More than a month after the DMK withdrew support to the Manmohan Singh government over the Sri Lanka vote issue at the UNHRC session in Geneva, no one is talking about the ‘Tamil Nadu factor’ influencing India’s Sri Lanka policy. If anything, after a decade and more, a government at the Centre has survived without parliamentary support from any of the ‘Dravidian parties’ in Tamil Nadu.

It is believed that the differences between the original draft and the final one at Geneva might have been influenced by New Delhi. And tactically, India could not have influenced the draft-changes without supporting the US. Even an abstention at UNHRC could not have helped. On substantial issues, India’s vote would have to be construed as making Sri Lanka ‘accountable’, not on ‘human rights issues’ but on a ‘political solution’. This also seems to be the view of many of the voting members at UNHRC, given the practicalities of the issues and procedures that are involved.

In this background, Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reiteration that the elections to the Tamil-majority Northern Provincial Council will be held in September, if implemented, could go a long way in making countries such as India to reconsider their current position in the UNHRC session the same month. Though no vote is scheduled at UNHRC – which becomes due only in March next year – free and fair polls to the Northern PC in Sri Lanka would not only convince India, but also many other nations to reconsider their present position. Tactically, the US too may have to reconsider moving a fresh motion, procedural or otherwise, where even if it were to win, the vote-count at the UNHRC would have come down. There will then be a strong message, not for Sri Lanka, but for the US and its European allies, instead.

Making ‘accountability’ a stand-alone issue?

A lot will depend on the level of fairness and free-play in the conduct of the Northern PC polls. Held in September, before the monsoon lashes the region, it could have a welcome bearing on the prestigious Commonwealth Summit that Sri Lanka is hosting in November. An elected provincial administration in the North, headed by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), is a distinct possibility, and it may then, will have to be left for them and the Government in Colombo to make the required adjustments, both in terms of approach but more in terms of attitudes and mindsets. A non-TNA administration is still a theoretical possibility. Issues and attitudes would still remain, and they could be equally complex.

If between the NPC polls and the March-2014 session of the UNHRC, the Sri Lankan Government were to commence the consultative process for a negotiated settlement to the ‘ethnic issue’ that could well go a long way in assuaging the genuine apprehensions of the international community on that score. This in turn could render ‘accountability’ a stand-alone issue, where individual nations will be deciding on their experience in the matter – or, perceptions in such matters. For now, Government Chief Whip Dinesh Gunawardene has revived on the floor of the House the call for the UNP Opposition to join the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) process. UNP’s Ranil Wickremesinghe has come out with the party’s views on joining the process, whether or not the ‘limited’ TNA ‘ally’ joined in.

It could cut both ways, as nations backing the cause of ‘accountability’ for ‘war crimes’ in Sri Lanka might still want ‘justice’ as they understand – or, want it to be. But it is not always that the rest of the world understands the same, the same way. Counter-arguments on HR allegations against western countries in their engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq may then get more patient listeners than at present. The table then would have the potential to be turned against the protagonists themselves, after a point. At the end of the day, it’s a numbers game, and numbers have a way of swinging on their own after a point.

The UNHRC resolutions of course derive from Sri Lanka’s past commitments, just as India’s vote in the past may have flowed from Colombo not implementing war-time commitments on a political solution in the post-war era. Perceptions remain, as the methodology of post-war solution was not discussed during the war-time. It was obvious Parliament would have to be involved at some stage, but PSC had not been thought of, possibly even by the Sri Lankan Government at the time.

‘Sole representative’?

Now, the PSC has become the talking-point to the talking-point, and that’s where the Government’s negotiations with the TNA collapsed. Today, the TNA itself is facing a threat of collapse, though not to the same degree, but internal differences within the multi-party Alliance could hit the roof, and then the streets, in time for the September polls in the North. Even when talking to the TNA, Colombo left no one in doubt that the Alliance could not be the ‘sole representative’, which status predecessor-Governments had conferred on the LTTE. If the Government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa talked to other Tamil groups as well, others did not take those talks seriously, to confer on Colombo’s efforts the character of multi-layered, multilateral process. That was a problem, too.

Provincial Council elections in the North, as and when held, could be the precursor for reviving the negotiations, either through the PSC or with the Tamil parties, or both. If the TNA were to form a provincial administration, none of the party leaders have had the experience of sitting on the Treasury Benches, and would begin to know where the shoe really pinched, how and why. It could then be easy for them to apprehend the larger and smaller issues involved in political administration. Equally so, they could throw up their hands and cry foul on the devolution front. Either way, they could still begin somewhere, and prove that they are up to it – to themselves and to their people, before proving themselves to the Sri Lankan State, the Sinhala polity and the rest of the world, which is all for further devolution, without possibly knowing and understanding what it is all about.

The TNA began well by the status quo when it contested the Eastern Provincial Council elections under a retired navy officer as the Governor. It has a retired army officer as the Governor in the North. It has sought his replacement with a ‘civilian governor’, since. In a Province where the army’s presence is a reality for its own reasons and possible justification (if only up to a point), and their involvement in infrastructure development has shown results on the ground, a new government with no experience in administrative matters could gain as much in practical terms as it might stand to compromise in political terms – or, contest both, from experience.

The negotiations that the TNA seeks with the government are also one of give-and-take, and hence of compromises – where both sides would not now budge from their past positions, after all.
(The writer is a Senior Fellow at Observer Research Foundation)

President Mahinda Rajapaksa is now facing continuous headaches in the form of the possible re-entry into politics by former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge and a joint opposition struggle against the government. All these issues haunted Rajapaksa last week with indications of them continuing in the coming months. With the Rajapaksa government’s greatest fears showing signs of becoming reality, the decision making members in the government are now engaged in disaster mitigation work.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Somawansa Amarasinghe

Speculation was rife last week of Kumaratunga re-entering local politics through abroad alliance. The news that did the rounds was that UNP parliamentarian Mangala Samaraweera and Kumaratunga were engaged in a discussion overseas on the formation of a new political party. Kumaratunga has been briefed on the current political situation in the country and the issues faced within the governing party by SLFP seniors. Despite frequent claims of Kumaratunga’s second coming into politics, talk of her re-entry now sounds real given the growing dissention among the people against the government.

Rajapaksa knows very well that Kumaratunga still enjoys a comfortable support base within the SLFP, which is cause for much discomfort for him. A political party registered by Samaraweera several years back is to be used as the platform for Kumaratunga’s re-entry.

The news of the formation of a new political party headed by Kumaratunga and the likelihood of her becoming the next common candidate at the Presidential election has reportedly caused much joy among certain senior SLFPers. Amidst the continuous agitation campaigns against the government, the opposition political parties, especially the UNP, is mindful of the possibility of facing a Presidential election in 2014.

Therefore, talk of Kumaratunga’s re-entry to politics does not ring well for the Opposition and UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who has been continuously predicting that the UNP could return to office in 2014. Wickremesinghe’s prediction was that the war victory enjoyed by the Rajapaksa government would wear off after a few years when people are confronted with the real problems ailing the country’s economy. True to his words, the country and people are now feeling the real pinch of the economic crisis and are disillusioned by the path taken by the Rajapaksa administration.

Therefore, Wickremesinghe’s chances of contesting at the next Presidential election could take a beating if Kumaratunga considers re-entering politics.

Some opposition politicians have opted to consider Kumaratunga as an option for the next Presidential election since she could muster the support of senior SLFPers and the majority of the SLFPers who are disgruntled with the Rajapaksa way of governance.
However, another aspect that needs to be considered is whether Kumaratunga could enjoy mass support of the UNP and JVP as well.
Wickremesinghe being the shrewd strategist is undoubtedly looking at the best option to secure power for the UNP. He could opt to ask for Kumaratunga’s support to get the backing of the SLFP and together with the UNP vote base work towards an electoral victory.
While the opposition is engaged in strategizing the best option to gain power by defeating Rajapaksa at the next Presidential election, the President is trying hard to keep track of Kumaratunga’s actions and ensuring control over his party men.

However, it is evident that any Presidential candidate who would contest against Rajapaksa must have the support of all opposition forces in order to emerge victorious.

Opposition alliance

Be that as it may, the Rajapaksa government through its actions has unwittingly brought together all opposition forces to fight against the government.

As stated by a UNP parliamentarian, the government created an excellent opportunity through the increase in electricity tariffs for political parties that felt they could never work together to fight for a common cause.
The opposition alliance has now come about through the trade union sector. The UNP’s Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya (JSS) and the JVP’s National Trade Union Center (NTUC) are participating in a joint trade union alliance to fight for common causes that affect the country’s working masses.

The Rajapaksa government has always been deterred by any joint struggle and the massive protest march staged in Colombo on the 15th by trade unions, opposition political parties and the civil society was a wakeup call. The increase in the electricity tariffs has been deemed unfair due to the burdening of the people for the wrong policy decisions of the administration and the public that has been patient during the war and four years after have now had enough. The expressions of the people who participated in the march on the 15th were an indication that their patience was running out.

The Rajapaksa government possibly did not anticipate such a show of strength from the trade unions and the opposition political parties that were made weak by the Rajapaksas after assuming office in 2005. Adopting a policy of divide and rule, the first move of the Rajapaksa government was to destabilize the UNP and even the UPFA’s one time ally, the JVP by creating defections from the parties.
However, after years of internal battles and hard work, the UNP and JVP have once again got their ‘mojo’ back and are back with vigour.

The stark reality is that even the police and security forces personnel who are deployed to act against protests in this instance are also faced with the daunting task of facing high electricity tariffs. A police constable at the protest march said that they too are badly affected by the electricity tariff hike. The trade unions are to now hold a nationwide strike action on the 21st and the Rajapaksa government in usual fashion has stepped in to prevent people from participating in it. Orders have been issued to cancel leave of public servants and various religious observances have been directed to be held on the 21st.

Nevertheless, the trade unions with the backing of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) have said the government cannot take away the fundamental and human rights of the people by trying to suppress them. Both the JSS and the NTUC have said that the ongoing struggle should not be shaded with political colours and should be considered a struggle of the working people. The Coordinating Committee for a Joint Trade Union Alliance has warned the Rajapaksa government that the strike action on the 21st is only the first in a series of joint action to be carried out in future.

The state media as usual is carrying out massive campaigns accusing trade union leaders like the JVP’s Wasantha Samarasinghe and K. D. Lalkantha of a conspiracy against the government and creating a UNP-JVP alliance.

“All these are responses of a government that has nowhere to run,” Lalkantha said, adding that it doesn’t hold well for the Rajapaksa government to behave in such a manner since it gives out the impression that it could be toppled by a token strike by the trade unions.
The Rajapaksa government undoubtedly will have its cup brimming in the next few months with continuous agitations by joint alliances that show promise of expanding even further.

Northern polls

The Northern Provincial Council election meanwhile continues to be a topic of discussion among the local Tamil politicians as well as the Indians and the US.

The Northern election has become a sour point for the government with governing party ally, the JHU threatening to defect from the government if the election is held under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

The JHU is planning legislative action seeking the abolition of the 13th Amendment and the provincial councils. Deputy Secretary of the JHU, Provincial Minister Udaya Gammanpila has been quoted in the media as saying that the party’s central committee had decided to move parliament within the next two weeks to abolish the 13th Amendment. “We shall move parliament within the next two weeks to abolish the thirteenth amendment,” Gammanpila has said.

The Rajapaksa government has for some time been using the 13th Amendment as the carrot dangled before neighbouring India to silence it whenever concerns were raised about the delay in finding a lasting political solution to the ethnic issue.
Senior members of the Rajapaksa government have continuously pledged to the Indian government that the solution would be based on the 13th Amendment and that it was willing to even go beyond the 13th Amendment.

However, New Delhi after its dealings with the Rajapaksa government through the years is now wiser. Despite the undertaking by the Rajapaksa government at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) session in Geneva in March that the Northern Provincial Council election would be held in September this year, Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya has said that he has not been informed of any plan to hold elections in the North.

He has further stated that elections in the North could not be held as he pleased and there needs to be constitutional provision or an executive or judicial order to make arrangements for such an election. The key Tamil coalition party in the country, the TNA has been pushing for the Northern Provincial Council elections along with many others and is continuing to lobby for the election. The TNA recently met US Ambassador to Colombo Michele J. Sison for a discussion on the elections in the north.

According to the Jaffna based Uthayan newspaper, the Ambassador had also discussed the land acquisition issue in Jaffna and the current political situation in Sri Lanka. TNA leader R. Sampanthan and parliamentarian M. A. Sumanthiran had attended the discussion with the US envoy held in Colombo, the newspaper said.

The TNA delegation had informed the US envoy that the elections for the northern provincial council should be held with the presence of international monitors.

Meanwhile, the Indian media reported that concerned over reports of Sri Lankan government considering removal of land and police powers from the provinces prior to the elections in the Northern Province, India has asked not to take any step against their own commitments relating to the 13th Amendment.

The Press Trust of India has reported that Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid had telephoned his Sri Lankan counterpart Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris and also raised the issue of 26 Indian fishermen who are in detention in his country while seeking their early release.

According to official sources, the conversation had also focused on the elections that are to be held in the Northern Province with Khurshid expressing his concerns regarding media reports referring to some consideration being given to removal of land and police powers from the provinces prior to the polls.

“In this context, he urged the Sri Lankan Government not to take any step in the light of its own commitments relating to the 13th Amendment and their expressed intention to build upon it,” the sources said.

The 13th Amendment is a creation of the Indian government and any move by the Rajapaksa government therefore to abolish or repeal certain sections under the 13th Amendment would have to be with New Delhi’s consent.

Commonwealth concerns

The Rajapaksa government’s relations with the international community have been under test since the end of the war in 2009. However, the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo this November would be another trying test for the Rajapaksa government’s foreign policy.

Members of the diplomatic corps in the country say that the Rajapaksa government needs to be cautious during the session since the international community could use the meeting as a platform to raise concerns over the Rajapaksa government’s failures in addressing human rights issues.

It is in this backdrop that Britain issued a warning that there would be consequences if the Sri Lankan government continues to ignore their international commitments in the lead up to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November.
Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg told the British parliament that Britain condemned alleged human rights abuses committed in Sri Lanka. He has said it in response to a question raised by British MP Simon Hughes as to why the British Prime Minister is attending the summit in Sri Lanka despite concerns raised over human rights abuses.

“We are all aware that the decision that the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary will attend the upcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Sri Lanka is controversial, especially in the light of the despicable human rights violations during the recent civil war. But I assure my right hon. Friend that the Government condemns those violations, the way in which political trials, regular assaults on legal professionals and suppression of press freedom continue, and the fact that too many recommendations of the lessons learnt and reconciliation commission have not been implemented. If such violations continue, and if the Sri Lankan Government continues to ignore their international commitments in the lead up to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, of course there will be consequences,” the Deputy Prime Minister has said.

He has said that while all understand the controversy and unease about the matter, by attending the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Sri Lanka, Britain will be using the opportunity to cast a spotlight on the unacceptable abuses in Sri Lanka.
“Of course there will be consequences if the conduct of the Sri Lankan authorities does not change. The Commonwealth matters to us all, and it is based on a number of values. Where I accept the hon. Lady’s implicit criticism is in relation to this point: all Commonwealth Governments should do more to not only talk about those values, but also ensure that they are properly monitored and enforced,” he has added.

Therefore, it would be wise for the Rajapaksa government to remind itself that dealing with the international community takes more than providing Rolls Royce and BMWs for the Commonwealth heads of state to travel about in Colombo.

Moulana’s memories would have travelled back to the mid-seventies when his party, the SLFP in coalition with other left parties were in an equally embarrassing position with the cost of living having gone through the roof, the government gone broke and compelled to impose austerity measures while there was an acute shortage of essential foods. They were only left with slogans and the party activists chanted in unison: ‘Seeni nethiwa thae bonnaam (we will drink tea without sugar); Haal nethiwa buth kannam (even without rice we will eat cooked rice!), Pol Sambola Eppa (we don’t want pol sambol) and ‘Sirima mathinita jayawewa’ (Victory to Madam Sirima). Like in the seventies, on Wednesday they were left only with slogans. At that time it was the CIA and imperialists. On Wednesday it was ‘international saboteurs’ and NGOs.

Sri Lanka’s political history repeats itself with accuracy. Sirima Bandaranaike, with the General Elections just one year away, staged the glittering Summit of the Non-Aligned Nations attended by about 90 heads of state. BMICH was brand new then and she did not mind the opprobrium caused by breaking up of homes and shop fronts along the Colombo-Negombo road to make it a highway for her distinguished guests to travel from the airport. Now we have the Hambantota showpiece. At that time Sirima got down some brand new vehicles but somewhat modest Peugeots and impressive Holden limousines which were rather low priced. We are now getting down Rolls Royces and BMWs for the Commonwealth heads of state.

The people were not impressed with the Non Aligned razzamatazz which Sirima Bandaranaike would have probably hoped would happen. The results were evident when the elections came.

What happened in the seventies need not repeat itself in 2013 or thereafter. But there are lessons to be learnt which veterans like Alavi Moulana will remember well. The lesson to learn is that the people’s tolerance has its limits, however much they may have supported and tolerated earlier.

Faults have to be admitted and corrected. Empty sloganeering, however rhythmic and appealing they may sound in political demonstrations, will not convince even the committed. Insulting and abusing opponents will only result in greater support and sympathy for them.

The cost of living was escalating in the two terms of President Chandrika Kumaratunga. It has continued to spiral skywards quite rapidly during the two terms of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Yet the people bore all burdens heaped on them without protest. Probably the reason for this docility was the absence of an effective opposition. On Wednesday they came together on a same platform. This was a good example of adversity making strange bedfellows.

The excuse of the Rajapaksa regime for their failure to reduce the cost o living was the War. Wait till the War is over, the people were told. It is four years since the War was over but the people have yet to taste the fruits of victory. Instead the prices of essential commodities have been rocketing up while the salaries remained constant.

The lifestyles of the ruling class have not changed. Instead some seem to be under the impression that we are truly a middle income country that can now afford luxuries which only the developed world can enjoy such as Rolls Royce and other expensive cars. From where they find the resources, only the astrologers and racketeers will tell.

The salaries and perks of politicians have not diminished. Instead they are distributing the largesse to their political hangers on in the form of duty free cars. The la dolce vita of the political smart set continues. Unless drastic steps are taken by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to cut out wastage in the well identified ‘white elephants’ and instill financial discipline into the ranks of his frontline leaders and their scions, the stars do not look good for the country.

The focus of my article in The Sunday Leader of 5 May was on the need for Northern Provincial representation. It now looks as if those elections may be held in September 2013. I will elaborate on the likely consequences of representation, or the lack of it, drawing on past experience in Sri Lanka, India and the USA.

All over Sri Lanka the bulk of the Muslim population are Tamil speakers. It was so almost 100% at every socio-economic level when the Official Language Act was enacted in 1956. But at that time the political leadership of the Muslims comprised mostly Members of Parliament representing Sinhalese majority electorates. All these voted for Sinhala Only, as desired by their mostly Sinhalese voters, even though they were themselves Tamil speaking.

The Muslim MPs representing Eastern Province electorates voted against the Bill, as desired by their voters, nearly all of them Tamil speaking. In the Senate, A.M.A. Azeez, who was not elected by Sinhalese voters, not only opposed the Bill but quit his party on this issue. One of the objectives in forming the SLMC, much later, under the leadership of Ashroff, based in the Eastern Province, was to ensure the election of Muslim MPs responsive to the wishes of the Muslim population.

In India, the Dalits /Harijan /Untouchables and Tribals have enjoyed quota reservations in political bodies and public institutions at all levels for close to a century. The practice had been that the reserved seats had been rotated from election to election with only Dalits standing for elections in the seats reserved for them.  In the 1930s, about the same time as the Donoughmore Commission in Sri Lanka, a dispute arose between the Dalit leader Dr. B. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi as to whether electorates should hitherto be purely territorial or whether Dalits should have separate electoral registers.

Gandhi wanted the former, and Ambedkar the latter, but there was no dispute regarding the need for reservations. Under Gandhi’s proposal even in electorates for Dalits, the majority of the voters would be non-Dalits. Dr. Ambedkar argued that the Dalit candidates would then tailor their manifestos to suit the majority non-Dalit voters. In fact Dalit candidates seeking High Caste Hindu votes would often stand respectfully outside the house, declining any invitation to enter the house or to sit on a chair or to accept a cup of tea. Such practices helped to win High Caste votes.  Dr. Ambedkar wanted Dalit candidates to adopt radical manifestos for 100% Dalit electorates.

The British Colonial Government suspended progress towards independence till this issue was solved. Gandhi started a fast to death and was close to death when Ambedkar caved in, and agreed to purely territorial electorates with both Dalit and Non-Dalit voters in exchange for increased quotas for Dalits. It is this compromise that was embodied in the Indian Constitution drafted two decades later under the Chairmanship of Dr. Ambedkar.

In the USA, Governor Wallace of Alabama, perhaps the most racist of the Southern leaders, had Presidential ambitions. His state had a Black majority but he had ensured that, as in most Southern states, most of the Blacks were denied voting rights on some pretext or the other, such as illiteracy. The Whites all over the South were fearful of being swamped by Blacks if they gained voting rights.

His 1962 campaign slogan was, “From the cradle of the Confederacy, this very heart of the great Anglo-Saxon Southland … Segregation now! Segregation tomorrow! Segregation forever! He bitterly and violently opposed the Voting Rights Act, but when he found that he could not stop it, he did a U-turn on many issues. He thereafter supported many Black causes because his vote base was now more Black than White, though he remained as racist as ever.

Hopefully the NPC elections will not only bring about changes in the administration of the Northern Province, but also compel Colombo to take into account the NPC leadership, which may be why these elections have been long delayed. The elections and their likely outcome will surely have a positive impact on the politics of Colombo and also on National Reconciliation.

 

In India, the Dalits /Harijan /Untouchables and Tribals have enjoyed quota reservations in political bodies and public institutions at all levels for close to a century. The practice had been that the reserved seats had been rotated from election to election with only Dalits standing for elections in the seats reserved for them.  In the 1930s, about the same time as the Donoughmore Commission in Sri Lanka, a dispute arose between the Dalit leader Dr. B. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi as to whether electorates should hitherto be purely territorial or whether Dalits should have separate electoral registers.

Gandhi wanted the former, and Ambedkar the latter, but there was no dispute regarding the need for reservations. Under Gandhi’s proposal even in electorates for Dalits, the majority of the voters would be non-Dalits. Dr. Ambedkar argued that the Dalit candidates would then tailor their manifestos to suit the majority non-Dalit voters. In fact Dalit candidates seeking High Caste Hindu votes would often stand respectfully outside the house, declining any invitation to enter the house or to sit on a chair or to accept a cup of tea. Such practices helped to win High Caste votes.  Dr. Ambedkar wanted Dalit candidates to adopt radical manifestos for 100% Dalit electorates.

The British Colonial Government suspended progress towards independence till this issue was solved. Gandhi started a fast to death and was close to death when Ambedkar caved in, and agreed to purely territorial electorates with both Dalit and Non-Dalit voters in exchange for increased quotas for Dalits. It is this compromise that was embodied in the Indian Constitution drafted two decades later under the Chairmanship of Dr. Ambedkar.

JVP politburo member and head of the National Trade Union Center (NTUC), K. D. Lalkantha says that the strike called on the 21st by the Coordinating Committee for a Joint Trade Union Alliance demanding the withdrawal of electricity tariff increase is a unique campaign where everyone could join. He observed that from putting up a black flag to staying away from activities like daily shopping and other chores, people can decide how they want to join the protest campaign on the 21st. “The government will not stop its unprogressive actions and it is only a broad public struggle that could help the current situation,” Lalkantha said. He added that the joint trade union alliance would continue with the struggle to bring victory to the people.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q: How prepared are the trade unions for the nation-wide strike on the 21st?
A: The decision to strike was taken by a group of trade unions including the JSS, NTUC, FUTA and Free Trade Zone (FTZ) unions. The Coordinating Committee for a Joint Trade Union Alliance decided on the strike and wrote a letter to the President on April 29 stating the demand of the trade unions. We said that the working people cannot bear the increased electricity tariffs and to bring back the prices to its formal position. We said other ways of addressing the CEB losses could be considered. We said that the increased electricity tariffs should be withdrawn by May 20 or the trade unions would call for a strike on the 21st. The President’s statement on May Day about the tariffs confused the people. However, on May 5 we wrote to the President saying that the so-called relief provided to the people is a lie and to withdraw the tariff increase without giving ‘relief.’
The NTUC trade unions in the public, private and estate sectors have taken steps to ensure that the strike on the 21st will be a success. We are prepared for the strike. Other trade unions have also taken similar steps. Trade unions that are not connected to us have also been asked to support the strike. Some have said they do not have time to prepare, which is their problem. We will stand by our decision and continue with the strike. The JVP and the UNP have expressed their support for the strike and the TNA said they would get back to us after discussing the matter. We have asked other political parties as well to support the strike. Farmers, three wheeler drivers, bus operators and lawyers have also agreed to support us. The Coordinating Committee has set up committees at district level to make the strike a success island wide.

Q: How do you see the people’s response towards the strike action?
A: Some have telephoned us and extended their support. No one has said anything against the strike. We have made a public request asking them not to use public transport or purchase anything from shops on the 21st and support the strike. A programme like this one has been initiated in order to enable the public also to participate in a national struggle. The JVP commenced a protest campaign carrying torches in Maharagama and it has now spread island wide. On April 24 the party started a campaign to sign a petition and to distribute leaflets. On May 15, trade unions, political parties and civil society held a protest march in Colombo. However, the public does not have the chance to join in most of these campaigns. Nevertheless, people could join the next action on the 21st. People can put up black flags as a mark of protest. Farmers can support by not taking their produce to the economic centers that day, three-wheeler drivers could stay away from work even for a few hours. It is a sacrifice. People can decide how they want to join the protest campaign on the 21st. We have given the leadership now and people have a responsibility to come forward.

Q: The UNP and the JVP seem to be on a joint struggle after many years. Will this continue in future struggles as well?
A: There have been lots of factories that have shut down since the government took over, but the mud slinging factory is hard at work. According to them, the strike on the 21st is a joint action by the JVP and the UNP. I categorically say that this is not an action by the JVP and the UNP. In fact this sort of action should not be limited to such a small area. The decision to strike was taken by the trade unions and it is a public struggle. We as trade unions share the right to speak to any one seeking their support for the public struggle. The UNP and the JVP cannot have any political alliances since the policies of the two parties are completely different. Even in the future, the JVP and the UNP will not join as political entities.

Q: There have been much criticisms by persons affiliated to the government that the JVP does not have any moral right to protest against the electricity tariffs after destroying assets of the CEB during the 1989 insurgency. How do you respond?
A: Let’s speak of what happened in 1987. J. R. Jayewardene’s pro-American foreign policy and the separatist agenda resulted in India invading Sri Lanka. People who speak of foreigners invading us don’t like to say that India also tried to invade us in the 1980s. The Indian air force forcibly entered Sri Lanka’s air space and it is an invasion. JR was then forced to sign an agreement by the Indians. India then brought its forces to the North and East of the country and Sri Lankan forces were limited to the South. JR gave official status to the Indian invasion. In 1818 and 1845 there were insurgencies against foreign invasions and it was the same in 1987. The insurgency was against the invasion and those who knelt before it. The JVP supported the political struggle and the armed struggle was carried out by the Deshapremi Jathika Vyaparaya.

State assets were attacked as part of the struggle to defeat the invasion and the ruler who supported it. They say that we burnt agrarian services centers, but at the time they were military camps behind the agrarian services board. It is similar to the attacks in the North where in some instances schools where LTTE cadres were housed were attacked. There’s nothing wrong in such attacks. Transformers were destroyed since they supplied power to the military camps. All these actions are justifiable when you look at the struggle. ID cards were collected due to security reasons. When the security forces started to surround villages to hunt down people, they could not arrest anyone without identification papers. When you look at history, heroes like Keppetipola and Weera Puran Appu have also attacked state assets. In 1988-89 transformers that powered military camps were destroyed but that cannot take away our right to speak of the CEB and the people’s rights.

Q: The trade unions have called for the withdrawal of the electricity tariff hike. How do you propose the CEB could overcome its current crisis?
A: There’s a clear solution. The government policy is to palm the losses on the people. It is wrong. The policy should be to make institutions efficient and reduce costs. If the government wants to give a good message to the people, it should stop immediately the using of public funds to pay for the electricity bills of government ministers’ houses. Secondly, agreements with the diesel plant owners that have caused these losses to the CEB should be cancelled. The CEB, people and investors should all get a fair treatment through new agreements. The government could go further and take over the private diesel power plants by paying compensation to the owners since the CEB has the know how to operate such plants. It is the problems with the private diesel power plants that have made the CEB purchase thermal power even when reservoirs are full. The government should also renovate the Sapugaskanda oil refinery and increase the capacity of oil refined in the country. This will reduce the spending of money to purchase refined fuel at higher costs. Also, a new refinery should be set up to meet the entire fuel requirement of the country. There would also be an added advantage of producing good quality fertilizer and agro-chemicals as by-products.

Q: The CEB Chairman has reportedly said that the current 16% increase in electricity tariffs is insufficient and that there needs to be a 28% hike. What are your views?
A: The people are now being given the dividends of the failed economic policies of the UNP, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge and Mahinda Rajapaksa. It was decided in 1982 to set up a coal power plant but it was not implemented. Japan came forward in 1992 to build a coal plant for the country, but the government did not want it. When Ranil Wickremesinghe took over the government in 2001, the Japanese ambassador in Sri Lanka was summoned and asked to set up two thermal power plants instead. Ranil Wickremesinghe is also responsible for the current crisis. However, the agreements signed by the then government expired in 2007, but this government extended them. They said the power crisis would be resolved with the Norochcholai power plant, but instead an old power plant was imported and fixed causing constant breakdowns. We want to tell the rulers to make institutions efficient and get profits. The easiest way out is to increase tariffs and burden the people. This is an IMF proposal since they have called on the government to resolve the crisis. The current crisis is not a problem of the CEB alone. The devaluing of the rupee and wrong economic policies are all connected to it. The wastage on white elephants like the Mattala airport, the Sooriyawea stadium and the Hambantota port should be stopped.

Q: Do you believe that continuous agitation campaigns would result in the government withdrawing the tariff hike?
A: The government will not stop its unprogressive actions and it is only a broad public struggle that could help the current situation. Some will join the struggle on the 21st and some won’t. However, we will continue with the struggle even after the 21st and work towards getting the support of those who were not part of the struggle on the 21st. If we stop after the 21st, then there’s no way forward for the people. We will continue to struggle to bring victory to the people. Our responsibility is to give leadership to the people. Earlier people said there was no opposition in the country. The trade unions have now given a solution to the people’s problem, and it’s now up to the people to join the struggle.

Q: What action would be taken in the event the government ignored the demand?
A: A government cannot ignore the public. If the government ignores, that is because the public is silent. This struggle is a public struggle and not an individual struggle. We ask the people if they would do their part, if everyone does their part, this government can be defeated and we will prove it from this battle.

The unfortunate reality is that the support of the Sinhalese
majority for the government’s celebrations will not be matched by any kind of equivalent support from the Tamil minority.

There have been weeklong rehearsals at Galle Face Green to prepare for the victory day celebrations of May 19. This is special to Sri Lanka. Not all countries would celebrate the end of a war that pits two armies representing two sections of their people as a victory. An example would be Canada which today is taking the lead in the British Commonwealth to ensure that Sri Lanka follows Commonwealth values if it is to host the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting.

The Battle of Quebec was a pivotal battle in the Seven Years’ War that saw the creation of Canada. The battle, which began on September 13, 1759, was fought between the British Army and the French Army, on a plateau just outside the walls of Quebec City. It proved to be a deciding moment in the conflict between France and Britain over the fate of the French-controlled territories.  But this war victory was not celebrated then and is not celebrated now.

May 19 will mark the 4th anniversary of the end of Sri Lanka’s three decade long civil war. It will be celebrated by the government with military parades and a display of military hardware. There are posters claiming that it is the country’s Second Independence. The event will be broadcast throughout the country so that the people have an opportunity to remember the victory in war that was once deemed impossible by many.  However, the lead up to this Day of Victory will also bring painful memories to the country’s Tamil people. Many of them had relatives and friends who did not come out alive at the end of the war. The victory of the government forces was accompanied by the death of an unknown number of Tamil civilians. Behind each of those missing persons would be a human story and agony that lasts a lifetime.

What actually happened in the last phase of the war, culminating in the total vanquishing of the LTTE, remains shrouded in controversy. There were no independent witnesses to what transpired in the battlefield at the time the defeated LTTE leaders belatedly offered to surrender. The international media and humanitarian organisations were not permitted to stay. The government ensured that they evacuated the area for their own safety. It was therefore a war’s end without independent witnesses, which has given rise to polarized accounts of those final days. The government has claimed that its policy of ‘zero civilian casualties’ was followed and therefore that the civilian casualties are in the low thousands. But at the other extreme there are calculations based on the population living before and after the war, which puts the figure of those unaccounted to be very much more.

Polarising factor

Going by the government’s celebrations over the past three years, this year’s one will also focus on the valour of the armed forces and the comprehensive defeat of the LTTE with a denunciation of all those who collaborated with it and are described as traitors. The past fortnight has seen a build up in the mass media to remind the people of those days of blood and bombs and how it all has ended.  The contrast with the peaceful situation of the present will continue to bring in the votes of a grateful nation.

But the unfortunate reality is that the support of the Sinhalese majority for the war victory and the government’s celebrations will not be matched by any kind of equivalent support from the Tamil minority. They too have been beneficiaries of the peaceful situation that has followed the end of the war. They are now safe from the ravages of child recruitment and terror tactics that the LTTE brought to bear upon them. But they will wish to mourn their loved ones who are no more with them and also the diminishing of the once powerful dream of enjoying equal rights in which they also have the right to decide.

From May 19, 2009 onwards, the day on which the LTTE ceased to exist as a military force, the victory of the Sri Lankan government over the rebel forces has been a polarizing factor in the country’s politics.  The victory celebrations have been boycotted by the majority of the country’s elected Tamil political leadership and seen as yet another sign of the political insensitivity of governmental leaders to the sentiments of its multi-ethnic population. From the Tamil perspective, they lost their material assets and families but gained nothing from the war victory. The areas where they lived are destroyed, and many of the population have yet to be housed in suitable houses. In Mullaitivu, where the last battles were fought, the vast majority of houses have not got proper roofs over their homes as yet.

Unmet promises

Four years after the war’s end the political solution that the leaders of government promised during the time of the war has yet to materialize. The LTTE has been replaced by the Sri Lankan military who govern them in conjunction with the civilian administration. The Northern Province, where the first gunshots of the war were fired and where the last of the rebel fighters fell, has still to enjoy the right of elected provincial governance even to as limited an extent as the other eight provinces do.   A government ally has filed action in the Supreme Court calling on it to abolish the system of devolution of power for the entire country.  In this context, there is increasing skepticism whether the promised Northern Provincial Council elections in September this year will actually take place.

The civil war ended in 2009 but four years later the country has yet to find its path of reconciliation and to heal the wounds of war. At the present time it also appears that Sri Lanka is moving backwards, and not forwards, in terms of securing the Rule of Law.  The impeachment of the Chief Justice process eroded the rule of law and usurped the pre-eminence of the Supreme Court in its role of interpreting the constitution.  This has impacted negatively on the rule of law and by extension the protection of human rights and political accountability.

There is also the rise of inter-religious tensions fanned by government allies. A new dimension of inter-communal unrest is the rise of Buddhist extremism that has targeted the Muslim community and taken on an open and frontal confrontational approach.
Sri Lanka could have been a very different country today. If the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President that were released in November 2011 had been followed, the government could have changed course last year. Government leaders could have eschewed further engaging in ethnic triumphalism and instead focused on commemorating all victims who lost their lives in the senseless conflict. They could have utilized the occasion of May 19 to resolve that never again would such bloodletting be permitted to take place. This would have been a commemoration that all Sri Lankans, irrespective of ethnicity, could have taken part in. It is tragic that the path of ethnic triumphalism will prevail this year too, but hopefully, it will only be for a little while longer before wiser counsel prevails and the President acts as he should.

“He did nothing common or mean, upon that memorable scene…”  - Andrew Marvell

S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, one of our most controversial prime ministers is commonly credited with the aphorism ‘a river does not flow backwards’. Since on our gravity bound planet no human being from the time of Adam to now has observed a river flowing backwards, one might think such an example somewhat superfluous. The prime minister was at pains to make the point that social ‘development’ is progressive, a proposition he would have been hard put to maintain in spheres such as public morality and corruption in our society today. But as busy as he was then in the midst of a much heralded labour to bring forth the ‘era of the common man’ (1956-60) Bandaranaike can be forgiven for the use of a weak cliché to make a point.

On the other hand, certain commentators have in recent times advanced a revisionist history according to which Bandaranaike was not the principal driver of the flow of events in that era but was very much inspired, influenced and guided by persons such as D. A. Rajapaksa of Southern fame, the clear paucity in evidence of a pivotal role in the form of writings or speeches of such politicians notwithstanding. We of course have to concede that such a scenario is not an impossibility given that broad intellectual capabilities are least of the qualifications for leadership in our country. In view of these diverse theories on our not too distant history, we must await a thorough and objective study of the complex social, political and personality influences that led to the ushering of the ‘common man’s era’.

The distance of five decades from those frenetic days, when evidently the river of social evolution flowed rapidly, has given us sufficient perspective to view those events dispassionately. By way of comparing and contrasting we also have the report cards of several other former British colonies in the region such as India, Pakistan, Singapore and Malaysia. It is noteworthy that some of these countries did not emulate our governing philosophies and methods and are today in terms of economic achievements, much ahead of us. In terms of political and social stability too they seem stronger.

What exactly was meant by the term ‘common man’ still remains imprecisely defined at best .Was it an economic definition given to describe a lower income group? Did it mean a socially backward segment disadvantaged by various factors? Or was it a simple case of the average, or even less than that, being put on a pedestal? Obviously, we mean here an average quality in a general sense, including in aspect, attitudes and even sensitivities. Looking at today’s leaders of the movement formally initiated by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, from Chandrika Bandaranaike to Mahinda Rajapaksa, from Mervyn Silva to Wimal Weerawansa, assuming they are genuine representatives of the definition, one is still left to wonder what the common factor is.

On the other hand, could it be that the very opposite of what the English poet Andrew Marvell meant when he penned those famous lines in Upon Cromwell’s return has become the standard of the Common Man’s era? Have common and mean thoughts and actions come to represent a not so memorable scene?

By all accounts S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, whether you like him or not, was an exceptionally gifted person. Just glancing through his collected essays and speeches we get the sense of a well-bred man of culture and learning, nothing common or mean. To illustrate we reproduce below a few lines taken randomly from some of his many essays.

“One thing about Oxford that always makes me marvel is the richness and variety of the activities that are crammed within its narrow confines. It is a little world, and a very complete world, of its own. In my last article I gave a glimpse of the scholarly side of Oxford life. The sporting side, in its own way, is quite as wide and as satisfying.” – Another colour in the dome of university life
“An old Ceylon friend, who met me in England, remarked with disappointment that I did not appear to possess the much famed Oxford accent or manner. ‘ No’ I replied ‘But I believe there are a few young men at Oxford who have acquired my accent and manner’” – Lloyd George thrills the Union

“On my return, I lingered on Magdalen Bridge. The typical English scene, subdued and mellow in the evening light, faded from my eyes, and the glare and dust of my own country took its place: blue skies and dancing sunlight, with a white road winding amidst coconut groves and green paddy fields; dark, cool nights with star be-jeweled skies, alive with cries of innumerable crickets; the pathetic, huddled village huts, the dirt, the poverty, the disease. My country, my people.” – I leave the place of many memories
“I must say that I stand firm by the democratic parliamentary form of government, and I am sure that the vast majority of you do likewise. The attitude of this government to local bodies is dealing a grievous blow to the very principle of democracy in this country” The voice of the people must be heard-1953

“More than any other Asian country that recently regained its freedom; the circumstances in Ceylon were favourable for the achievement of rapid progress and development. Unlike in many other Asian countries the war had not produced conditions of confusion and devastation: indeed far from causing us damage, the war had greatly improved our economic position” – Some thoughts on independence day-1955

“We have reason to be grateful to Ponnambalam Arunachalam. He was the first Ceylonese to enter that citadel of British Bureaucracy, the Civil Service, through the open door of competition. Arunachalam’s long, efficient and distinguished service as a civil servant was a matter of great pride and solace to his countrymen” – Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam-1953

“Nehru is one of the few statesmen of the world who have a background of culture and learning, and who are thinkers besides being also men of action. Such men are necessary as leaders, particularly at a troubled period of world history such as this” – Birthday Tribute to Nehru 1959

Undoubtedly an intelligent man, thoughtful with a broad attitude although sometimes there is an unmistakable vanity which comes out in his writings. As we argued, Bandaranaike’s political legacy will forever remain controversial. A country which was so favourably placed at independence was turned into one of the most troubled nations during the stewardship of our early governments. But the man’s personal qualities, borne out by his speeches, writings as well as conduct as a public figure is a pride to this day to a nation yet functioning far from its full potential. Even his most intractable critics never accused Bandarnaike of corruption or violence of any sort. One cannot even conceive of crime or bribery in whatever form in such a character.

There are no allegations that he abused power, exploited the public service or used public assets for personal or political purposes. You have to only study the freedom enjoyed by the media then, which was often vitriolic towards him, to have a measure of the man. Many things that happen openly now would have been considered to be in bad taste by him. It is not said by anybody that he interfered in an improper way with the independence of public servants or government organs. We have not heard of a single family member whom Bandaranaike imposed on us. The river flowed that way only later.

How a political movement launched by a man with high ideals developed by the world’s best in both culture and thought can end up so warped and corrupted is one of the several tragedies of our times. It was these great ideals that a young Bandaranaike imbibed as a student that apparently led him to a career in politics. As was the general case then, he not only enriched the field of politics with his rich personality but also put his own money where his mouth was. There is no doubt that had he not taken to politics Bandaranaike would have been a much wealthier man. But the result of all that labour and investment that went into creating the common man’s era now seems definable only as a reign of thoughts and acts both common and mean.

It is true that a river cannot resist gravity and will not therefore flow backwards. But even a clever man like S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike could not have anticipated the sharp bend the river has taken since of late.

By Gamini Weerakoon

The conventional belief was that the military at best should be confined to barracks or be on battlefields but after the much celebrated victory over terrorism the forces have not been demobilized as is usual in other countries or found civilian jobs but appear to move into civilian projects under the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development.

In Colombo they moved to take over a part of the Town Hall job of urban development. Parts of Colombo 7 have been ‘beautified’ with the assistance of civilian architects but the first few monsoons showers resulted in some of Colombo’s roads turn into rivers. In the suburbs too the Ministry has taken over urban development.

In the Jaffna peninsula there is a furor now on over the takeover of 7,000 acres of land by the military. With the Rajapaksa government doing its damnedest to prove to the outside world that it is doing its best for reconciliation of the Tamils, taking over 1,000 acres of privately owned land is not the most convincing thing to do. It is believed that the military wants to set up tourist hotels on their own, which is a function of the Tourist Board. Whether the intention is to develop a unique tourist complex, the first ever tourist hotel run by ladies and gentlemen in khaki, is anybody’s guess.

The militarization of civilian institutions and taking over of private property ostensibly for ‘security purposes’ should be watched with grave concern by civilians. Does not the parliament, which is said to be the supreme legislative body, have to approve this kind of militarization that is taking place?

There is a mythical belief – not only in this country but the world over – that militarization leads efficient and productive governance. Unfortunately contemporary history disproves this belief.

Take Pakistan, which has been ruled for more than half the time since Independence in 1947 by military rulers. It is a nuclear power with 180 million population but despite its tremendous resources and the billions of dollars which the United States poured in – it was America ’s only committed ally since the days of SEATO – the economy is in the doldrums and a greater part of the population abjectly poor while the millionaires are doing quite well. This nuclear power has to suffer daily power cuts! The military now has vested interests in industry and most probably will direct the course of action of the new government of Nawaz Sharif.

The long military dictatorship under Suharto in Indonesia, the military dictatorships in Vietnam before the take over by the Viet Cong and the dictatorship of Kim Il Sung and his successors have reduced North Korea to one of the poorest countries in the world where the people are conditioned to be robots. The only country that had a phoenix like rise was South Korea under the dictator Park Chung hee – father of the incumbent president Park Geun hye. He was shot dead by his Intelligence Chief and that led to a democratic South Korea emerging and which is still prospering.

We have seen school maters being promoted to the ranks of Colonels in the volunteer force, under grads being introduced to sort of training in police and army camps and now lands being taken over by the military with the intention of establishing tourist hotels. Does Sri Lankan need any kind of militarization?

By Gamini Weerakoon

Nawaz Sharif, the stocky 63-year-old businessman, performed the impossible last week by being elected for the third time a prime minister in a country where the political terrain is considered the roughest and most precarious in the entire world.

He has withstood allegations of corruption amounting to billions of dollars and rupees, gone through long periods of unpopularity, being thrown out of power and imprisoned with the threat of execution hanging over him and then flown out to Saudi Arabia to live as an exile but in a palace. With fluctuation of his political fortunes, he returned to lead his party, Pakistan Muslim League (N), to victory at the National Assembly elections last week. Although he does not have a clear majority in parliament, political commentators agree that he could secure that majority with the co-operation of independent candidates.

Such vicissitudes of political fortunes are quite common in Pakistan when considering the fate of some other leaders such as: the hanging of Prime Minister Zulficar Ali Bhutto; assassination of Zia-ul-Haq in a mid air explosion; assassination of Benazir Bhutto and booting out elected leaders by the army such as Benazir Bhutto (twice), Nawaz Sharif himself (twice) and Pervez Musharraf resigning from presidency following a threat of impeachment by opposition parties.

Zardari’s PPP- a lame duck

The ruling party the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was a lame duck with the crumbling economy and widespread terrorism — an estimated 45,000 Pakistanis being killed by terrorism and the blatant bombing of villages in the North West Frontier by American Drone planes, despite widespread protests by Pakistanis.

The caretaker leader of the PPP, Asif Zadari who was elected president following the assassination of his wife Benazir, could not participate in the election campaign while holding office as president and the designated leader of the party, his son, young Bhilal Bhutto, a student in Britain kept away from the campaign. Commentators attributed his absence to a possible assassination attempt on him by the Taleban.

The leaderless PPP which had in the National State Assembly fared disastrously dropping from the 95 seats held to 31 by Tuesday and could even be the third ranking party in the House with Imran Khan’s party Tehreek-e-Insaf–PTI) coming second.

Imran Khan

The debonair former Pakistan cricket captain Imran Khan with his call for a ‘New Pakistan’ and an end to rampant corruption among politicians struck a tremendous chord of response among the people and was even tipped to be a front runner following the massive crowds he attracted to his election rallies.

Khan had been trying to break ground in Pakistan politics, virtually on his own, and made very little headway in his earlier attempts having failed to win even a single seat in the last National Assembly.

Dubbed by his critics as the ‘cricketing ‘Don Juan,’ he attracted the attention of young Pakistanis both at home and abroad. Imran declared that 80 per cent of Pakistani politicians were corrupt and that “he was not sure about the other 20 percent”.
When the results came in as the injured Khan lay in bed with fractured spine it became apparent that he had failed to reach a greater part of the electorate even though he had stirred up the youth in urban centres and abroad.

A segment of the urban middle class too backed him, commentators noted. Strangely, it was in the remote north western region that he scored heavily and is likely to lead a provincial administration in the region known as the Pakhtunkhwa situated between Pakistan and Afghanistan, populated by warrior like people the Pashtuns.

Imran came out well by strongly opposing the aerial bombing of the region by unmanned Drone planes, which resulted in heavy and indiscriminate civilian casualties.

The Americans found out Drones to be the best way to attack terrorist leaders of the Talebane rather than pursuing them on foot in this rugged terrain.It has been noted that Khan cannot speak a word of Pashtun but had communicated with these people. The people understand the language of the killer Drones, a Pakistani commentator has noted.

Challenges

Nawaz Sharif faces tremendous challenges as the president and is waving the olive branch at his former enemies and new rivals. He has invited Imran Khan ‘to play a cricket match’ and make up. Latest reports say that Khan has agreed to co-operate with Sharif in combating terrorism.

But a closer alliance will not go well with the image of Mr. Clean, Khan has built up.

Sharif will have to work out new deals the forces with whom he locked horns when in power that led to his downfall.
It was the army under the command of Pervez Musharraf that threw him out of power in a military coup. Musharraf after living in voluntary exile in London came back to contest the elections.

But the judiciary which opposed him and forced his resignation had ruled that he is ineligible to contest the election having thrown out the constitution when he seized power.

Musharraf is now said to be living under house arrest in Islamabad. The army may not back their former commander, but attempts to jail and humiliate him will not be to its liking.

The Taleban which is wreaking havoc in the country is Sharif’s other serious challenge.

The main expectations of those who voted for him will be the resurrection of the economy, which he has vowed to do. Sharif has many accomplishments as former president. The highway built from Lahore and Islamabad is one. He has now proposed a ‘bullet train’ to run across the country from Peshawar to Karachi.

Pakistanis will remember him for leading the country to the status of a nuclear power when under his leadership Pakistan exploded five Nuclear Tests bombs to India’s three. The most pressing problem however is more mundane: elimination of long power cuts which the country has to suffer each day.

The New York Times quotes unnamed US officials as saying the missiles could be used to counter any potential future foreign military intervention in Syria.

Without confirming details, Russia’s foreign minister said Russian supplies did not break any international rules.
It comes amid growing alarm that chemical weapons may be being used in Syria, something US President Barack Obama has said would be “a red line”. Meanwhile efforts continue to arrange an international conference on Syria.

The United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon met Mr. Lavrov in Sochi on Friday to discuss the plans for the conference, which would aim to bring together the Syrian opposition and members of President Bashar al-Assad’s government. At a news briefing, Mr Ban said it was important to “not lose momentum” on the drive towards holding a peace conference and dates for it were being “actively discussed”. Mr. Lavrov said a resolution could only be found through “an inclusive all-Syrian dialogue with participation of all Syrian forces, without any external intervention, as soon as possible”. Also on Friday, the UN’s refugee agency said more than 1.5m Syrians were now registered as refugees, with the true figure likely to be much higher.

“Refugees tell us the increased fighting and changing of control of towns and villages, in particular in conflict areas, results in more and more civilians deciding to leave,” UNHCR said in a statement.
(Courtesy: BBC)
——————————————————————–

Pakistan Mosques Hit By Deadly Blasts

Two explosions in the Malakand region of north-west Pakistan have killed at least 13 people, officials say.
The bombs went off near two mosques in Bazdarra village, close to the tribal areas that border Afghanistan.

The Assistant Commissioner of Malakand, Abdullah Mashal said more than 30 people were injured in the blasts. He told the BBC that 15 of the injured were in a critical condition and being taken to hospitals in Mardan and Peshawar. An eyewitness, Shahid Ali, told the Associated Press news agency that the explosions came just as Friday prayers were starting.

“Many people are buried under the rubble,” he said. No-one has yet claimed responsibility for the attacks. Pakistanis voted in a general election on 11 May, with Nawaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League set to become prime minister for a third time.
(Courtesy: BBC)
———————————————————–

West Bengal Class III Student Dies After Teacher Smashes His Head Against Wall

A nine-year-old student, whose teacher had dashed his head on wall for not doing his lessons, has died of injuries in hospital.
The class III student, Bapi Joardar, of Nirdheshkhali Shishu Shiksha Kendra in South24 Parganas district had his head dashed against a wall by lady teacher Champa Mondal on April 15 for not doing his lessons, police sources said on Friday.

The injured student was admitted to a hospital here from where he was referred to the National Medical College and Hospital in Kolkata where he died on Thursday night, the sources said. The teacher, who was in her early thirties and was with the school for about 3 to 4 years, was arrested on Friday, they added.
(Courtesy: Times of India)
–

Obama Names New Acting IRS Chief

Daniel I. Werfel

President Obama appointed Daniel I. Werfel, the controller of the Office of Management and Budget, to be the acting commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), the White House announced Thursday.

Mr. Werfel, who manages much of the day-to-day operations at the budget office, will replace Steven Miller, who was fired this week as the agency’s interim director in the scandal over its targeting of conservative groups.
The White House said in a statement that Mr. Werfel would begin his new job on Wednesday.

“Danny has proven an effective leader who serves with professionalism, integrity and skill,” Mr. Obama said in the statement. “The American people deserve to have the utmost confidence and trust in their government, and as we work to get to the bottom of what happened and restore confidence in the IRS, Danny has the experience and management ability necessary to lead the agency at this important time.”

Another top official at the IRS also announced his departure Thursday. Joseph H. Grant, the acting commissioner of the tax exempt and government entities division, said he would retire on June 3.

At the budget office, Mr. Werfel has been the administration’s point man on one of the thorniest political problems in the last six months: the across-the-board spending cuts known as sequestration.

As controller, Mr. Werfel is responsible for making sure that the departments and agencies of the federal government adhere to the sequestration law.

Now, the president is charging him with another difficult task: overseeing the IRS in the middle of a scandal. Republicans — and some Democrats — have made clear that they intend to hold numerous hearings over the next several months, and it will be Mr.
Werfel’s job to comply with their demands even as he keeps the agency running.

Mr. Werfel, 42, is a long time civil servant who has worked deep in bureaucracy, far from the political arena.
Before managing the implementation of the sequester, for instance, Mr. Werfel helped to implement the complicated American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, Mr. Obama’s stimulus legislation. The selection of such a technocrat — a well-liked one who also served in the George W. Bush administration, no less — seemed designed to pre-emptively defuse partisan criticism.

Josh Bolten, who served as Mr. Bush’s chief of staff and budget director, praised Mr. Werfel as a “smart choice” to help restore faith in the I.R.S. following the revelations that officials there targeted conservative groups.

“He was always, in my experience, very professional, careful, non-ideological,” Mr. Bolten said. “He’s not easily intimidated. He’s low ego. He’s just going to tell it straight like it is. It’s not that he’s bipartisan. He’s nonpartisan.”
Officials said Mr. Werfel had agreed to serve in the position until the end of the year.

The president then would have to name another acting commissioner or nominate someone to permanently lead the agency. That nomination would be subject to Senate confirmation.

(Courtesy: New York Times)

———————————————————

UPA Should Declare Its PM Candidate First: BJP

BJP  said last Friday that the Congress-led UPA should declare its Prime Ministerial candidate first and whether Rahul Gandhi is a stakeholder for the top job or not. While insisting that BJP Parliamentary Board will take a decision regarding its PM candidate at an appropriate time BJP national general secretary and former Gujarat Home Minister Amit Shah said, since UPA was in power, it should first take a decision in this regard.

“I am a BJP worker. I don’t have any individual thinking. BJP Parliamentary Board will take a decision at the right time,” Shah said when asked whether the party will project Narendra Modi as its PM candidate.

“UPA is in power, let them first decide whether their prince (Rahul Gandhi) is a stakeholder for the top job or he will be the Prime Minister. Let UPA first decide, after that the Opposition’s case comes in question,” he said.

Stressing that the Congress will face defeat in the upcoming general elections, Shah said, “One thing I know is that elections will be between Congress and BJP, and Congress in its entire history, will get the lowest number of seats this time around.
(Courtesy: Times of India)

————————————————–

US$ 1 Million Worth Jewels Stolen In Cannes

More than US$ 1 million worth of jewels due to be lent to movie stars at the Cannes film festival were stolen from a hotel room in the French Riviera town, a police source said.
The jewels were in the safe of the room rented by an employee of Chopard, a luxury jeweller, the source said on condition of anonymity.

The incident at the hotel in central Cannes took place on the night of Thursday to Friday as the festival got under way, drawing thousands of movie stars, film industry executives and journalists to the fabled resort.
(Courtesy: New York Times)