Why do you allow these men who are in power to rob you step by step, openly and in secret, of one domain of your rights after another, until one day nothing, nothing at all will be left but a mechanised state system presided over by criminals and drunks?”
The White Rose (Leaflet III)

Last week the Rajapaksa brothers saved the life of a man. And by doing so demonstrated, again, that they are the progenitors of the white van pestilence; and the driving force of Sri Lanka’s state of lawlessness.
Sagara Senaratne, businessman and former provincial councillor, was abducted on March 26th. His abductors assaulted him, demanding Rs. 50 million. Fortunately for Mr. Senaratne, his brother-in-law is a person of some consequence: Minister Jeevan Kumaratunga. Informed of the abduction, Minister Kumaratunga reportedly contacted the President and the Defence Secretary. It was the right move; “…the driver of the white van received a phone call, after which he said, ‘let’s dump him’” (Sri Lanka Mirror – 28.3.2012). Mr. Senaratne was ‘dumped’ unharmed and ordered to pay the money to a bank account.  Mr. Senaratne is no ingrate; he did not hesitate to name and thank his saviours, declaring that “….he owes his life to President Mahinda Rajapaksa and defence secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa….. If not for the mediation by Kumaratunga and the two Rajapaksas, he told ‘Divaina’ that he would not have been alive today, adding that he was immensely grateful for them for having saved his life” (ibid).
If Mr. Senaratne’s grateful assertions are accurate, the Rajapaksa Siblings knew the identity of the abductors, were able to contact them while they were on the job and had absolute control over them. The consequent context cannot but give rise to several questions of public import. How did President Rajapaksa and/or Defence Secretary Rajapaksa know who to contact in order to save Mr. Senaratne? How did they know the contact details of the abductors? Why have they withheld this vital information from the police? Why did the abductors obey them? If they could save Mr. Senaratne why did they not save other white van victims?
If they have both knowledge of and control over the white vans, why are they permitting this monstrosity to continue?
If the Siblings’ intervention made the abductors release their prey immediately, does it not demonstrate that the Rajapaksas are the masters of this Hydra? And if so, can we (reasonably or intelligently) expect the Rajapaksas to rein in their own forces of murder, rapine and pillage or to implement the LLRC Report, voluntarily?
Was a close relative of a senior minister abducted to warn all non-Rajapaksa UPFA leaders that the Siblings have the power of life and death over every single one of them plus their kith and kin? Or did the white van squad, in between ‘official’ duties, engage in a bit of moonlighting, to augment their incomes. If so, will they extend their extramural activities from extortion to robbery, rape, murder or child abuse, with time?
Do we refrain from asking these obvious questions because we know the answers already? And hope that hiding our collective head in the sands is the only way to keep the horror out? Last month’s blotched abduction of Kolonnawa UC Chairman revealed that some (if not all) abductors are serving soldiers. Armed with weapons and impunity, with absolute power over their victims and unreachable by law, would these veterans of the Eelam War see much of a difference between the North then and the South now? Unless remedial measures are taken, can Sri Lanka be prevented from degenerating into a mire of lawlessness, at the mercy of tyrannical rulers and their armed and dangerous acolytes?

Lawlessness and Societal Insecurity
The police apprehended the suspects in the gruesome murder of two Buddhist monks within 48 hours. The police have failed to implement an almost-three-month-old-order by Additional Magistrate Prasanna Alwis to arrest parliamentarian Duminda Silva.Why are the police admirably efficacious in some cases and unbelievably inept in others?  Speaking at the funeral ceremony for the two murdered monks, Rev. Bellanwila Wimalarathne Thero attributed the remarkable job done by the police in the Kotte case to the absence of any political involvement. It is political interference which impedes the police from doing their job, the senior prelate opined.
The Kotte suspects lacked political connections. Thus there was no pressure from on-high compelling the police to tarry, ignore and forget. Free to do their job, the police acted in record time. But murder suspect Duminda Silva belongs to a politically protected species. Thus the police cannot reach him, any more than they can stop the white vans. Since in Rajapaksa Sri Lanka, political power and patronage are passports to impunity, more and more UPFA politicians are taking to a life of crime. For instance, “Police intelligence has prepared a list of more than 50 local government politicians involved in drug trafficking…  The list… has named an MP of Colombo and four deputy ministers from Gampaha, Ratnapura, Kalutara and Puttalam as those who are harbouring the drug traffickers…” (Sri Lanka Mirror – 22.3.2012). A concoction of drugs and politics reportedly paved the way to the Kahawatte dual-murder. Worse horrors will follow so long as criminals occupy high places.
The lawlessness at the top is breeding a concomitant lawlessness at the bottom.
When a society loses confidence in law enforcement and judicial authorities, it responds to the resultant sense of insecurity and helplessness with long periods of apathy interrupted by brief spurts of vigilantism. As rulers and law enforcement authorities punish without trial or conviction, the public too seeks solace in their own brand of vigilantism, whenever possible. The disturbing attack on the lawyer representing the suspects in the Kotte murder case is but a signal of this general malaise.  The judicial system is being undermined, from the top, the bottom, and from within. In the end, only a façade will be left, just courts, judges, lawyers and dead-letter laws. The right to a fair trial and true justice will be the main casualties of this generalised lawlessness.
The 17th Amendment was enacted in the hope of depoliticising key areas of the state, especially the police and the judiciary. This attempt was destroyed by the 18th Amendment which rendered politicisation and political interference constitutional and legal. Had the Police Commission been truly independent, it could have provided a modicum of support for those officials who want to do their job, even in the face of political interference. With the Police Commission degraded to the level of a presidential appendage that possibility has vanished. As the police become political serfs, and people respond to the resultant plague of impunity with doses of anarchy, societal insecurity increases exponentially.   Lawlessness, lack of accountability, abuse and impunity are thus not just Northern problems; nor are they war-related aberrations which died with the onset of peace. These pestilences are alive and well and in the process of invading the South. If the common danger is not understood, and combated, this country will become an unliveable place, a lawless land in which the only relief from official abuse and impunity lies in the opposite excess of mob justice.

Letter from the Mahanayake Thero andf

The former Chief Incumbent of the Mihintala Rajamaha Viharaya has come under severe criticism for his refusal to hand over his office to his deputy.
The Chief Incumbent Ven. Namalwewe Ratanasara was removed from the Chief Incumbent (CI) post on March 9, by the Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter Most Ven. Thibbatuwawe Sri Siddhartha Thero following his arrest for alleged child molestation.
Ratanasara Thero was arrested in August last year by the Mihintale Police and was placed in remand custody by the Magistrate Anuradhapura.
However Ratanasara Thero’s failure to hand over the CI post to Ven. Walawahangunawewe Dhammarathana Thero has led the Mahanayake Thero to suspend him (Ratanasara Thero) from all offices held by him.
By letter dated March 16 to Ven. Ratanasara, the Mahanayake Thero had removed him from all offices  held by him since his failure to abide by the Sangha ruling.
The letter states, “On the decision of the Maha Sangha, you were removed temporarily on March 9, till you get your name cleared. However knowing that this was a decision taken by the executive committee of the Maha Sangha, you still organized a protest campaign against the decision at the Malwatu Viharaya with laymen on March 11. You were also accused of holding a fast unto death at the Mihintale town the following day which is strictly against the monk hood. Considering all these facts the executive committee of the Maha Sangha unanimously decided to remove you from all offices you held with immediate effect”.
The newly appointed CI Ven. Walawahangunawewe Dhammarathana Thero did not want to make any comment but said that he will discharge his duties as the CI if the opportunity is given. “I was appointed the CI on March 9 but am still waiting to discharge my duties in the post,” Dhammarathana Thero told The Sunday Leader.
The sacked CI monk was not available for comment.                                                                                                                                         Meanwhile Anunayaka Thero of the Malwatte Chapter Ven. Niyangoda Wijithasisri when contacted told The Sunday Leader that there is nothing the Malwatte Chapter can do against the former CI for his refusal to handover the post to his deputy.
“It is now up to the Commissioner General of Buddhist Affairs to take the necessary steps. The Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter has taken the right decision to expel this monk who was accused of child molestation. This is a good eye opener to all monks and necessary steps will be taken against monks who do not follow the Buddha’s Teaching,” the Thero added.
Commissioner General of Buddhist Affairs, Chandraprema Gamage meanwhile told The Sunday Leader that neither he nor the Department of Buddhist Affairs has any power to prevent Ratanasara Thero from discharging the duties of the CI.
“It is up to the new CI Ven. Walawahangunawewe Dhammarathana Thero to seek legal action to stop the former CI from functioning. The necessary letters have been sent to the respective parties but if the former CI does not abide by that what can I do. I do not have any powers in this regard,” said Gamage.

“Experience in many civil conflicts around the world has shown that countries that don’t take adequate measures to address reconciliation and accountability frequently experience a regeneration of the insurgency that they faced. We could see very much that similar situation in Sri Lanka.” Thus spake President Barack Obama’s point man for South Asia, Robert Blake, the other day in an interview with the Associated Press. If the situation is so bad in Sri Lanka as Blake claims, why on earth has the US called for the withdrawal of military from the former war zone? Is it to facilitate the ‘regeneration of the insurgency’?
The above is quoted from the Editorial in The Island newspaper of March 15 called “Blake’s Doublespeak”.
It is nothing but a part of an ongoing hate campaign against the US and the international community. The Government of Sri Lanka and a Sri Lankan nationalist press has been misleading the public for ages.  But the Island editor or anyone who really wants to understand what went on behind closed doors must read the leaked US diplomatic cables. If you read them you can understand what the US and the international community really thought and did. None of the cables suggest that they helped the LTTE.
I would like to look at WikiLeaks cables as a much more potent challenge to powers that be as well as to journalists. As Charlie Becket, wrote in his book “WikiLeaks – News in the Networked Era”, our understanding of the nature of war and diplomacy has been enhanced. Journalism’s role as the provider of the first draft of history has deepened. So friends, let us read some cables that Blake wrote.
Just one month before the end of the bloody war, on April 17, 2009, Blake wrote; “Ambassador warned the Minister that if the government pursued a military option without first allowing high-level diplomacy a chance, Sri Lanka could expect escalating international criticism and actions to demonstrate the international community’s concern. The Ambassador said such actions could include suspension of aid to Sri Lanka, closer scrutiny of IMF lending, possible war crimes investigations, and perhaps other actions. EU Head of Mission Savage echoed the Ambassador’s comments, noting the importance of Sri Lanka protecting civilians and giving the LTTE an opportunity to surrender. He said the loss of civilian lives from ongoing military operations would be a humanitarian and public relations disaster for Sri Lanka ‘which would snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.’ Indian High Commissioner Prasad agreed and referred to a very tough statement the Indian Foreign Ministry had issued earlier in the day. He said there is ‘extreme concern’ in India about civilian casualties. India did not see why further military action was necessary at this time and supports a humanitarian pause.”
“The Foreign Minister assured Prasad that Sri Lanka is sensitive to Indian and other concerns, but repeated that a pause would only give oxygen to the LTTE. He said Sri Lanka needed the help of the Tamil Diaspora to persuade the LTTE to release its civilians. Ambassador briefed the minister on the results of the meeting Assistant Secretary Boucher had hosted with American Diaspora representatives. He explained that the Diaspora had rejected U.S. calls for them to urge the release of civilians.”
“The President voiced strong opposition to a possible UN role in negotiating a humanitarian pause or a surrender by the LTTE, asking, ‘how can the UN consider having contact with a terrorist organization?’ He categorically ruled out the possibility of the UN entering into negotiations directly with Prabhakaran.”

Mahinda Chinthanaya and the LTTE

Now friends, when the President asked that question; ‘how can the UN consider having contact with a terrorist organization?’ he himself forgot his own promises to the citizens of Sri Lanka. Read the 2005 election manifesto in which he says; “In the course of the consultative process, I shall initiate direct talks with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. I also intend to meet their leader and other representatives for such discussions. At such talks, I shall present the consensus reached to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.”
Going back to the cables, Blake wrote in the same cable; “The President’s hard line position is likely motivated in part by his need to play to his southern Sinhala political base in the elections for the Western Provincial Council that will take place later this month.”
“In the meantime, the international community must continue to pressure the GOSL to agree to a pause and cease military actions to allow diplomacy to work. It is also important that no public mention be made of a possible UN effort to release civilians, lest Sinhala nationalists seek to capitalize on the upcoming elections to force the GOSL to back down from even the limited concessions they have made.”

Diplomatic Efforts to Evacuate Civilians

In another cable on March 19, 2009, Blake wrote; “The USG in Colombo and Washington has been engaged in intensive efforts to protect the estimated 120-150,000 civilians presently trapped in the ‘safe-zone’ in northern Sri Lanka. We have pursued several tracks. First, we and other Co-Chair countries have called on the LTTE immediately to allow civilians freedom of movement. The LTTE has not done so, instead it has shot civilians who have tried to escape, and engaged in forcible recruitment of progressively younger and older civilians to augment its diminishing cadre, now estimated by the government at 400-500. There is also growing evidence of civilian confrontations with the LTTE in the safe zone. Publicly the LTTE continues to insist that it is not safe for the civilians to be evacuated to ‘concentration camps’ in Vavuniya. UN U/SYG Holmes in his recent report to the UN Security Council following his visit to Sri Lanka rebutted the LTTE’s claim and stated that basic needs are being met, although clearly more needs to be done on several fronts (for example, reduce overcrowding and improve sanitation).”
“While we continue pressure on the LTTE, the U.S. and others have pressed the government not to respond to LTTE shelling emanating from the safe zone. Despite repeated assurances that it would not use heavy weapons or shell the safe zone, Sri Lankan Army continues to respond to LTTE shelling on almost a daily basis and has killed hundreds of civilians just in the last week. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a public statement on March 13 that more than 2800 civilians have been killed just since January 20. Lastly, we and others continue to press the government to allow in food and medicine for the civilians, who are completely dependent on such assistance. The government has done a much better job recently of allowing food in, but the Ministry of Defense continues to block all medical shipments leading to very high rates of mortality for civilians wounded by shelling.”
“A decision by the government to forcibly enter the safe zone to kill or capture the remaining LTTE cadres would have disastrous humanitarian consequences. Credible reporting suggests that the LTTE has prepared trenches and bunkers in the safe zone in anticipation of a long siege. Unless significant numbers of civilians can escape or be evacuated, thousands, or even tens of thousands, of civilians could be killed if the GSL tries to enter the safe zone forcibly.”
“In a meeting with the Foreign Minister on March 18, Ambassador expressed appreciation for the Defense Secretary’s repeated assurances that the GSL would not enter the safe zone forcibly. Nonetheless, the Ambassador noted that he was hearing credible reports that many in the military and elsewhere favor entering the safe zone and finishing off the conflict. The Ambassador warned the Minister that Sri Lanka needed to understand that the deaths of thousands or even tens of thousands of civilians from such an action would cause an international outcry, likely subject the GSL to war crime charges, and almost certainly undermine public support in the U.S. and other donor countries for future reconstruction efforts in the north. The Minister acknowledged these realities and reassured the Ambassador that the GSL has no intention of entering the safe zone forcibly.”
“The Government of Norway has been engaged in quiet efforts to persuade the LTTE to allow civilians in the safe zone to leave. (Note: Norwegian efforts must be strictly protected and not referred to either publicly or privately by USG officials with third country nationals.) The LTTE has responded to Norwegian overtures by insisting there should be a cease-fire and political negotiations to resolve the conflict. The LTTE has also raised numerous procedural and other questions about how the UN and ICRC might evacuate civilians, the treatment they would be subjected to in the camps in Vavuniya, and GSL plans to resettle them. The Norwegians have made clear that the time for a cease-fire to pursue political negotiations is now passed; they are only responding to LTTE questions regarding the treatment of civilians once they leave the North. These talks are unlikely to reach a satisfactory conclusion before mid-April. In addition, despite Norway’s good faith efforts, a recent leak to a nationalist newspaper suggests the Government is wary of Norway’s work in this matter and may be preparing the ground to undercut Norway.”

Blake Suggested a Plan

“It is clear, then, that the international community needs a plan now to evacuate as many of the civilians as possible. Mission recommends that Washington and USUN consider the following approach. The USG should ask the UN Secretary General to issue a public statement calling on both sides to allow a humanitarian pause in fighting for civilians who want to leave. The LTTE maintains the fiction that civilians do not want to leave. As noted above, all evidence points to the contrary. The UN needs to call the LTTE’s bluff. The SYG could reassure civilians they will be well treated, recalling Holmes, late February statement to the UN Security Council. To give added credibility to his assurances, the UN should coordinate in advance with the GSL so the SYG can announce that the GSL has invited UN Special Rapporteur for IDP Issues Walter Kaelin to work with GSL to resolve remaining issues in the camps. It is important the initiative be cast as a GSL proposal given the GSL’s stiff-arming of Special Envoys proposed by the UK and others. Kaelin already has extensive experience in Sri Lanka and would be well suited to this job.”
“The obvious challenge is to get the LTTE’s agreement to this plan. The ICRC confirmed to Embassy Colombo that their staff in the safe zone could develop a mechanism to determine which of the civilians want to leave. If the LTTE refuses to cooperate, the UN must then be prepared to say so publicly. Such an announcement would likely cause the LTTE significant problems with the Tamil Diaspora, who have supported the LTTE thus far and whom the LTTE is counting on to help finance the reconstitution of the LTTE once fighting is over in the North. The Diaspora remains very concerned about the plight of the civilians and would likely help the UN pressure the LTTE to allow those civilians to leave who want to. (Septel will offer thoughts on ways the USG can do more to reach out to the Tamil Diaspora in the U.S. both to respond to their mail campaigns and engage them directly.) Ambassador has discussed the outlines of this proposal with the UN, ICRC and Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister, all of whom believe it is worth trying. It is clear the LTTE will not let all of the civilians go because the civilians serve as human shields and as a pool for conscription. But even if we can evacuate two-thirds of the civilians, that would mark significant progress.”
Does all this sound as if the US and the international community wanted to save the LTTE? What stuff and nonsense.
uvindu@journalist.com

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

January second of the New Year 2006 was a Monday. It was 5.30 in the evening when 20 year old Manoharan Rajihar set off from home on St. Mary’s road in Trincomalee town. Both his father and mother were medical doctors jointly running the Welcome Medical clinic. He told his parents that he would be going to worship at the Pillaiyar temple and the Pathragali Amman temple. Thereafter he said that he would chat for a while with friends at the beach and return.
One of his friends, an undergraduate at the Engineering Faculty in Moratuwa university had come home for the new year and was scheduled to go back the following day. Rajihar said he would return home by 7. 30 p.m.
Trincomalee had been tensed up for quite a while. There had been much violence along with hartals paralysing normal life. Police and security personnel along with civilians had been targeted. The civilian killings and in some cases reprisal killings cut across ethnic barriers.
Though Trincomalee was bustling actively after many years of the ceasefire the atmosphere had deteriorated in recent times. Life had not been the same after a large Buddha statue was installed overnight near the Central bus stand and market.Tamil organizations had opposed this.
Hartals were staged. It was ruled by the Lower Courts that the statue was illegally installed on Urban Council property. In spite of public opposition and a Court directive the statue remained where it was with massive security provided.
The protests over the statue had resulted in a lot of additional security personnel being deployed in Trincomalee. This brought about another wave of protests against the increased security presence. With LTTE backed Tamil resurgence movements stepping up demonstrations the situation became worse.
Sporadic violence continued. An attack on the security personnel brought about reprisals on Tamil civilians. In some cases “unknown” people killed Sinhala and Tamil civilians. It was tit for tat. For instance when a Sinhala businessman was killed on December 24 two Tamil trishaw drivers were killed on December 26.
Against this backdrop people seldom ventured out of their homes after dusk.
Rajihar’s parents too were concerned about their son staying out till dark.
But they were not unduly worried because they knew their son was a decent, level-headed boy. He was very punctual and if he said he would be back at 7.30 p.m. they knew he would keep his word. Besides the place he was going to was not very far from home. Also they knew his friends. All of them were quiet, well-behaved youths with little interest in politics let alone Tiger politics. They were youths with glowing dreams of a bright future. The parents had no worries about their son or his friends getting mixed up with the LTTE.
Rajihar was the third in a family of six children. The eldest was a girl now married and settled in Britain. The next was a son. There were three younger brothers. An old student of Sri Koneswarar Hindu College Rajihar had completed his AL’s. He was an outstanding sportsman excelling in table tennis and chess. Rajihar was the Secretary of the Trinco Table Tennis Association. He had even conducted training sessions in TT for the security forces’ recreation. Rajihar had been thoroughly vetted and given a military approved identity card. The military ID is the one respected by all security personnel.
Apart from this the Manoharans were familiar with many security officials including naval officers who had obtained treatment at the clinic. All this gave the family a sense of security in troubled times. Being doctors the parents were after all in the upper strata of Trincomalee society. The parents had also bought Rajihar a cellular phone as a precaution. He had strict instructions to call and keep them informed if he was getting late or held up anywhere. Rajihar left home happily for his rendezvous with friends blissfully unaware of the fate awaiting him.
Seven young men all of them born in 1985 gathered that evening at the Dutch Bay beach. The spot was near the Gandhi statue roundabout where the Dockyard road and Koneswarar or Fort Frederick road intersected. There was an important checkpost close by, manned by navy, army and police personnel. Actually there were three more checkposts manned by naval personnel within a 100 metre radius. There was also a small boutique selling provisions.
There were stone benches on the beach front where people sat and took in the sea breeze. The seven friends were now seated on those benches chatting gaily. They had been frisked and cleared at the checkpost before coming to the spot.They arrived on four cycles and a motor cycle with two riding “doubles”. Six of the friends were alumni of Sri Koneswara Hindu College. One was an old boy of St. Joseph’s College. The key figure in the group was Thangathurai Sivanantha, the Moratuwa campus undergrad. He had come home on December 31 and was returning on January 3. The seaside chit-chat was like a send off to Sivanantha.
All of them had completed their A’Levels in 2004/5. Apart from Sivanantha another too had gained entry to Katubedde. The others too were hopeful of higher education or at least a good job in Colombo. Some had ideas of going abroad. They were good all-round students in both studies and extracurricular activities. They were computer proficient too. Time just flew as the friends swapped stories and teased each other in good fun.
It was about 7.15 p.m. when a green three-wheeler coming along Dockyard road slowed down. A grenade was thrown from the vehicle. It exploded yards away from where the seven friends were seated. The three- wheeler then sped away on Koneswara road towards the Fort. The dazed friends realised the situation was taking a turn for the worse and cut short their conversation. They speedily mounted their cycles and motor cycle and prepared to get away from the spot. That was not to be!
Almost as if on cue a security force truck trundled in quickly. Instead of giving chase to the three-wheeler the occupants of the truck zoomed in on the seven Tamil youths. They surrounded them and forced them to kneel down. Rajihar took out his mobile phone and called his father Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan. The call was not answered. Rajihar however left a quick message saying they were being made to kneel down by security forces. The phone was snatched away by one of the assailants.
They started checking their ID cards. Thereafter they began assaulting them. They were then put aboard the truck and assaulted again and again. Their explanations and protests were ignored.
At this point some more security vehicles arrived. There was an excited discussion in Sinhala among the new and old arrivals. The youths could only hear the noise. Suddenly they were kicked and pushed out of the truck. Even as they fell they found that the entire area was now pitch dark. The lights in the vicinity had been turned off. The youths were now hit again and forced to kneel down again.
After some more bickering among themselves one group of security personnel began leaving the spot. It was still dark and the lights were out. Only the vehicle lights tore through the darkness of the night. After one group of security men left the other group began getting really mean. Then it became really terrible.
After some more rounds of assaulting, the youths were forced to kneel down again. Firearms were taken out and brandished. The youths were told that they were going to be killed as a warning to the Tigers in Trincomalee. The innocent youths began wailing and pleading. Their pathetic cries were heard far and wide.
Listening to the faintly audible cries was Dr. Manoharan. Finding that he had missed a call, Rajihar’s father had checked the phone to find it was from his son. Thoroughly agitated Dr. Manoharan began calling his son’s cell again and again and again. There was no answer. Extremely perturbed the father then mounted his scooter and set off for the spot on the beach where his son had said he was going to. Besides it was close to the Amman temple too.
When Dr. Manoharan came near the spot he found all the lights including the street lights had been turned off and there was darkness all around. He was shocked to find that security personnel had sealed off the particular area and were refusing to let anyone go through. Upon inquiring he was told that some Tigers had attacked the security forces and no one would be allowed to pass. He was curtly ordered to turn back. Manoharan            refused saying his son was in trouble and that he would not go back without him.
As Dr. Manoharan stubbornly stayed put despite the danger he heard the cries of the youths pleading
with their  assailants. He thought he recognized his son’s voice among them. He kept on pleading with those at the checkpost to let him through. The personnel refused but were becoming increasingly nervous and jittery and then rang out the shots followed by the screams. More gunfire and more screams. It took just four minutes from 7. 51 p.m. to 7.55 p.m. A few minutes later an explosion was heard and then it was all over.
After playing cat and mouse for a while the assassins now began firing. Two of the youths were shot behind the ear. One was shot in the back of the head. The other four then scrambled to their feet and made a desperate attempt to escape by running away. They were mowed down by gunfire. They were shot in the chest, abdomen, shoulders, thighs etc., and collapsed. A little while after the firing was over two grenades were thrown at the still bodies. One exploded but the other failed.
The assassins were in no mood to take their victims to hospital. They delayed for nearly half an hour. The calculated delay presumably was to let the youths bleed to certain death. Finally an ambulance was called and even the lights came on “miraculously”.
Dr. Manoharan raced to the Trincomalee hospital. His heart leapt when he was told that two of the youths were alive still. His heart sank when he found that his son was not in the Intensive Care Unit. Later he was allowed to check out the morgue where he found his favourite son lying dead. He broke down and wept.
News began spreading and the parents of the victims began converging at the hospital notwithstanding the security situation. Their long night of sorrow was made unbearable by the deliberate attempt to twist the truth.
The security forces who had brought in the youths to the hospital had made a police entry that some Tigers plotting to attack the security forces had suffered casualties due to some grenades exploding accidentally. This then was the version hastily disseminated by the security propagandists. Given the tense situation in Trincomalee and the vain boasts of the LTTE that the people were rising up against the armed forces there were many takers for this story. Many newspapers and news agencies also carried the security version initially. The defence ministry spokesperson as well as other army and police officials also stood by this story.
The truth however became known when the post-mortem and judicial inquiry was conducted. The Trincomalee Judicial Medical Officer Dr. Gamini Gunatunga conducted the post-mortem and ruled that all five dead victims had died due to gunshot injuries. Three had died of head injuries while the other two had succumbed to abdomen and chest injuries. The JMO however observed that some of the victims had injuries other than gunshot wounds too. But the fatal ones were from gunshots.
With the JMO report the explanation provided by the security forces was blown to smithereens. The Trincomalee Magistrate Mr. V. Ramakamalan recorded an interim verdict of gunshot injuries and instructed that the bodies be handed over to the families. But there was a hitch. The police at the hospital refused to release the bodies. They insisted that the parents sign letters accepting that their children were Tigers. Otherwise the bodies would not be handed over they threatened.
The parents of the victims however were not prepared to do that. They had lost their innocent children. They were not prepared to sacrifice their reputations as well. They were not prepared to let them be stigmatised as “terrorists” when they were not. They simply refused to budge.
One parent said, “if you don’t give the body I will have a funeral with an empty coffin and a picture of my son but I will never admit to this untruth of calling my son a terrorist. I have lost my son but I won’t lose his honour”. TNA Parliamentarian from the Trincomalee district Thurairatnasingham also arrived at the hospital and exerted pressure. Finally the cops relented and the bodies were released without any letters being signed.
Trincomalee was overwhelmed with sorrow. On the 3rd there was a spontaneous closure of schools and boycott of classes by students. Students of all communities and faiths expressed solidarity with the victims. Realising the public mood was turning bitter the authorities withdrew security personnel from checkposts and sentry points in the Tamil neighbourhoods of Trincomalee. Some enraged people destroyed a few of these deserted places.
On the following day more organized efforts were made by Tamil youths to continue the hartal. However the element of genuine spontaneity prevalent on the first day was lost.
On Wednesday January 4, the bodies of the five victims were lying in their respective homes. They were all born in the same year on different dates.
They had schooled together and now had died on the same day.
Shanmugarajah Gajendran born on September 16 was living on Vidyalayam lane; Lohitharaja Rohan born on April 7 was from Sivan Kovil road; Thangathurai Sivanantha born on April 6 was a resident of Vanniya lane; Yogaraja Hemachandran born on March 4 lived on Customs street; Manoharan Rajihar born on September 22 lived on St. Mary’s road.
Trincomalee town was grief stricken. People flocked to the houses of the victims. Again those condoling with the families were not only Tamils but many Sinhala and Muslim families as well. Everyone knew what had really happened and of the innocence of the victims. The student population turned up in large numbers. The certificates, cups and medals won by the victims were laid out by their coffins.
On Thursday January 5, the funeral was held at the Srikonewara Hindu College generally known as Trinco Hindu. The institution had a grand tradition of over a hundred years. Among its distinguished former Principals was the great Tamil scholar Swamy Vipulananda who went on to become the first Tamil professor of Annamalai University in Tamil Nadu.
The Principal Mr. M. Rajaratnam was distraught by the developments. A special dais was constructed on the day of the final farewell at the College grounds. The bodies were brought in individual processions to the College. Religious leaders of the Hindu, Christian and Islamic faiths addressed the mourners. Student representatives and Principal Rajaratnam also made speeches. They were emotional but eloquent. One thing rankling was the unjust charge that the victims were Tigers. Every speaker refuted the accusation and condemned those responsible. Finally the five bodies were taken in procession through the streets of Trincomalee to the Hindu burial grounds near Ehamparam road. Once again a few checkposts were attacked on the way. Security personnel were pointedly absent. At Madathady some lumpen elements close to the JVP started throwing stones. They were quickly checked by the police providing security.
Trincomalee had not seen such a large funeral procession after the one for former Federal Party MP Rajavarothayam.
After last rites were performed the five friends, inseparable in life and in death, were laid to rest.
Meanwhile the Trincomalee Magistrate began his judicial inquiry. He spoke to the two youths receiving treatment at the ICU. One was Yogarajah Poongulalon and the other Pararajasingham Kokulraj. Though conscious the condition of one had not yet passed the critical stage. Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan and the woman lawyer Subashini Chitravelu also made statements before the Magistrate. Subashini is the sister of Mrs. Thangathurai the mother of Sivananda the Moratuwa undergraduate.
Incidently the Tamil students at Moratuwa University wanted to mourn the death of their fellow student but were fearful because he had been branded a Tiger terrorist. But thanks to the praiseworthy professionalism of Dr. Gamini Gunatunga an ethnic Sinhala person the attempt to frame the victims as Tigers was failing. The security propagandists who said the grenades had exploded accidently revised their position and said that there was a shootout.
Slowly, open minded people were beginning to realise the terrible truth behind the Trincomalee tragedy. Pressure began mounting on the Government with even Amnesty International commenting on it. A TNA delegation made out a strong case in a meeting with Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The President pledged firmly that he would probe the incident and punish the culprits.
On the other hand attempts were being made to suppress the truth too.
The witnesses who testified at the inquiry were subjected to several threatening calls in Sinhala. The families of the victims were also intimidated. They also began suspecting that they were being watched.
The JVP sponsored hartal in Trincomalee included a new demand that no inquiry should be held into the Trincomalee deaths. Interested parties were also pressuring the President to let go or face demoralization among the forces.
Mahinda Rajapaksa faced a difficult situation. He was a man who had championed human rights for decades. As he himself once said, “Mahinda is a man of human rights”. Now he is challenged to prove that his commitment to human rights and justice is non-negotiable. Mahinda also announced after his victory that henceforth he would not belong to any ethnicity or group in the discharge of his duties. The time has now come for Mahinda to prove his mettle.
President Rajapaksa must realise that protecting the riff-raff in the armed forces will not raise its morale. Punishing the guilty, criminal elements would not demoralise the armed forces. On the contrary every self-respecting member of the armed forces would only be happy that these vermin bringing the entire security forces to disrepute are identified and punished. The onus then is on Mahinda the man of human rights to take the correct decision.
The entire truth behind the terrible tragedy in Trincomalee can be uncovered only through a genuine inquiry. For this the two injured youths, families of the victims and other knowldegeable people have to be protected. Moreover the guilty ones should not only be identified but penalised effectively.
This takes moral and political courage but let us hope that the “Weeraketiya Sinhaya” has what it takes. All fair minded Sinhala people who comprise the silent majority in the country will definitely support him.

Ranil Wickremesinghe, Tissa Attanayake and Sajith Premadasa

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s hold on power at the helm of the UNP has become tenuous at best. This past week it dawned on him, quite how hard it is to maintain party discipline and retain at least a façade of party unity.
Last Wednesday a fund-raising event was held in the Kalutara constituency under the stewardship of the Kalutara Chief Organiser, Lakshman Wijemanne. The event was  attended by party leader Wickremesinghe, Ravi Karunanayake, Tissa Attanayake, Karu Jayasuriya and other senior stalwarts. With differences apparently consigned to the backburner if not mostly forgotten, the fundraiser was quite a success. The final tally showed a healthy Rs. 550,000 collected towards the party’s funds.
However it was not missed that Sajith Premadasa had become conspicuous by his absence in Kalutara. Premadasa’s dislike of Lakshman Wijemanne is well known with Sajith considering Wijemanne as one of Ranil’s trusted acolytes. This precluded him from sending out a discrete message to Wijemanne that he too would be willing to attend the function. Instead, Wijemanne had to contend with the fact that Sajith was not too far off: in fact in the adjoining constituency of Panadura where he was indulging in his own programme which raises monies for donation to Buddhists temples (Sasunata Aruna).
It was also not lost on many that the crowds would have been better had there not been two venues in adjoining constituencies. Had there been a single meeting in Kalutara the crowds would have been much larger and arguably possible for even more funding to have been credited to the UNP’s bank balance. The lack of pro-active action from the new National Organiser Daya Gamage was partly to blame for the two venues on the same day, in adjoining constituencies. Party leader Wickremesinghe has now instructed Gamage to be more alert and to prevent such duplication especially since both meetings were in close proximity to each other.
A day later a protest rally (Podhu Vipakshaya) was held near the clock tower in the centre of Panadura. Previously it had been agreed that the leaders of the various opposition parties would address the crowds at the joint protests. The UNP was represented by its leader Wickremesinghe. After the leaders of the smaller opposition parties like Wickramabahu and Mano Ganeshan had spoken it was the turn of the star speaker, Wickremesinghe to address the crowd of a around 3,000 people. As he finished speaking he handed the microphone over to an aide. The microphone was taken by a Premaasa supporter but was then taken back by Wickremesinghe.
The Opposition Leader then gave the microphone to someone else and made his way towards the head of the procession. The microphone was then handed over to Premadasa who started to address the crowd. Ranil meanwhile was making his way towards his vehicle at the head of the procession which had by now depleted in  numbers. As Premadasa took the microphone and started to speak, the crowds were split up: some following the Leader and the others remaining to hear Premadasa. However what was heard the most was that Wickremesinghe was hooted at and booed right up to him getting into his vehicle and speeding away. Wickremesinghe was livid that his well laid out strategy of presenting a single ‘leader only’ voice as the focus of the protests against the government had gone awry.
Many of the Party faithful were astounded that the party machinery allowed such an event to take place especially knowing that Wickremesinghe can do with all the positive publicity he can garner. Some also questioned as to why if Premadasa was as popular as is widely claimed, there was a need for him to go over the Leader’s head and address the crowds and cause a further rift in the UNP when in fact Premadasa was doing precisely nought in his own district, Hambantota. By not organizing any form of protests against the escalating prices including fuel, diesel and kerosene has led to charges that Premadasa is unlikely to take a hard line stance against the government – leaving Hambantota District one of the few places not to have experienced any form of popular protests and paving the way for President Rajapaksa  to further strengthen his stranglehold on that district. Said a former UNP parliamentarian, “Premadasa will be at any event which he perceives as being a positive for him. He does not care a hoot if the event will not generate positivity for him; he appears to run away from even jesting with the First Family.”