You may come across them in restaurants, nightclubs, bars and casinos. It seems that this unfortunate couple made the mistake of ‘dissing’ them. They cannot be seen to lose face in public and so the tragedy took place.”    (http://www.lonelyplanet.com/thorntree/thread.jspa?threadID=2143802 )

Reshuffle or Not

Tourism or not, for the Rajapaksas it is not news first, but “family first”. For the ruling family this brewing and fermenting of conflicts and even cabinet reshuffles, boils down to how safe the family is in the political firmament. Thus the talk of the latest reshuffle to take place this coming Monday, with big brother Chamal whispered to be sworn in as Prime Minister. He will be third in succession under the Rajapaksa presidency and this has many SLFP Seniors grumbling along party corridors.
Prime Minister Jayaratne obviously would not be happy to hear of such a move. But for President Rajapaksa, even a senior and affable PM like Rathnasiri Wickramanayake could be moved out without much ado. President Rajapaksa was once heard saying to a close buddy ( not in politics) over dinner, that none of them could do anything. “Where can they go? There is no Opposition,” he had told the old pal. In local politics, “no opposition” remains the only unchanged value in the equation, The rest keep changing.
The Irrigation sector is not what made Nimal Siripala happy as a minister. His appointment as the next Speaker replacing Chamal Rajapaksa also would not be that good for a man who has many gyrating fancies, a la “W W and Song”. To date, there are only 5 senior SLFPers as ministers of cabinet rank, with Wickramanayake and Fowzie tagged simply as  “seniors”. They remain sore. Even the speculation of a reshuffle does not count them in. Will the President’s assessment of his rankers hold true? And for how long?
There is a sure sign, the Rajapaksas do not have much trust in their own ministers and MPs. The Chairman, Sri Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment, who was the only Chairman to continue despite ministerial changes from Athauda Seneviratne, to Keheliya Rambukwella to Dilan Perera, has requested he be placed elsewhere, saying he cannot work with the latter. Dilan Perera obviously has his own agenda that leaves the President’s appointee clueless.
Chairman Senadhilankara as the presidential appointee to the Fisheries Harbour Corporation, is a thorn in Minister Senaratne’s side. It is also said that Senaratne has problems with the ministry Secretary, who has now been moved to the SLBFE. Minister Senaratne should be happy with that move, but will he remain with fisheries after a reshuffle?

Chamal for PM

Small as they may seem, the Rajapaksas feel the rug is being pulled from under, much to their chagrin. They have been pushed to a “damage control” mode. Left with a chess board that has only the King, Queen and a few trusted pawns around to depend on, there is not much thought for any “dubious” moves. In a regime that is constantly scheming behind the scenes, there is reason and logic  within the SLFP high rankers that Chamal is to be brought in as PM.
Constitutionally the next in line within the power structure is the Prime Minister and not the Speaker. The role of the parliament seems to be waning off, with even the two thirds majority not paying the dividend the Rajapaksas seek. Backing off on all hurried Bills and demands on pay hikes the regime which once said “no way”, is showing that there is a ploy in marking time till they get their act together. Rajapaksa, named even by the late Prabhakaran as a “pragmatic man” who could make sound decisions, surely knows it is not wise to invite trouble from many fronts.
If President Rajapaksa’s move in withdrawing from a direct conflict with agitating masses who get on the streets is to gain time, what remains then to be seen, is the role of brother Gotabhaya as the Secretary to the Defence and Urban Development Ministry. He was heard presenting a new method to governance with emphasis laid on the holding of peace. Invited to speak on future challenges to national security, he dwelt at length on establishing a case for a “robust democracy” in the country, which would require a heavy military presence with increased budgets and camps from Point Pedro to Dondra Head.

LTTE Bogey Again

He was certain that any change of government would have to wait till a date is given to go to the polling booth, and that too in a method decided by the regime. Protests he said were welcome, but would not be allowed to disturb the hard won peace. Patriotism is being brought back as a key word, with a new LTTE threat, thrown in for public consumption and good measure.
The week will thus roll out, beginning with a possible cabinet reshuffle, the new LTTE threat given more currency and the Defence Secretary making a case for a  heavier military presence as the new flavour. The week will also see the working class led by their trade unions continuing with demands for salary increases, albeit the offer to have the wages increased for corporations that matter the most – petroleum, electricity and water. The private sector and the public sector agitations do not come under this latest pay rise and remember the university crisis is not just about pay hikes only. The Rajapaksa regime will be working overtime from this week, for sure.

Karu Jayasuirya, Sarath Fonseka, Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremasinghe

However, neither Fonseka nor the two UNP seniors have elaborated on the role Fonseka would play if he joined the party.
Premadasa and his group maintain that Fonseka would be given due recognition in the party once he joined. However, no discussion had been held yet on the matter.
There was earlier a plan to increase the number of deputy leader posts in the party by amending the UNP Constitution in order to make way for Fonseka to be appointed as a deputy leader of the UNP.
However, UNP Leader Ranil Wickremasinghe being a master strategist remained silent about the matter after not showing any objection to the proposal made by several party seniors at the time.
Wickremasinghe resorted to making public statements calling for Fonseka’s release from jail. He steered several protest campaigns demanding the former Army Commander’s release without extending any invitation for him to join the UNP.
Once Premadasa and Jayasuriya invited Fonseka and reports of it were widely publicized in the media, Wickremasinghe decided to extend an invitation to the former Army Commander as well.
While Premadasa and Jayasuriya jubilantly talked about Fonseka’s positive response to joining the party, Wickremasinghe is now looking at using Fonseka for his benefit.
Realizing the Fonseka still has support among many Sri Lankans, Wickremasinghe believes that having him on his side would help boost the party image to an extent.
Most of all, Wickremasinghe could also use Fonseka to oust Premadasa from the party’s deputy leadership post.
Given Premadasa’s conviction towards getting Fonseka to join the party, he could also be asked to sacrifice his post to show his sincerity to the former Army Commander.
However, in such a scenario Premadasa will not let go of his post easily.
He has so far maintained that he has not been appointed to the post, but elected by members of the Working Committee and the party’s parliamentary group.
The Deputy Leader also maintains that he would discuss and decide on the best course of action at the appropriate time.
The link between the Premadasa group and DNA MPs Tiran Alles and Arjuna Ranatunge will play a decisive role at this juncture.
Premadasa, Alles and Ranatunge are working closely towards securing Fonseka’s release from jail and deciding the former Army Commander’s future in the country’s political arena.
Sitting behind bars, Fonseka also relies on Alles for his survival given that the JVP has already set its own political path for survival.
Therefore, Alles will also influence any decision by Fonseka to a certain extent.
One thing that Fonseka is acutely aware of is that he would never have a political journey with Wickremasinghe alone.
He will therefore want the likes of Premadasa and Jayasuriya by his side if he is to make any journey in the UNP.
At such a point, Fonseka will have to play the role of Premadasa’s savior and insist that the UNP leadership create an additional deputy leader post for him without ousting Premadasa.

Wimal calls for SF’s release

Minister Wimal Weerawansa meanwhile has become the latest politician to join the bandwagon calling for Sarath Fonseka’s release. Weerawansa had told the media that it was time to release Fonseka and that it was not because he supported him.
Weerawansa had said the persons who are currently calling for Fonseka’s release are the ones who actually want him to remain in prison.
“If Fonseka was released, Ranil Wickremasinghe would have another enemy to face,” he had said.
According to him, Fonseka needed to be released to ask questions from Tiran Alles and Ranil Wickremasinghe about what had happened to the monies received during the Presidential election and to fight with the JVP.
He had added that Anoma Fonseka would have somehow asked for a pardon for her husband if she truly wanted Fonseka to be released.

Clashes continue

Several key coalition members of the governing UPFA have come out making comments against certain actions of the government.
NFF Leader and Minister Wimal Weerawansa and JHU Secretary and Minister Champika Ranawaka had made critical comments over the mess up with the A/Level results, setting up of private universities and the recommendations of the LLRC.
Weerawansa had threatened to act independently and oppose legislation on non state universities if the President does not discuss it with the UPFA party leaders.
Ranawaka meanwhile had warned of massive protest campaigns if the government implements the recommendations made by the LLRC.
While leaders of the UPFA’s coalition partners are engaged in criticizing the government, SLFP members in the local government bodies have started acting against leaders of several local governing bodies representing the JHU and the NFF.
UPFA local government members were summoned to Temple Trees and advised not to oppose the heads representing the coalition parties following complaints made by the NFF and the JHU.
However, the SLFP councillors continue to sideline the coalition party members and not support them in the local government bodies.
According to several government ministers, the anti government campaign by the NFF and the JHU has been further propelled by the conflicts in the local government bodies.

The Indian Way

News of the Indian External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna’s impending visit to the country this month has made governing and opposition politicians believe the tour is aimed at pushing for the allocation of land and police powers to the provinces demanded by the TNA.
Several governing party politicians were engaged in a friendly chat with a few opposition MPs when the topic of discussion turned towards India’s role in finding a solution to the ethnic issue.
“If any one can get land and police powers allocated to the provinces, it would be India,” an opposition politician had said.
While the governing party members had remained non-committal, a young opposition MP had said that India has some how managed to get its way over the ethnic issue.
“There is no point in having discussions with the TNA, the discussions should be held with India,” he had added.

Namal’s mug shot for keeps

Foreign Employment Promotions Minister Dilan Perera recently distributed exercise books among school children in his constituency, Hali Ella in the Badulla District.
The exercise books carried a big picture of MP Namal Rajapaksa on the cover and two smaller pictures of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Perera.
A principal of one of the schools where Perera had distributed books had asked as to why a big picture of Namal was printed on the cover while the President’s and the Minister’s pictures were small.
Perera had responded saying, “People usually keep a calendar in their house if it contains pictures they like. Since Namal’s picture has been printed on these exercise books children would like it.”
Meanwhile, another principal had requested Perera to distribute exercise books amongst students in Badulla as well.
The Minister had said he was afraid to distribute books in Badulla since it would result in persons being transferred to other areas.
He had explained that a conflict had arisen when one of his coordinating secretary’s sons was put forward to contest in the local government elections in Badulla. This had  resulted in the secretary being transferred to Bandarawela.
“If I distribute books in Badulla, you might be transferred next,” Perera has quipped.

Committee to handle repairs

The renovations to the UNP headquarters Siri Kotha is to be handled by yet another committee appointed by the party leadership.
The party leadership has appointed a committee headed by Ananda Kularatne to handle the renovations to the damages caused to Siri Kotha when it came under attack last month by party members.
Party Leader Ranil Wickremasinghe had said that monies for the renovations needed to be collected from even the small time UNP members in order to make them understand the issue.
The party commenced collecting funds for the renovations at a ceremony held at Siri Kotha last week. Another committee headed by President’s Counsel Srinath Perera has been assigned to prepare a report on the attack on Siri Kotha and hand it over in three weeks.

No room for Sajith

UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa’s office at Siri Kotha has been locked up leaving Premadasa without an office at the party headquarters.
Premadasa had said that he would be forced to use party leader Ranil Wickremasinghe’s office at Siri Kotha to carry out his work as the deputy leader.
The office room allocated to Premadasa at Siri Kotha was located next to the room where the party’s Working Committee met.
“I am going to go use Ranil’s office and crowd it with people,” Premadasa had said.
Former Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya used to occupy Wickremasinghe’s office at Siri Kotha when he needed to.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ban Ki-moon, Ranil Wickremasinghe, Sarath Fonseka and Gotabhaya Rajapaksa

Mix this with a healthy dose of murder, rape, robbery, abduction and extortion and we have a “land like no other”. Some “angry parents” took students to task opposite the Kelaniya University in January. Of course it was a physical assault. Dr. Wickramabahu Karunaratne returning to the island from a journey to the UK where he made a speech critical of the government was assaulted outside the airport by “patriots” who knew his flight schedule. This set the tone for the year that was 2011. If the attacks were against those who oppose the regime in power it is a safe bet that the perpetrators, (read…patriots) will never be brought to book. Unless it was an act for personal gain or did not reflect any political undertones, the long arm of the law has not moved to bring about justice against any government representative of any stature. The rise in crime reflects the trend clearly as it has a knock-on effect on the masses.
There was an uneasy peace in the Jaffna peninsular in the early part of the year. This was stated by the Minister of Traditional Industries Douglas Devananda in parliament. His party was one of two who carried arms and this statement was viewed with suspicion by the other political parties. TNA parliamentarian M. A. Sumanthiran hit right on the nail when he pointed out that even to a question of public importance raised by a government Minister, answers were not forthcoming. It appeared that the collective responsibility of the government extended only to the cover up of wrong actions by the State.
In mid January heavy rains led to major floods in the districts of Trincomalee, Amparai, Batticaloa, Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa resulting in over 40 deaths and over  250,000 people being displaced. The persistent rain resulted in spill gates having to be opened and even the surrounding villages and townships were inundated. Several minor irrigation tanks were breached and needed rehabilitation. Over 250,000 acres of paddy land were affected by the floods.
The White Flag Case was taken up for hearing in the High Court of Colombo before Justices Wijeysundera, Razeen and Warawewa. Editor of The Sunday Leader Frederica Jansz continued to give evidence for fourteen days.
The President marked Independence Day, and said hard decisions are also necessary for progress. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka swapped a Chinese-made train for the Indian one, to be used on the service when the Galle-Matara high-speed line was inaugurated, which soured relationships a wee bit between the neighbours. The rail track, destroyed in the 2004 tsunami, was rebuilt by an Indian firm IRCON on an Indian line of credit.

February
Sri Lanka’s largest Tamil political party the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) took up the issue of finding a permanent political settlement for the Tamil people, during top level talks on the subject with the Sri Lankan government after Eelam War IV began in 2006. The TNA was keen on the implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution in full but felt that the talks would be futile if the government resorted to time buying exercises.  The TNA insisted on Police powers with “Thirteenth Plus”  according to President Mahinda Rajapaksa
However Rajapaksa had intimated to the TNA that his government was willing to go for a ‘Thirteenth Plus solution’ for the Tamil People, sans the much-debated Police powers. President Rajapaksa appointed a high-level delegation including former Prime Minister Rathanasiri Wickremanayake, Ministers Nimal Siripala de Silva, and Prof. G. L. Peiris to conduct talks with the TNA. MP Sajin Vaas Gunawardene was appointed as the coordinating secretary. The TNA negotiating committee included TNA Leader R. Sampanthan, General Secretary, MPs Mavai Senathiraja, M. A. Sumanthiran MP, Selvam Adaikkalanathan, Suresh Premachandran and President’s Counsel Kanageeswaran. Not much was achieved during the early stages of talks.

March
Local  government elections were held in Sri Lanka starting in March.  Some were held in July and others in October to elect 4,327 members to 322 of the 335 local government authorities in the country. 13.7 million Sri Lankans were eligible to vote in the elections. The United People Freedom Alliance’s (UPFA) domination of Sri Lankan elections continued as expected. It won control of 270 local authorities, the Tamil National Alliance won 32 local authorities, the United National Party won 9 local authorities, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress won 5 local authorities and a UPFA backed independent group won one local authority. These elections too were marred by violence and election law violations.
Secretary Defence Gotabhaya Rajapaksa gave evidence in the White Flag Case.
An inspired leak of the report of the United Nations panel investigating allegations of war crimes by Sri Lankan troops towards the end of the war against the LTTE in May 2009 found that there was credible evidence that government soldiers had targeted civilians, shelled hospitals and attacked humanitarian workers.
The long-awaited report undertaken to advise UN Chief Ban Ki-moon, a task given to Marzuki Darusman, a former Indonesian attorney general, contradicted the government’s assertion that the war was a humanitarian effort aimed at liberating civilians trapped by the Tamil Tigers in the last stages of the war in northern Sri Lanka.
“The government shelled on a large scale in three consecutive no-fire zones, where it had encouraged the civilian population to concentrate, even after indicating that it would cease the use of heavy weapons,” the report said, according to a leaked copy that was published  “Most civilian casualties in the final phases of the war were caused by government shelling.” The fact that this was published in a local paper considered to be pro majority community led to suspicions that it was leaked by a high official within the government.  Sri Lanka’s “Srebrenica moment” was how Channel 4 described it.

April
The Sri Lankan Cricket team returned on April 3, the day after the final match which they lost making India world champions in the one day format. Four players were replaced at the finals which led to unnecessary speculation by many sceptics. Strangely, they were welcomed at the airport by the Minister of Labour. They were garlanded, escorted a short distance by dancers and drummers and taken to Independence Square in a government-organized motorcade befitting a victory parade. The only other ministers and officials present at the airport were those who returned from watching the match on the same chartered flight as the team. Clearly the government marketing prior to the final had gone awry.
A large contingent of cabinet members were present at Temple Trees when President Rajapaksa felicitated the cricketers for turning in as runner-up. Had Sri Lanka won, the governemnt would have surely turned it into a personal victory which in fact had been planned.

May
Robert Blake, US Assistant Secretary for Central and South Asia in the Department of State arrived in Sri Lanka after many postponements to his earlier plans. The US country report pertaining to Sri Lanka considers the LLRC as not being credible. The report also considered Sarath Fonseka as a political prisoner. The visit of Blake was followed by a trio of top level officials from India to urge the government to handle accountability issues contained in the UN Experts Panel Report. National Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon, External Affairs Ministry Secretary Nirupama Rao and Defence Ministry Secretary Pradeep Kumar constituted the delegation. The Indians wanted Police powers given to the Provincial Councils.
Australia got a nod from Malaysia to hold boat people on her soil instead of proceeding further.
Sri Lanka got a reprieve at the UNHRC sessions in Geneva when issues relating to the Channel 4 video and the UN Experts Panel Report were effectively thwarted.
Upul Tharanga was tested positive for taking banned substances during the World Cup and a VVIP doctor of dubious credentials was named to have prescribed the medication.
Interpol listed KP in the Wanted list once again.

June
The government announced the private sector Pensions Bill and the workers in the Katunayake FTZ went berserk. For the first time a large cutout of the President adorning the entrance to the Airport was brought down. A 22-year-old youth Roshen Chanaka, just four months in employment was shot dead by the Police.President Rajapaksa decided to postpone the Bill.
Ban Ki-moon sought a second term and got Sri Lanka’s vote.
President Rajapaksa refused to accept summons issued by a US court.
A TNA internal meeting in Jaffna was attacked by men in uniform.

July
Sri Lanka star Kumar Sangakkara  welcomed the International Cricket Council (ICC) directive requiring all national boards to be elected without political interference.
Sanga’s speech came just days after Sri Lanka’s Sports Minister said he had forced the national cricket board committee to step down following allegations of financial impropriety.
Sri Lanka, co-host to the 2011 World Cup was left with a $ 69 million bill, with sections of the media charging that mismanagement by Sri Lanka Cricket together with political interference had been responsible for cost over-runs.
Sangakkara, the only playing member invited to deliver the Colin Cowdrey memorial lecture by the MCC said, “We have to aspire to better administration. The administration needs to adopt the same values enshrined by the team over the years: integrity, transparency, commitment and discipline. Unless the administration is capable of becoming more professional, forward-thinking and transparent then we risk alienating the common man. Indeed, this is already happening. Loyal fans are becoming increasingly disillusioned. It is their passion that powers cricket and if they turn their backs on cricket then the whole system will come crashing down. The solution to this may be the ICC taking a stand to suspend member boards with any direct detrimental political interference and allegations of corruption and mismanagement.This will negate the ability to field representative teams or receive funding and other accompanying benefits from the ICC. But as a Sri Lankan I hope we have the strength to find the answers ourselves.” The Minister of Sports wanted an inquiry into this speech but backed down as public opinion was overwhelmingly in favour of it’s content.

August
Ten US fighter jets intruded into Sri Lankan airspace.
Over two thousand vehicles affected due to sub-standard oil imported and distributed by the Petroleum Corporation. Sub-standard cement too enters the local market.
Sri Lankans haunted by the Grease Yakka phenomenon. Five persons complained that Grease yakkas molested them.
UNP internal strife erupted. Sajith Group wanted a new leader; Ranil however prevailed over dissidents.
Emergency Regulations were removed by President Rajapaksa ahead of a visit by Robert Blake. PTA remains with fresh amendments including the provision by Gazette notification for the military to run check points.

September
Robert Blake arrived on a three day visit and met with Mahinda Rajapaksa and urged that talks with TNA should commence early.
Mervyn Silva interfered and stopped animal sacrifices at the Munneswaran Temple.
Splits in the JVP appeared and Kumar Guneratnam lead the rebel group away from leader Somawansa Amerasinghe.
Ban Ki-moon shared the UN Experts Panel Report with other countries at the 18th session of the UNHRC meeting in Geneva.
Major General Shavendra Silva was served summons in a civil case related to war crimes by a US court.

October
The public swarmed Dompe Police Station after a suspect died in custody. Military summoned to quell the restless crowd.
Local government elections announced. Muzzamil and Moragoda pair off in Colombo. Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra shot dead in a shootout along with three others and Duminda Silva received gun shot injuries to his head.
The closing arguments in the White Flag Case continued.
The UPFA won all but one Local body and the UNP retained Colombo MC. A. J. M. Muzammil is appointed Mayor.
Major General Shavendra Silva filed papers in a US Court seeking Diplomatic Immunity.
President Rajapaksa attended the Commonwealth Summit in Australia.

November
Parliament passed a motion to set up a parliamentary select committee to formulate a political solution to the ethnic issue.
The government introduced a Bill to take over 37 under performing enterprises which was strongly opposed by the UNP.
The government blocked certain web sites and requested others to register.
Gold Coast of Australia won the bid to host the 2018 Commonwealth Games.
General Sarath Fonseka was found guilty in the White Flag case and sentenced to three years in prison.
The Southern Expressway was opened to the public.
The LLRC Report was handed over to the President by former Attorney General, C. R. de Silva.

December
The UNP organised a rally at Hyde Park and the government cracked down.
Ranil retained leadership over Karu Jayasuriya’s challenge at the working committee. Sajith Premadasa elected Deputy Leader.
The LLRC report is being studied by the UN. Disappearences continue in Jaffna. Lalith Kumara Weeraraj and Kugan Murugan abducted.
Sri Lanka defeated South Africa at Cricket in Durban.
This column wishes readers a better and brighter year in 2012.

Martin Luther
King, Jr.

Ranil Wikcremasinghe, Karu Jayasuriya, Daya Gamage, Dayasiri Jayasekara, Sajith Premadasa and Ravi Karunanayake

Ranil Wickremasinghe as expected retained his leadership title of the United National Party at an election prompted by a challenge through the Sajith Premadasa faction who thrust Karu Jayasuriya as the alternative. The working committee, according to the UNP Constitution is tasked with the nomination of  key office bearers who in turn would be confirmed at a convention which follows soon after. The working committee is heavily laden with nominees of the party leader and it was “mission impossible” to expect Karu to come through this route.
Ranil Wickremasinghe has been put on notice before too when Sajith Premadasa aired his intention to contest him for the leadership prior to the last convention but pulled out and accepted the position of Deputy Leader. Sajith  was coerced into sharing a co-deputy leader position with Karu Jayasuriya at the insistance of the senior members of the party. The other senior positions of the party were largely filled with acceptance by all but the bone of contention was the post of National Organiser. Ranjith Madduma Bandara was favoured by the Sajith faction but Ranil wanted it for Ravi Karunanayake who stood with him through this campaign. Eventually it was Ravi Karunanayake who was appointed as the National Organiser. The dust was expected to settle but the antiRanil groups had no wish to let up. The rumblings continued only to be intensified with the dismal showing at the last local government elections. Save for the Colombo Municipal Council the rest went the UPFA way. Grist to the mill for further agitation by the anti-Ranil faction.

Ranil Must Lead

The UNP is floundering and there is no quarrel on that score. The government’s faltering on many fronts in the recent past has not been made use of by the principal opposition party which has led to futher  frustration amongst the grassroots UNP party cadres. The UNP vote bank has shrunk to 29 percent from a high of 60 percent, not mainly due to them turning to the UPFA, though this may have been true singularly of the election which followed the war victory. They (the UNP voters) simply do not turn up at the polling booth. It is much like the Sri Lankan Cricket lovers of late. Who wishes to participate at an event where their favoured team is destined to lose? It is this sentiment that has led to the present imbroglio within the UNP. As this column did highlight last week it is upto the Leader of the party to muster his troops to show at least a hint of aggression to make the voters feel that there is a possibility of his party returning to power. Ranil has failed to do so and must share the blame for the recent events at Siri Kotha. During the days of J. R. Jayawardene, R. Premadasa and even D. B. Wijeytunge, none would have dared to attack the party Head quarters. There was open antagonism between R. Premadasa and the Lalith Athulathmudali – Gamini Dissanayake duo which did not degenerate to that what was seen on the 19th of December.

Forgone Conclusion

That being so it was a foregone conclusion that Ranil would emerge victorious over Karu simply because the majority of the Electoral College (working committee and the parliamentary group) were his appointees.
On 22nd December the group that was remanded for allegedly throwing stones at Siri Kotha were produced before the Gangodawila Magistrate on a motion for bail filed on their behalf and the Police too were present in Court. After hearing Attorney-at-Law Ravi Mathugama for the defendents, the Magistrate released all on surety bail of Rs. 10,000/+ each.
The canvassing for positions started early with Ranil and the Sajith Group focussing on the ninety plus “men of the moment”.

WORKING COMMITTEE – UNP

Members of Parliament
1    Ranil Wikcremasinghe
2     Karu Jayasuriya
4    Jayawickrema Perera
5    Tissa Attanayake
6     Ravi Karunanayake
7    Joseph Micheal Perera
8     Lakshman Kiriella
9     A. Haleem
10     Kabir Hashim
11    Wasantha Aluvihare
12    Buddhika Pathirana
13    Dilip Wedarachchi
14    Rosy Senanayake
15    Wijeyadasa Rajapakse
16    Gayantha Karunathilake
17    Mangala Samaraweera
18    Sujeewa Senasinghe
19    Jayalath Jayawardena
20    Ruwan Wjeyawardene
21    John Amaratunga
22    Dayasiri Jayasekara
23    Palitha Thewarapperuma
24    Ajith Perera
25    Akila Viraj Kariyawasam
26    Ashoka Abeysinghe
27    Ranga Bandara
28    Niroshan Perera
29    Chandrani Bandara
30    P. A. Harison
31    Hareen Fernando
32    Ranjith Madduma Bandara
33    Thallatha Athukorale
34    Ranjan Ramanayake
35    Dunesh Gankanda
36    Champika Premadasa
37    Harsha de Silva

NON-MPs
1    Mrs. Amara Piyaseeli Ratnayake
2    Mrs. Renuka Herath
3    Velaudan
4    Senarath Kapukotuwa
5    Daya Gamage
6    Daya Pelpola
7    Sagala Ratnayake
8    Manjusiri Arangala
9    Siri Wijewickrema
10    K.K. Piyadasa
11    K Anuradhanayaka
12    Shamal Senarath
13    A.A. Wijetunga
14    Upali Samarweera
15    Vajira Abeywardena
16    Edward Gunersekere
17    Lakshman Wijemanne
18    Sasitharan
19    Kings Nelson
20    Malik Samarawickrema
21    Thilak Marapane
22    Chanaka Desilva
23    C.P.Y Ram
24    Sunethra Ranasinghe
25    Ananda Kularathne
26    Suranimala Rajapaksa
27    Dr. K. Kodithuwakku
28    Srinal De Mel
29    Milroy Perera
30    Ronald Perera
31    M.A. Thasim
32    Gowri Thawarasa
33    Shanthini Kohongahage

 

( The balance vacancies were filled by Ranil prior to the WC meeting)

Three Positions Contested 

The Working Committee of the UNP met on the 18th December and ratified that the elections to the positions of Party Leader, Deputy Leader and National Organiser would be conducted the next afternoon at Siri Kotha (19th December). It was all systems go and the Sajith faction was under the illusion that Karu would emerge victorious. Why?  A secret ballot was mandatory and they expected the party seniors to vote with them. Mistake number one.

The 19th December saw the electoral college gather at Siri Kotha  in the afternoon to conduct the poll. Karu Jayasuriya left his home at Amarasekera Mawatha for Siri Kotha at the auspicious time of 11.21 am and Sajith from Royal Park at 11.40 am. In the meanwhile D M Swaminathan tha Ranil faction stalwart had performed three poojas invoking the Hindu Gods to favour Ranil and Renuka Herath had done likewise but at Vedihitikanda.

The voting took place as scheduled for the three positions. Party Leaders Post was between Ranil and Karu. National Organisers was between Daya Gamage and Dayasiri Jayasekera. Deputy Leaders post was between Sajith and Ravi Karunanayake. With the poll being conducted within closed doors confined to members of the electoral college, a crowd was building up outside the premises. Asoka Abeysinghe UNP MP for Kurunegala District had brought his supporters in five busloads and ranjith Maddumabandara UNP MP for Moneragala had financed one bus load.

The first election was to appoint a National Organiser. Daya Gamage emerged victorious giving a hint of the events to follow.  Daya Gamage received 56 votes to dayasiri Jayasekera’s 36. The majority indicated that Ranil had overwhelming support of the Working Committee and the Parliamentary Group. Next was the election to one post of Deputy Leader. Sajith Premadasa receoved 50 votes to Ravi Karunanayake’s 42. Interestingly the earlier election trend was broken sending a ray of hope for the big one to follow. Events unfolding later revealed that the Party Seniors had not voted for Ravi breaking the “collective group vote” theory. The final election to the Leaders’ post was a cake walk for Ranil. Ranil pocketed 66 votes to Karu’s dismal 26.

A Not So Secret Ballot

The ballot though touted to be secret was far from it. Each ballot paper had a serial number on it and the random calls that were made to members to hand over the ballots were marked  with the serial number against the respective names. Vajira Abeywardene was the only member to openly mark his vote for Ranil. Though there was a move to get members to show who they were voting for Ranil’s camp abandoned this option since the ballots were numercally marked.

Mayhem At Siri Kotha

Word trickled out to the restless Sajith Group crowd that had gathered outside and all hell broke loose. The crowd, mainly from Kurunegala were incensed with the members of the electoral college for bringing Ranil and his aides into office. Mob mentality prevailed. They started hurling stones at the Siri Kotha entrance and windows. Several window panes were shattered. They proceeded to force themselves into the compund by pushing the few policemen guarding the entrance. Tissa Attanayake’s official vehicle was parked in the porch and this was damaged by stoning. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s official bullet proof Mercedes Benz was the next target. The elephant symbol mounted on a dais was broken. White flags were hoisted . The near five hundred mob became riotous. Several buddhist monks amongst the mob, were seen throwing stones. Mediamen gathered to cover the event had a feast. Thie UNP showed that the eroding standards of civil conduct was not confined to the government. The chaos that took place seemed spontaneous as there was no visible leadership. Extra police personnel were brought in to quell the disturbance and vehicular traffic around Siri Kotha ground to a halt for well over two hours. Disciplinary and other action was to follow.

Rounding Up

On the night of the Election Day, December 19, 2011, the rounding up began. Lal Perera, the trade union activist loyal to Karu/Sajith group was taken into the Mirihana Police Station and detained. Lal initiated a telephone call to Sajith Premadasa and requested that Sajith contact Maithri and ask him to come to the Mirihana Police Station. Sajith made the call to Maithri and asked him to proceed to Mirihana. Maithri Gunaratne, attorney-at-law and a staunch Karu/Sajith loyalist, accompanied by his elder son Charith, visited the Mirihana Police Station. This was about 1:00 a.m. 20th morning. When Maithri visited the Mirihana Police and identified himself, he was taken into custody as his name was at the top of the list that was furnished by Medagedara, Administrative Secretary UNP of the Sirikotha in his complaint to the Police. At that time Lal, Nayanjith, Kotte Mujnicipal Council member, and Aruna Dahanayake from Moratuwa area were already in custody. They were looking for Attorney at Law Ravi Jayawardene, Horana UNP organizer and Shiral Lakthilaka also Attorney at Law. The Police asked Lal to get into the jeep to proceed to Horana.  But they did not proceed to Horana, instead went to Welikadawatte looking for both Shiral and Ravi.

In the meantime the Police were looking for Shirantha Amarasekera, Gampaha Provicial Council member who had come to watch the proceedings to Pita Kotte. He had already left for home long before the commotion started, and taken off to Trincomalee with his family on a vacation trip planned well prior to these incidents. Shirantha is one of the die-hard supporters of the KJ/Sajith group and John Amaratunge loved to hate him as both of them came from the Wattala area..

As dawn broke, both Shiral and Ravi surrendered themselves to the Mirihana Police Station. The total number in custody now was about 10, Maithri, Shiral, Ravi and Lal. The others were Nayanajith from Kotte, Aruna from Moratuwa and some Pradesheeya Sabha members from Kurunegala district. Asoka Abeysinghe, MP for Kurunegala district is a staunch Karu/Sajith supporter and those who were taken into custody were Asoka’s loyal supporters.

When they were produced before Gangodawila Magistrate Herath the next morning, they were represented by Anil Silva, PC, Upul Jayasuriya, R J de Silva, Thisath Wijegoonaratne assisted by Vishwa Gunaratne, Maithri’s younger brother and a whole lot of other lawyers. The courtroom was packed to capacity and among the UNPstalwarts  were Karu J, Sajith, Rosy Senanayake, Thalatha Athukorale, Dayasiri Jayasekara and Asoka Abeysinghe.

When the lawyers argued for bail, the judge did not hesitate to refuse bail and ordered that all the accused be kept in remand until January 2, 2012.

Back Room Moves For Bail

Backroom moves were made to get bail for those remanded and a retired planter connected with the UNP who ia also an acquaintance of President Mahinda Rajapaksa appealed to him to intervene. President Rajapaksa has flippantly told this friend that Karu/ Sajith Group acted in an infantile manner to defeat Ranil at the working committee when the WC was heavily loaded in favour of the current UNP leader.

A motion was filed in court on 21st December to seek bail but the Magistrate was not inclined to change his original decision prefering to call the case again on 22nd December. Meanwhile the hunt for many others who were said to be in the mob continued with the Police now armed with graphic evidence supplied by SiriKotha.

On 22nd December the group that were remanded were produced before the Gangodawila Magistrate on a motion for bail filed on their behalf and the Police too were present in Court. After hearing the Attorney at Law for the defendents the Magistrate released all on psurety bail of Rs 10,000/+ each.

Ranil’s Ire

Ranil Wickremesinghe fresh from his victory, called a press conference at the Opposition Leaders Office to bring to book all those who were involved in the unruly incidents at the party office. He made a veiled but easily identifiable attack on Shiral Laktilleke when he said foreign funded NGO’s were also involved against him. Ranil’s take was that the media had no role to play in electing or changing of a Leader of a political party. Strange words coming from a veteran politician who knows too well that it is the very same media that they and particularly he turns to in getting elected. Wickremesinghe was to name the Sirasa Group and the owner Killi Maharaja by name in his special statement in parliament on 21st December for being overtly involved in the attempt to defeat him. The Maharaja Group who owns the Sirasa/ MTV combine was bombed in 2009 just a few days prior to the murder of the Editor of this newspaper Lasantha Wickrematunge. Many who were considered to be enfant horribles , have since become good mates of this organisation and Ranil Wickremesinghe cannot be unaware. Taking on a media organisation has never brought favourable results to a politician. It does however work in reverse proportions. People want to know what the particular media arm that comes under fire from a politician has to say.

Can Ranil Heal The Wounds

The elections to key offices in the UNP is done with. Whether the Working Committee decision is right or wrong is for party cadres to worry. The bigger challenge for Ranil and the UNP is to let bygones be and strengthen the party. More so to play the role expected of the principal political party in opposition in keeping an autocratic government in check by constructive means. This column by no means condones the ugly actions that the mob unleashed at Siri Kotha on Monday the 19th December, but healing within those who opposed Ranil must take place swiftly and the catalyst to set that in motion has to be Ranil and no one else. There will have to be planty of “give and take”. Is he upto it? The coming weeks will cast the shadows of content or discontent.

Duminda has a  visitor

G.L. Peiris, Ajit Nivard Cabraal, Lalith Weeratunge, Sajin Vaas and Rajapaksa Surprises

The medical test was to be done at the Mount Elizabeth Hospital and the President was to be surprised when he was allocated a room right next door to a known figure who was featured prominently in the media during the last couple of months. Member of Parliament Duminda Silva was injured in a shoot-out during the last Local Government Elections where Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra a Presidential Adviser was shot dead together with three others.  Duminda Silva was airlifted to Singapore amidst great security and secrecy for further medical treatment and since then he has remained largely under the radar. Many conflicting reports and theories were forwarded by political observers as to the condition of Duminda Silva but medical personalities and family members remain tight-lipped.
President Rajapaksa was pleasantly surprised to find out that the UPFA Colombo District MP Duminda Silva was making rapid progress towards recovery. He had even remarked that medical reports show that Duminda had received only minor injuries to a small section of the brain which is not required for normal functions to be affected. That news had seemingly reassured President Rajapaksa a great deal. But returning to the island Mahinda was to face not such good news.

Cardinal Ranjith’s ire

The Cardinal of the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka Rt. Rev. Malcolm Ranjith considered to be a Rajapaksa admirer was visibly annoyed when he made a public pronouncement. The Cardinal had decided to boycott all government functions until the Nun who was arrested at a Children’s Home received redress from unfair treatment meted out by the Child Protection Authority and the Police. The Attorney General withdrew charges and the government had to tender an apology to the Catholic Church. This action showed that to get redress from unfair treatment meted out by the government or its agent’s — innovation is in order. The Catholic Church wields considerable power along the coastal belts of Sri Lanka and the voters in these regions are easily influenced by it. It has traditionally been the United National Party that has gained from the catholic vote. However, during the last few elections be it local or Parliament the SLFP-led coalition party has been able to break this stranglehold quite effectively.

The LLRC Report

The final LLRC Report was released to the Parliament and the public on Friday the 16th December 2011.  Some excerpts are reproduced below without comment.
Among the conclusions of the Commission is that “On consideration of all facts and circumstances before it, the Commission concludes that the Security Forces had not deliberately targeted the civilians in the NFZs, although civilian casualties had in fact occurred in the cause of crossfire. Further, the LTTE targeting and killing of civilians who attempted to flee the conflict into safe areas, the threat posed by landmines and resultant death and injuries to civilians, and the perils inherent in crossing the Nanthi Kadal Lagoon, had all collectively contributed to civilian casualties. It would also be reasonable to conclude that there appears to have been a bona fide expectation that and attack on LTTE gun positions would make a relevant and proportional contribution to the objective of the military attack involved.”
“Having reached the above conclusions, it is also incumbent on the Commission to consider the question, while there was no deliberate targeting of civilians by the Security Forces, whether the action of the Security Forces of returning fire into the NFZs was excessive in the context of the Principal of Proportionality. Given the complexity of the situation that presented itself as described above, the Commission after most careful consideration of all aspects, is of the view that the Security Forces were confronted with an unprecedented situation when no other choice was possible and all “feasible precautions” that were practicable in the circumstances had been taken,” it further said.

CHAPTER 2 – CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT …………………………………………………………………………….. 11

Observations of the Commission …………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 22
2.27 In considering certain other factors that had a bearing on the CFA, it would be pertinent to refer to its economic dimensions which were brought to the attention of the Commission. It was pointed out that an important rationale of any ceasefire agreement is to generate an economic dividend i.e. to provide the people more opportunities, and more trickle down benefits from the market economy.
2.28 It was also stated that the Government of the day, proceeded on the assumption that an economic dividend would provide support for the Government and to the peace process from the Southern electorate in Sri Lanka. This was premised on the fact that the peace package, and the accompanying aid flow would give rise to an economic revival which would improve the living standards in the South. Furthermore, it was stated that the people in the North and the East would also be the beneficiaries of the projected
2.61 Apart from the reasons pointed out above, the Commission is of the view that the failure of the CFA is mainly due to the disinclination of the LTTE to terminate the conflict and enter the political process.
Security Forces Casualties and LTTE Casualties
3.20 According to the material placed before the Commission, from July 2006 to May 2009, the Security Forces had lost 5,556 personnel in action, 28,414 were wounded and 169 were missing in action. The LTTE had lost 22,247 cadres of which 11,812 had been identified by name.
4.40 The Commander of the Air Force briefed the Commission on the targeting procedure adopted by the Air Force. He stated that the LTTE targets were observed for at least one week before initiating action. He explained the procedure as follows: “DMI (Director, Military Intelligence) confirmation, revalidation, day recce, night recce. We match our weapons to the target and then my approval is obtained, the air crew is briefed and then engagement under observation of the UAV or any other surveillance asset that we decide to use …” He also went on to state “sometimes some of the targets – we know very well that there are certain terrorist leaders hiding here; there is a training camp there- but we had to stop operations, and wait without taking those targets because there were civilian habitations close to these targets……” He explained that the pilots were well trained to identify and take on pin point targets.
Establishment of No Fire Zones (NFZs)/LTTE Strategy of using Human Shields
4.42 Material was placed before the Commission on the establishment of NFZs during the final phase of the conflict. This assumes special importance in relation to the obligation on the State to provide maximum possible safety to civilians in accordance with the IHL principles. It was explained that this step was taken by the Government after discussion with the Security Council, with a view to providing such protection to civilians. Accordingly, certain areas had been earmarked as NFZs so that civilians could come into those safe areas and to enable the Security Forces to conduct their operations, respecting such Zones.
4.55 A civilian who had been in Suhandirapuram until January 2009 stated that on one occasion they had heard shelling and when they had come out of their bunkers they had seen the bodies of about 8 or 9 people lying on the ground, so they had then decided to move from Suhandirapuram to Thevipuram.
4.56 Another civilian68 explained that what really happened was that although the Government had declared that Suhandirapuram was a safe area it had in fact been dangerous because shells were falling from both sides. The LTTE had asked them to move out of the area and at the same time the Government had made an announcement to surrender to the armed forces. He went on to state that a part of the ‘population’ was able to surrender to the Army at Suhandirapuram and Udayarkattu while the rest of the people had to move with the LTTE wherever the LTTE wanted them to move. While they were surrendering he stated that there had been a bomb blast and he had heard that 10 or 12 Army personnel had been injured or died and that the public were also affected.
4.72 A former senior LTTE cadre who had crossed to Army lines on 20th April 2009 at Puthumatthalan, with several thousands of people, describing the events leading up to the evacuation, stated that as the Army got close to Puthumatthalan, he was behind the Puthumatthalan Hospital, there was heavy shelling from the Army on the night of April 19th and early hours of 20th April. By around mid morning, he said the shelling had ceased and the Army had captured the area and the LTTE had retreated and they had been able to cross to Army lines across an open field. He also stated that the Army shelling was to neutralize the gun positions of the LTTE which were located behind the civilians and he stated that the civilians were aware that the shelling by the Army was for the purpose of capturing the area and releasing them. He stated that while crossing the field he saw several dismembered dead bodies. He also stated that at this time one could not readily identify LTTE cadres from civilians as LTTE cadres were fighting in civil clothes.

Channel 4 Video

The “Channel 4 Video” which has generated much discussion and controversy was also considered by the Commission.
4.363 Although no person appearing before the Commission referred to the Channel 4 Video or to the substance of allegations contained therein, the Commission nevertheless considered the material relevant to its Warrant, given the gruesome nature of the images and the fact that the video is claimed to contain scenes of alleged summary executions of persons in captivity and of potential sexual abuse during the last stages of the conflict.
The Commission finds that there are troubling technical and forensic questions of a serious nature that cast significant doubts about the authenticity of this video and the credibility and reliability of its content. It is also observed that trauma evident on the bodies of victims does not appear to be consistent with the type of weapon used and the close range at which the firing is seen to have taken place. The Commission wishes also to note however that someone had recorded or otherwise produced these images and the video and made it available to the Broadcaster concerned. One expert enlisted by the Commission observes that “the segments of the footage appear to have been recorded in a natural environment”400 and that some of the bodies of alleged victims show ‘no artifacts of manipulation’ either physically or by digital means401.

Chapter 5 – Human Rights Recommendations

6.104 (1) Any citizen of Sri Lanka has the inalienable right to acquire land in any part of the country, in accordance with its laws and regulations, and reside in any area of his/her choice without any restrictions or limitations imposed in any manner whatsoever. The land policy of the Government should not be an instrument to effect unnatural changes in the demographic pattern of a given province. In the case of inter provincial irrigation or land settlement schemes, distribution of state land should continue to be as provided for in the Constitution of Sri Lanka.
(2) The Commission appreciates the Government’s land policy concerning return and resettlement of displaced persons and the associated programme proposed in July 2011, titled ‘Regulating the Activities Regarding Management of Lands in the Northern and Eastern Provinces’ designed to resolve problems relating to land documentation and disputes in ownership and user-rights of the displaced persons. The Commission notes that the programme is innovative, and seeks to utilize where appropriate, mechanisms that are less bureaucratic mainly informal and designed to release the vast majority of the displaced persons from having to use the formal court system which would be complex, time-consuming and expensive for litigants.
The Commission would however like to strongly recommend to the authorities concerned to make it quite clear and assure the people, through an appropriate publicity effort, that this programme and associated mechanisms are not a substitute for recourse to the Courts of Law where people are in possession of valid legal proof of their claim to the land/s in question and that it seeks to make available land to all returning IDPs as expeditiously as possible, especially to those who do not have documentary proof due to conflict related reasons. This is necessary to allay the understandable concerns of the people about the paucity of information on the objectives of this programme.
The Commission offers the following recommendations to ensure implementation effectiveness and outcomes.
(2.1) The Commission recommends that an apolitical approach be adopted in the implementation of the programme, combined with a strong political will to ensure that it is completed as planned and any problems and constraints that arise are resolved effectively and promptly. The Commission recommends that the Government provides the needed human and financial resources for the successful implementation of the programme.
(2.2) A strong administrative will on the part of the civil administration beginning at the highest levels of officialdom to ensure impartiality and justice in implementation will also be critical.101 The Commission recommends effective supervision of civil administration officers tasked with the implementation of the programme, by the respective Government Agents, and the monitoring of implementation quality by the Land Commissioner General at the national level to ensure impartiality and transparency.
(2.3) The Commission believes that the success of the programme would substantially depend on a clear and unambiguous understanding of the principles, the purpose, the objectives, and the methodology of the programme by political leaders, the implementers, in this case the public officers and community leaders who would be the members of the various implementing Committees, and the beneficiaries, i.e. the heads of the households of the returned/resettled displaced persons.
In this regard the Commission wishes to make the following observations and recommendations:
Although in the main done with good intentions, the public information so far disseminated on the proposed new programme has resulted in insufficient clarity regarding the purpose and the methodology of the proposed programme.
The following factors may have contributed to this state of affairs:
a. Un-researched or inadequately researched information on the new programme disseminated by the media as well as various political personalities; and,
b. Inadvertent mix up of the content and the methods of the proposed new programme with some other land titling and user right consolidation programmes currently under implementation by the Ministry of Lands. Although the recent advertisement on the proposed new programme inserted by the Land Commissioner General in all three languages in the print media, provided some coherence, it may not be adequate to remove mixed messages and sometimes confusing information coming through the media, the web pages, and political pronouncements.
(2.3.1) The Commission recommends that a well planned media seminar on the proposed new programme could be organized by the Land Commissioner General’s Department to enable the media to project an accurate and clear view of the new programme, devoid of political posturing.
(2.3.2) The Commission recommends that the Land Commissioner Generals Department and the respective Governments Agents conduct well designed training programmes for all officers and community leaders selected for various committees. The training should be based on a short and simple but written training manual in order to ensure that all training is identical and similar messages are delivered through the training activities in all divisions and districts.
Short case studies of various possible scenarios on problems that are anticipated in the field can be developed with role plays or similar training methods used to simulate problem solving. This would enhance the skills and self confidence of the officers and community leaders in coming to terms with real problems in the field. A specialized training Institute such as the Sri Lanka Institute of Development Administration could be commissioned to partner the Land Commissioner General and the Government Agents in organizing the training, as they have expertise and experience in training public officers in a variety of disciplines. These would incur additional expenditure as well as time, but would definitely improve the effectiveness and the outcome of the programme.
(2.3.3) The Commission also recommends the launching of a well-designed, settler-centered communication campaign primarily in simple Tamil language, as well as in Sinhala language, incorporating information on what specific action the displaced persons should take with regard to different services provided by the programme. The communication campaign design should take into consideration clients’ knowledge and understanding levels, as well as their existing communication networks; and should include ‘how to do’ and ‘what to do’ information in clear and simple language. This would help displaced persons to come forward to benefit from the programme with confidence.
(2.4) The programme envisages the nomination of the area civil coordination officer, who is a Security Forces officer, into the two committees proposed to be established to review land documentation and user right issues. The Commission notes that the two committees will be chaired by senior civil administration officers, and that the majority of the members are drawn from the civil administration.
The Commission, as a policy, strongly advocates and recommends to the Government that the Security Forces should disengage itself from all civil administration related activities as rapidly as possible. With regard to the participation of Security Forces officers in the proposed land restitution process, the Commission being cognizant of the fact that, that some lands are currently being utilized for security purposes102 recommends that such participation be confined to and used optimally to expedite releasing maximum extents of such land, while taking account of security considerations, but according primacy to the policy objective of allowing people to settle in areas convenient to them.
(2.5) The Commission notes that the new programme has introduced a measure of community consultation through the Observation Committees linked to the First (Investigation) Committee and the Second (Investigation) Committee. The Observation Committees constituting community members are expected to monitor the investigation decision process and provide locality specific information to the two committees as necessary. While appreciating the opportunity provided for some measure of community consultations, the Commission recommends that the First Committees in each of the District Secretariat areas organize and hold a well publicized ‘Community Consultation Meeting’ prior to the launch of the First Committee investigation process. This would provide an opportunity for the returned /resettled communities in the respective areas to air their problems and constraints, as well as make useful and constructive suggestions to improve the investigation process. The First Committee could also use this forum to explain to the community how the investigations regarding land problems would be conducted, and what specific action and procedures each category of prospective applicants should adopt to facilitate reasonably quick resolution of their problems. This will give a sense of confidence to the people that they were also listened to. The First Committee will also get a preview of what type of problems to expect in their respective areas. The Commission recommends that the planning and conduct of such Community Consultation Meetings be based on the experiences of the traditional Land Kachcheri system.
2.5.1. The Commission also recommends that the Land Commissioner General establishes a mechanism to rapidly consider the constructive suggestions made through the ‘Community Consultation Meetings’, and to consider using these suggestions as appropriate to further improve the field level methodology of the programme.
(2.6) The Commission recommends that arrangements be made to strengthen the human resource teams at all levels of implementation, through temporary secondment, and / or contracting qualified and skilled retired staff, and assignment of additional administrative service staff to the Land Commissioner General’s Department through new recruitment and / or secondment for a stipulated period of time to support effective and efficient implementation of the programme.
(2.7) The Commission realizes that implementation of some of the aforementioned recommendations would require additional financial allocations and lead-time.
The Commission is of view that the proposed additional activities would, nevertheless,
strengthen programme implementation, and increase the benefits to the community.
(2.8) The Commission notes that the new programme also envisages the granting of land to genuine landless families in the North and the East. The Commission recommends that all families who have been secondary occupants, whether at the behest of LTTE or not, be given land, if the lands they are currently in occupation are awarded to the genuine original permit holders on the results of the Investigating Committee decisions. However, the Investigating Committees should clarify, without any doubt, whether the secondary occupiers are genuinely landless, as some unscrupulous persons would use secondary occupation to gain more land in times of transition.
(2.9) The Commission also recommends that strict controls be applied to prevent any alienation of State land other than for IDPs, except where State land is required for other approved purposes, until the proposed programme is implemented. As there is information regarding alienation of State land through spurious deeds, legal provision should be made to enable relevant authorities to investigate and institute legal action in appropriate cases against any public officer, Attorney-at –Law, or Notary Public who commits such illegal acts or any other person aiding and abetting such acts.
(2.10) The Commission believes that international financial assistance geared to supplement national counterpart funding through multilateral or bilateral development partners could help in the implementation of the programme. Such an arrangement could prevent any possible slowing down of programme implementation, as competing demands for the development of the Northern and Eastern Provinces could negatively affect financial disbursements to the land sector. The Commission recommends that the Government actively seeks the cooperation of a development partner to support the programme, based on the understanding that the Government will be responsible for programme policy, decision making, and implementation.
(3) The Commission appreciates the fact that the two HSZs in Palaly and Trincomalee-Sampur respectively have been reduced and that an estimated 21,491 persons have been returned to their own land. However, in the two reduced HSZ areas an estimated 26,755 persons are still displaced. The Commission recommends that the two existing HSZs in Palaly and Trincomalee-Sampur, as well as small extents of private land currently utilized for security purposes in the districts be subject to review with a view to releasing more land while keeping national security needs in perspective. The Commission also recommends that all families who have lost lands and or houses due to formal HSZs or to other informal or ad hoc security related needs be given alternate lands and or compensation be paid according to applicable laws. The Commission further recommends that provision of alternate lands and or payment of compensation be completed within a specific time frame.
(4) The Commission, recommends that the Government with the assistance of the development partners extend livelihood assistance to ‘new IDP’ families as needed, on an area by area basis for a longer period of time than planned, to ensure family sustenance.
The Commission is pleased to note that in some areas of the Northern Province, the livelihood support initiative has been extended from the original period of 6 months to 9 months. The Commission recommends further extension of livelihood assistance including schemes for providing micro-credit for peasant farmer groups, tractors for farmer cooperatives, as well as extension advise and other support such as for introducing possible pilot projects on application of dry-farming methods for cultivation of upland crops in un-irrigated areas in the North.106 107 The Commission notes (according to data submitted by the Government Agents in the Northern districts) that a substantial proportion of irrigation tanks in the Northern Province are now in operation. The Commission recommends that the current momentum of renovating irrigation tanks in the Province be continued till all the remaining small irrigation tanks are brought back into operation, possibly with UN System assistance.
(6) The Commission recommends that the land issues of Muslim families who were forcibly ejected by the LTTE from their agricultural land in the Eastern Province, and whose living conditions have drastically deteriorated as a result, be effectively and expeditiously resolved, as very little progress has been made in the East, especially in the Batticaloa district, even though about 04 years have elapsed since the end of the conflict in the East.
(7) The Commission notes that the available official data with regard to the eviction of Sinhalese families from the Jaffna district appears to be inaccurate and recommends that this aspect be reviewed in a dispassionate and low key but methodical manner without arousing any communal passion or tensions.
The Maha Iluppallama Agricultural Research Institute near Anuradhapura has accumulated research experience and appropriate upland crop varieties developed for cultivation under dry-farming methods using low level rains in the Yala cultivation season. If found appropriate to Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu, this could be an area of cooperation between the Northern Province and the Northern Central Province.
The Commission also recommends that the Sinhalese families who were evicted from Jaffna and the rest of the Northern Province, and who volunteer to go back, be returned to own land or resettled in alternate land as expeditiously as possible, as the progress in this regard has been unsatisfactory.
(8) The Commission notes that with respect to Muslim families evicted from Jaffna and the Northern Province, good progress has been made in return and resettlement as per information provided by the Government Agents of Jaffna, Mannar, and Mullaittivu.
The Commission recommends that the return and resettlement of the remaining Muslim families who volunteer to return to Jaffna and the Northern Province be expedited.
(9) The Commission notes with regret that the land issues and livelihood issues of some families living in the former Threatened Villages, especially families whose breadwinners were killed in LTTE attacks or were forced to be ‘night-displaced’111 for family security, remains largely forgotten and unaddressed. Up to the time of compiling the Report, the Commission did not receive adequate information on the current situation of these families, a considerable proportion of who are presumed to be headed by females, grandparents, older siblings, and single fathers. The Commission recommends that a focal agency be designated to study the special nature of problems and displacement of families in former Threatened Villages, with a view to designing a special mechanism to resolve their current problems expeditiously, as they lack the political patronage or power to influence the existing governmental administrative machinery as well as the evolving national post-conflict development agenda.
(10) The Commission is of view that in order to prevent legitimizing of forced eviction and secondary occupation of private lands in the North and the East, the law pertaining to prescription should be amended in its application to land transfers/occupation effected during the period of conflict.
The report is exhaustive and this column will discuss this at length in the coming weeks.
Dambulla Fiasco
President Rajapaksa will no doubt now await the response of the UNHRC to this report in due course. In the meanwhile the vegetable traders and distributors were up in arms against a move by the government to enforce the distribution of produce in plastic containers instead of gunny bags to minimize loss in transit. Clearly the distributors and the farmers are to gain by this exercise but protest they did. The resultant chaos saw the government defer its decision by a month. Interesting times lie ahead for the government and the opposition. President Rajapaksa will hold his breath for a response from the UN whilst Ranil Wickremesinghe on a seesaw of blunder and bloomers will be equally anxious of how he will be received by his colleagues in the party.

Karu Jayasuriya

Karu Jayasuriya, like David Copperfield wants “more”. Last week the Co- Deputy Leader of the United National Party (UNP ), Karu Jayasuriya made his final call by making public that he would be a candidate for the position of party leader at the next convention of the UNP due in December 2011. Jayasuriya projects a Sinhala Buddhist image, but is known to be a true liberal with gentlemanly qualities. Not given to theatrics nor vituperation, Karu appears to be the compromise candidate favoured by the UNP members to replace Ranil Wickremesinghe as the leader of the party.
Karu Jayasuriya has been reluctant to thrust himself to the forefront of the UNP. He is more like a reluctant bride. Jayasuriya has been a  moderate but disciplined politician and has shown an aversion to confrontation in his political career. He has been the ideal foil for Ranil Wickremesinghe through the years to ward off ambitious young politicians from jostling for power. His fault lies in not projecting a strong and decisive exterior but his curriculum vitae shows otherwise and his demeanour could be deceiving if hoisted into the hot seat. History has shown it time and again. Look no further than President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the most recent example.

More than 60 deserted

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the Leader of the UNP has seen no less than sixty plus UNP representatives of parliament defecting to the ranks of the government. A record in itself. Though all the blame cannot be laid at his doorstep, a leader should be able to hold his rank and file and give them the required confidence to band together in the effort of getting into government. Karu over the years has stayed loyal to Ranil as deputy  despite inside leaks in the media to humiliate him  which he suspected was initiated by the upper most echelons of the UNP. He caved in and joined the government when the pressure built but was to receive the same treatment from President Rajapaksa. Jayasuriya reverted back to his natural habitat and was reappointed  Deputy Leader, though a few within the UNP opposed the appointment. None other than Ranil  wanted him back as his deputy. At the time it was embarrassing for Karu Jayasuriya to return sans the sixteen other UNP parliamentary members who crossed over with him. Changing the  perception party cadres of his defection would be his biggest challenge. It is Karu Jayasuriya’s public image as a docile politician that makes opportunistic politicos make use of him as a front to get what they themselves cannot carry out with panache.
The UNP constitution makes it imperative that the Leader of the Party be appointed at the annual convention on the recommendation of the majority of the party working committee and the parliamentary group. The ninety two strong committee at present is short of twenty members who will be nominated by the party provincial machinery and Ranil Wickremesinghe as the incumbent leader. On paper Ranil Wickremesinghe by virtue of having the power to nominate a majority or being able to guide the party into nominating a larger share of this committee enjoys a majority within it. But appearances are deceptive and may not be kosher for Ranil, if a secret ballot is taken. The constitution stipulates this as mandatory.

A new low

The UNP has historically been the largest political party in Sri Lanka since time immemorial but its vote base has slid from a high of over 60% to a current low of 29%. The party loyalists in and out of parliament are a  jaded lot and in urgent need of an injection to revive the proactive style the party cadres were used to. It is therefore natural that Ranil Wickremesinghe is under siege from within the party. He has tenaciously hung on to the leadership through powers of the party constitution, but has yet to be tested in an open and transparent manner as to his true popularity at grass root level across the entire country. That gauge applies to  Karu Jayasuriya and Sajith Premadasa as well. Any political party in Sri Lanka is expected to have a leader who projects strength of character, decisiveness and a mass appeal together with a  Sinhala Buddhist bent. A track record in this direction too is a necessity. Though Chandrika Kumaranatunge returned to the island without a proven track record, her ancestry was enough of a  cover.

Can Ranil defeat Mahinda?

The bottom line for the UNP is to have a leader who can defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa at the next Presidential election. That leader will have to show his mettle in being proactive to galvanise the sleeping UNP cadres early enough to curtail a marauding Rajapaksa caravan and not wait for the fruit to fall into his or her lap. Though most believe that President J R Jayawardene was in the right place at the right time it was far from the truth. He gave leadership to a withering UNP by projecting a strong second string of leaders spread carefully across the island and allowed them freedom to kick start the idling party machinery. Ranasinghe Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamani Jayasuriya ( Colombo), Gamini Dissanayake ( Nuwara Eliya), G.M Premachandra, D B Welagedara ( Kurunegala), Alick Aluvihare (Matale), E. L Senanayake ( Kandy),  Cyril Mathew, Wijaypala Mendis ( Gampaha ),  Festus Perera (Chilaw), A.M. S Adikari, Mahindasoma (Anuradhapura), Ronnie De Mel, Dr Ranjith Atapattu (South), Dharmadasa Banda (Uva), Nissanka Wijeratne, Wimala Kannangara and Aboosally ( Sabaragamuwa) , P Dayaratne, Mansoor( Ampara ) , K.W Devanayagam ( East) were the examples. A feature of J R Jayawardene’s campaign was that these leaders were allowed to shine through their own initiatives in their respective electorates. JR Jayawardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and Gamini Dissanayake were never seen on the same platform at one time. Their labour was distributed for optimum efficiency. History records how prudent this exercise was. JR Jayawardene required four years ( 1973 – 1977)  to organise the party to return with a thumping majority in 1977. The introduction of the Executive System of governance and the resultant chaos it created is however not the thrust of this article.

True leader

Karu Jayasuriya should be well informed of what it takes to be a true leader. A true leader is able to make the difficult decisions and stick by them. It is a piece of cake to make the popular decisions and rarely does it require leadership qualities to do so. The UNP yet remains the only alternative to the UPFA and the dismal performance so far has allowed the government of Mahiunda Rajapaksha to steam roll over democratic and other rights of those with alternative views. A major portion of the blame for the present  near dictatorial state of the country  must be laid at the doorstep of the UNP and its leader. The current parliamentary debates have degenerated into quarrels and nothing more.

Govt – TNA talks set to fail

Meanwhile the government through spokesperson Minister Keheliya Rambukwella has dismissed the TNA proposal for talks on the amalgamation of the Nothern and Eastern Provinces, Police Powers  and Land Rights of these two provinces “ impractible”. He said, “ the government is concerned about the security of the nation, but we are willing to discuss other issues that concern the people of these two provinces”. At present the TNA is poised to boycott the talks and if so the very purpose of the All Party Committee would be of no consequence. Pre determining what has to be discussed to solve the political solution would jeopardise all gains achieved by ending a thirty year old war . Opportunities presented manifold times have been frittered away with the dogmatic attitude shown by governments of the day. When the tsunami affected this island it presented a golden opportunity without any political or ethnic undertones to seek a common Sri Lankan identity. That was not to be. To determine otherwise at this stage would be foolhardy.

COPE says no hope

The parliamentary committee watch dog of public enterprise COPE under Minister D.E.W Gunasekera pulled no punches going into the Auditor General’s Reports on 39 public institutions running at colossal losses. The committee stage debate leading upto the final days of the budget for 2011 heard an irate Minister come down hard on the Secretaries of these institutions. They included Sri Lankan Airlines, Mihin Air, CEB and even the Fisheries Corporation  and  CWE. History has shown that governments cannot be in business and the “urgency” to take over underperforming or loss making institutions makes no sense when what is currently owned by them are unable to perform. Why the Sri Lankan Cricket Board was included within this list is a mystery. Other than the Sports Law which allows the Minister of Sport to approve national representation, the government has little or nothing to do with a sports body run by a group of clubs and associations under an independent constitution. The budgets presented in parliament does not mention the Cricket Board at all.

Cabinet to be pruned

President Rajapaksa is considering a reshuffle of his Cabinet of Ministers in the new year. The changes  considered necessary, was to be effected after the budget was passed.  Rumour is that he would appoint a new Prime Minister together with a smaller Cabinet of Ministers. Though the Presidential spokesperson has denied these as unfounded, it has caused consternation amongst many a cabinet minister. Meanwhile the latest episode of the channel 4 videos are to be released to coincide with the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Report  being made public. The new year is certain to cause concern to many within the government ranks.